President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s historic victory and assumption of office on May 29, 2023, marked a significant turning point in Nigeria’s democratic journey. His commitment to democracy and visionary leadership, encapsulated in the 8-Point Renewed Hope Agenda, have inspired confidence and trust among Nigerians, promising a new era of hope and transformation.

Economic Rebirth: Facing economic turmoil, widespread poverty, and rising unemployment, President Tinubu implemented bold reforms to stabilise the economy. The withdrawal of the unsustainable fuel subsidy and the unification of the FOREX market were pivotal steps, redirecting funds to critical sectors like healthcare, education, and infrastructure. These measures have reduced petrol importation by 50% and boosted investor confidence, making the Nigerian Stock Exchange the top-performing bourse globally.

Strengthening National Security: President Tinubu has prioritised national security, leading to significant investments in modernising and equipping the nation’s security forces.Over 4,600 hostages have been freed, more than 9,300 hostiles neutralized, and over 7,000 terrorists and bandits arrested. Establishing the N50 billion Pulako Initiative and annually recruiting 30,000 new police personnel further underscore the administration’s commitment to a safer Nigeria.

Boosting Agriculture and Food Security: To tackle food security, the administration declared a state of emergency and launched the National Agricultural Development Fund with N100 billion. Initiatives like the Dry Season Farming Initiative and the Green Imperative Programme aim to promote year-round farming and provide farmers with access to modern equipment and low-interest loans, ensuring a stable food supply.

Unlocking Energy and Natural Resources: The Renewed Hope Agenda focuses on developing renewable energy sources and enhancing the efficiency of the oil and gas sector. Policy directives have improved the investment climate, increased crude oil and NLNG production, and initiated significant projects like rehabilitating the Port Harcourt refinery and constructing the Ajaokuta-Abuja-Kano Gas Pipeline.


Transforming Infrastructure and Transportation: Significant investments in infrastructure are underway, including operationalising the Port Harcourt-Aba rail line and constructing the Lagos-Calabar Super Highway. The Renewed Hope Infrastructure Development Fund aims to raise N20 trillion to deliver critical projects and modernise ports and aviation facilities, creating an enabling environment for businesses.


Improving Education, Health, and Social Investment: The administration is expanding primary health centres and upgrading tertiary hospitals, ensuring better access to healthcare. The Student Loans Act 2024 and the establishment of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund highlight a commitment to broadening access to education. Social welfare schemes, including cash transfers and microcredit programmes, aim to uplift vulnerable households and support small businesses.

Accelerated Diversification through Youth-Driven Industrialization, Digitization, and Innovation: Recognising the youth as invaluable assets, the administration has launched initiatives like the Three Million Technical Talent Initiative and the iDICE Programme to empower young Nigerians with digital skills. The National Job Centre and the National Talent Programme aim to create employment opportunities and support youth-owned enterprises.

Improved Governance for Effective Service Delivery: To enhance service delivery, the administration has introduced the MOBILIZER app for citizen engagement and launched the Citizens’ Delivery Tracker App to assess public officials’ performance. Reforms recommended by the Oronsaye Report aim to rationalise and restructure government agencies, increasing transparency and efficiency.

Conclusion: The Renewed Hope Agenda is a comprehensive strategy driving Nigeria towards sustainable development and improved quality of life. President Tinubu’s administration is laying the foundation for lasting progress and a brighter future for all Nigerians through strategic investments, youth empowerment, and improved governance.

Introduction

Nigeria’s democratic journey has often been met with challenges. But President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s electionmarked a significant turning point. His historic victory and assumption of office on May 29, 2023, heralded a new era of hope and transformation for the nation.

As a statesman with remarkable credentials and a commitment to democracy, President Tinubu has long been a unifyingforce across Nigeria. His tireless efforts in building bridges and listening to Nigerians’ concerns, hopes, and aspirations have positioned him as a leader capable of realising the dreams of a united, prosperous, and inclusive Nigeria. His vision is encapsulated in the 8-Point Renewed Hope Agenda, which has inspired confidence and trust among the electorate.

The 8-Point Renewed Hope Agenda

1 Reforming the Economy for Inclusive Growth
2 Strengthening National Security
3 Boosting Agriculture for Food Security
4 Unlocking Energy and Natural Resources
5 Enhancing Infrastructure and Transportation
6 Focusing on Education, Health, and Social Investment
7 Accelerating Diversification through Industrialisation, Digitisation, Creative Arts, Manufacturing, and Innovation
8 Improving Governance for Effective Service Delivery
Economic Rebirth

President Tinubu assumed office during one of Nigeria’s most challenging periods, marked by economic turmoil, widespread poverty, rising unemployment, and public disillusionment. Faced with these daunting realities, the administration took decisive action and implemented long-overdue reforms to save the economy from collapse.

Bold and strategic measures were necessary to address the deep-rooted structural deficiencies and systemic challenges that plagued the economy. Despite our country’s complexities and some citizens’ resistance to change, President Tinubu remained resolute in his commitment to steering the nation toward stability and prosperity.

One of the foremost steps was the withdrawal of the unsustainable fuel subsidy, which drained approximately $10 billion annually, or 2% of the nation’s GDP. This move allowed for the redirection of funds towards critical sectors such as healthcare, education, infrastructure, and security, which directly impact citizens’ well-being and prosperity. The policy has already led to a 50% reduction in petrol importation and increased monthly receipts for states and local governments from the Federal Accounts Allocation Committee (FAAC).

The administration also ended the foreign exchange subsidy, unifying the FOREX rate market to reflect the actual value of the Naira. Reforms in the Bureau De Change (BDC) operations and the lifting of FOREX restrictions on certain imports boosted investor confidence. These measures helped the Central Bank of Nigeria settle a $7 billion backlog in foreign exchange, making the Nigerian Stock Exchange the top-performing bourse globally and the Naira one of the top-performing currencies as of April 2024.

Reforms in the power sector aim to sustain electricity subsidies for 85% of Nigerian consumers, cutting back on subsidies for affluent individuals, businesses, and industrial clusters. The establishment of a Presidential Fiscal Policy and Tax Reform Committee seeks to reform the tax system and reduce the tax burden on Nigerians.

The administration’s removal of fuel subsidy was accompanied by comprehensive intervention programmes to cushion the transitional pains of the policy. These programmes include:

1. A wage award of N35,000 monthly for civil servants for six months.
2. Setting up a tripartite committee to work out a new minimum wage for workers.
3. Establishing an Infrastructure Support Fund for states.
4. Launching a N100 billion CNG bus rollout programme.
5. Commencing a monthly Conditional Cash Transfer of N25,000 to 15 million vulnerable households for three months.
6. Providing N50 billion in Conditional Grants to one million nano-businesses and a N75 billion fund to support manufacturing enterprises.
7. Launching the National Philanthropy Office (NPO) to mobilise $200 million in private investments.
8. Establishing a N5 billion single-digit interest fund in partnership with Sterling Bank through the Small and Medium Enterprises Development Agency of Nigeria (SMEDAN).
On the international front, President Tinubu has actively pursued foreign direct investment, enhanced international partnerships, and showcased Nigeria’s vast opportunities. These efforts have already garnered interest in investing over $30 billion in key sectors of the nation’s economy.

Strengthening National Security for Peace and Prosperity
Nigeria’s ongoing battle with banditry, kidnapping, insurgency, and other security challenges remains a formidable threat. President Tinubu has prioritised securing lives and properties in his Renewed Hope Agenda.

Significant investments in modernizing and equipping the nation’s security forces have yielded results: over 4,600 hostages have been freed, more than 9,300 hostiles neutralized, and over 7,000 terrorists, bandits, and criminals arrested. Additionally, over 4,800 assorted weapons and more than 93,900 rounds of ammunition have been recovered from June 2023 to date.

The Nigerian Air Force has added five new aircraft to its fleet, including two Diamond 62 surveillance aircraft, two T-129 ATAK helicopters, and one King Air 360 ER, enhancing the fight against banditry and terrorism. A 2,200-member Mines Marshal Corps was also established to secure mining sites and curb illegal mining.

The annual recruitment of 30,000 new personnel into the Nigeria Police Force, up from 10,000, underscores the government’s commitment to bolstering security. Efforts have also led to the deactivation of over 120 illegal oil refining sites, the seizure of 90 wooden boats, and the arrest of over 70 suspects and 14 vessels, thanks to the acquisition of advanced patrol vessels.

The Federal Government launched the N50 billion Pulako Initiative targeting seven states—Katsina, Zamfara, Sokoto, Niger, Kaduna, Benue, and Kebbi—to combat banditry and cattle rustling. This initiative supports conflict resolution, community reconstruction, and assistance to farmers and herders. Vice President Kashim Shettima inaugurated the Steering Committee for the Initiative on February 13, 2024.

President Tinubu’s comprehensive security strategies address the root causes of insecurity, aiming to create a safer environment where citizens can live without fear.

Boosting Agriculture and Food Security

To ensure food sufficiency and tackle rising food prices, President Tinubu declared a state of emergency on food security and renamed the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Development to the Federal Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security. The administration launched the National Agricultural Development Fund with N100 billion to address agricultural financing challenges. Additionally, 42,000 metric tonnes of assorted grains, including sorghum, millet, maize from the National Strategic Grain Reserves and 60,000 metric tonnes of rice through millers were released to vulnerable Nigerians through the 36 state governors and the FCT, in a bidto stabilise food supply. The Central Bank donated 2.15 million bags of fertiliser worth N100 billion to support farming.

The administration introduced the Dry Season Farming Initiative on 500,000 hectares of farmland, financed by the African Development Bank with $134 million to promote year-round farming. Partnerships with John Deere aim to supply 2,000 tractors annually for five years under a uniquefinancing arrangement supported by low-interest loans from the Bank of Agriculture. The Green Imperative Programme, a $1 billion bilateral partnership with the Brazilian Government, aims to provide farmers access to machines, equipment, and training. The Bank of Agriculture will support Nigerian farmers with low-interest loans to purchase fertilisers. Additionally, there is a N141 billion credit facility from a Japanese agency for agricultural scheme projects.

Unlocking Energy and Natural Resources for Sustainable Development

The nation’s sustainable development critically relies on its energy and natural resources. The Renewed Hope Agenda focuses on developing renewable energy sources, enhancing the efficiency of the oil and gas sector, and ensuring that solid mineral resources benefit local communities and the nation.

To harness the nation’s resources and diversify the economy for the benefit of all Nigerians, President Tinubu executed policy directives to improve the investment climate and position Nigeria as the preferred investment destination for Africa’s oil and gas sector. Through enhanced security in the Niger Delta Region, the nation is witnessing a sustained increase in crude oil production, which rose from 1.22 million barrels per day in Q2 2023 to 1.6 million barrels per day in Q1 2024. The Nigerian Liquefied Natural Gas (NLNG) production also increased from 57% in 2023 to 70% presently.

The successful completion of the rehabilitation of the Port Harcourt refinery is already a potential boost to local refining capacity in the country. Additionally, the payment of $1.3 billion in debts owed to gas firms ensures a sustained gas supply to power-generating companies across the country.

President Tinubu’s pursuit of purposeful policy in the sector is notably reflected in the widely acclaimed three Executive Orders: the Oil and Gas Companies (Tax Incentives, Exemption, Remission, etc.) Order, 2024; the Presidential Directive on Local Content Compliance Requirements, 2024; and the Presidential Directive on Reduction of Petroleum Sector Contracting Costs and Timelines, 2024. These orders suggest a strong desire to amend primary legislation and introduce fiscal incentives for oil and gas projects, reduce contracting costs and timelines, and promote cost efficiency in local content requirements.

The Executive Orders explicitly target over $10 billion in investment in the nation’s oil and gas sector. They streamline contracting processes, procedures, and timelines from 36 months to six months, ensuring that local content requirements are implemented without impeding investment.

In a complementary strategic move, the CNG Initiative introduced by the President indicates a game-changing direction to reduce the cost of production and transportation in the country following the withdrawal of fuel subsidy. Following this development, an N100 billion Presidential CNG initiative for procuring CNG-powered vehicles, conversion toolkits, and refuelling sites has been activated. This has attracted over $50 million in private investment within the last six months.

The Tinubu administration’s effort to deepen CNG adoption has been largely acknowledged in several initiatives, including the concerted efforts to complete the construction of the Ajaokuta-Abuja-Kano (AKK) Gas Pipeline Project and the recent commissioning of three gas projects in Delta and Imo State. These initiatives underscore the administration’s vision to ensure self-sufficiency in gas for domestic consumption and export.

In the non-oil sector, Nigeria’s economic prosperity is also associated with solid mineral resources. Scientific data confirm the abundance of precious minerals such as gold, manganese, bitumen, lithium, iron ore, lead, zinc, limestone, uranium, columbite, barite, kaolin, gemstones, coal, topaz, and copper.

To fully harness the potential in the solid minerals sector, the administration is pursuing a Seven Point Agenda, which includes:

1. The creation of the Nigerian Solid Minerals Corporation.
2. Joint ventures with mining multinationals.
3. Big Data on seven priority minerals and their deposits.
4. A grace period for illegal miners to join artisanal cooperatives.
5. The introduction of a Mines Surveillance Task Force and Mine Police.
6. A comprehensive review of all mining licenses.
7. Six mineral processing centres were created to focus on value-added products.
Transforming Infrastructure and Transportation for Economic Growth

Infrastructure and transportation are critical enablers of economic growth. The Renewed Hope Agenda includes significant investments in roads, railways, ports, and airports to facilitate trade and movement.

The Court of Appeal in Abuja has unanimously overturned the judgment of Justice Othman Musa of the FCT High Court, which had earlier ordered property developer, Cecil Osakwe, the CEO of Abeh Signature Ltd, to refund N150m (One Hundred and Fifty Million Naira) to Ms. Asabe Waziri. The earlier February 17, 2022, decision also ordered Ms. Waziri to vacate the 2-bedroom property she purchased from Osakwe.

It will be recalled that sometime in 2021, Ms. Asabe Waziri purchased a property from Abeh Signature Limited promoted by Cecil Osakwe.

However, almost a year after the property was purchased, Mr. Cecil Osakwe sought to repudiate the contract on the ground of spurious money laundering allegations, which was only a masked attempt to take advantage of the increased valuation of the property.

Following Ms. Asabe' refusal to yield to Cecil Osawke and Abeh Signature Ltd's unlawful demands, Abeh Signature Ltd instituted an action at the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, presided over by Hon. Justice Othman Musa, who ruled in favour of Abeh Signature Ltd.

Abeh Signature Ltd and Cecil Osakwe will latter rely on the judgment to harass, blackmail, malign and unlawfully evict Ms. Asabe Waziri, despite the pendency of a valid order of the court of Appeal directing parties to maintain status quo ante bellum..

However, in a unanimous verdict, the three-judge panel of the Court of Appeal led by Justice Hamma Akawu Barka, comprising Justices Abba Bello Mohammed, and Okon Efreti Abang, delivering a judgment on the Appeal filed by Ms. Asabe Waziri through her lawyer, Henry Eni-Out, came down heavily on Abeh Signature Ltd and held that the attempt to criminalise the transaction was a smokescreen, having benefitted from it by receiving the purchase fee. The penultimate Court specifically held that Abeh Signature Ltd has not been able to prove any allegations of money laundering.

The Court of Appeal declared that the judgment of the trial court was not supported by credible evidence and constituted a miscarriage of justice.

Justice Barka, in his lead judgment stated:
“It is clear that the respondent, having benefitted more from the transaction, seeks to vitiate the contract possibly to further benefit from it. I agree with the appellant’s counsel that the appeal is destined for success and should be allowed. Hence, having resolved all issues in favor of the appellant, this appeal succeeds and is hereby allowed. The judgment of the High Court of the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja in suit No: CV/2435/2021, delivered on February 17, 2022, is hereby set aside, and all actions taken consequent to the said judgment also stand vacated. The appellant is entitled to costs assessed at N500,000 (five hundred thousand Naira only). Appeal allowed.”

Dr. Sam Maduka Onyishi (MON), the founder of Maduka University and Peace Mass Transit, has been named the recipient of the prestigious Vanguard Innovative Investor of the Year award.

On Friday, March 23, 2024, the Vanguard team, led by Editor Eze Anaba, presented Dr. Maduka with the letter of award notification at his Enugu office.

The award recognises individuals who have significantly impacted business and capital development.

[b]Anaba claims that Maduka's transformative work with Peace Mass Transit in the transport sector, as well as his pioneering contributions to the education sector through Maduka University, led to his selection for the honor.

Eze Anaba, Editor of Vanguard, said in his speech, "Dr. Maduka's achievements in business and education are truly remarkable, making him a deserving recipient of our Innovative Investor of the Year award.

"Dr. Maduka's transformative impact in the transportation sector through Peace Mass Transit is nothing short of remarkable." He has revolutionised the industry, setting new standards for efficiency and service excellence.

"His dedication to providing quality education is evident in the strides Maduka University Enugu has made within a short span of time."

Expressing his gratitude, Dr. Maduka remarked on the significance of this award from Vanguard, acknowledging that while he has received numerous accolades in the past, this one holds a special place for him.[/b]

"This recognition from Vanguard Newspaper deeply honours me," he said. It serves as a testament to the hard work and dedication of our team at Peace Mass Transit and Maduka University."
"I am grateful for this recognition, especially considering the esteemed nature of this award. It will surely inspire us to continue our pursuit of excellence and innovation.”

The award ceromony will hold on May 24, at Eko hotel Lagos

3. Interference with Legal Proceedings: Judges do not live on the island, Venus, Moon, Neptune or Mars. They live on earth and interact with members of the society. Media attention can influence judges, potentially leading to unfair trials. It can be difficult for a defendant to receive a fair trial when public opinion has been heavily influenced against him by biased media coverage. In the case of Rajendra Jawanmal Gandhi v. State of Maharashtra, (1997) 8 SCC 386, the Supreme Court of India noted that a trial by press, electronic media, or public agitation is the exact opposite of the rule of law. It held further that Judges should protect themselves from such pressure and scrupulously adhere to the rule of law since failure to do so could result in a miscarriage of justice. Parties are entitled by the Constitution to a fair trial in a court of law by an unbiased tribunal that is not swayed by popular culture or media coverage.

4. Violation of Privacy and Dignity: Suspects, especially those who are later found innocent, can suffer irreversible and irreparable damage to their reputation, mental health, and livelihood due to intrusive media coverage. See section 37 of the 1999 Constitution.

5. Impact on Investigation: Media trials can jeopardize investigations by prematurely revealing sensitive information or influencing potential witnesses or suspects.

6. Undermining Trust in the Justice System: When the public perceives that justice is being served through media sensationalism rather than through fair legal processes, it can erode public confidence and trust in the judiciary and law enforcement agencies. This is the situation our judiciary has found itself. When a wealthy man who is accused of looting the state treasury is acquitted of corruption-related charges, some members of the public readily accuse the judiciary of complicity. Because some Nigerians do not trust the judiciary, they believe, courtesy of media trial, that the judiciary is a tool of the ruling class to consolidate or legitimize their hold on power and the society.

7. Political Manipulation: In some cases, media trials may be used as a tool by powerful interests to manipulate public opinion, discredit political opponents, or distract from other issues. The ongoing trial of the former CBN Governor, Mr. Godwin Emefiele, is a perfect example. Virtually all the bad economic policies of the President Buhari government have been attributed to the leadership of the apex bank under Emefiele and the Bank Managing Directors. Was this really the case? Was Buhari not in charge?

There are many instances when suspects who had been subjected to needless media trial were later vindicated by courts of law. Let us see some examples:
(i) The siege and break-in through the roof on the residence, ‘abduction’ and subsequent arrest and arraignment by the EFCC in a clearly orchestrated media trial of former Governor Rochas Okorocha of Imo State. He was later discharged and acquitted.
(ii) The trial and subsequent discharge and acquittal, only last month, by the Federal High Court sitting in Lagos, of the former Director-General of NIMASA, Mr Patrick Akpobolokemi, after over eight years on trumped up charges of conspiracy, stealing and fraudulent conversion involving the sum of ₦8.5billion. The court, coram, Justice Ayokunle Faji, upheld his Counsel’s no-case submission that the Commission had failed to make a prima facie case requiring him to enter his defence in respect of four out of six charges laid against him by the Commission. This was after eight years of gruesome trial and media hype, with Akpobolokemi, being physically dragged on the ground in one instance.




The discharge and acquittal earlier this year of the erstwhile Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice under the Administration of the former President Goodluck Jonathan, Mr Mohammed Bello Adoke and some companies by the Federal High Court, Abuja (Ekwo, J) and the High Court of the FCT (Kutigi J), on charges of money laundering and abuse of office after over four years of hyped media trial which the latter court strongly condemned and for which it excoriated the Commission for the slip-shod manner in which it undertook what, to all intents and purposes, was a persecution rather than precaution. The investigation into the alleged offences was anything but diligent, forcing the Commission’s own Counsel (to his credit) to throw in the towel and admit that he could not, in all honesty, support their continuing trial. I had gotten vacated and set aside the Bench warrant earlier issued against Adoke by Danlami Zama Senchi (now of the Court of Appeal). I was the one who also argued Adoke’s bail applications before Justices Inyang Ekwo and Idris Legbo Kutigi.
Also apposite are the nasty experiences of former Senator Dino Melaye whose cases I also handled; and that of the Supreme Court Justices way back in 2016 (even though the latter was perpetrated by a sister agency, the DSS) .

What about late High Chief Aleogho Raymond Dokpesi? He was later discharged on a no case submission after over eight years of horrid trial in which I secured his bail in 2015! The cases of Col. Sambo Dasuki, El Zakzaky and Elder Godsday Orube are well too known to enlist elucidation here.

The Commission surely had full knowledge of the ex-parte order made by the Kogi State High Court which had restrained the Commission from arresting Yahaya Bello. Yet, it laid a siege on Bello’s Abuja residence. The entire drama (which played out in the full glare of television cameras) was nothing short of disdain for the rule of law and the sanctity of court orders. It is trite law that, until a valid and duly issued court order is set aside either by the same or another court of superior or co-ordinate jurisdiction, it must be obeyed and complied with to the hilt.

The proper remedy open to the Commission which disagreed with the order was to challenge it and seek its reversal at the appellate court as it later did, and certainly not to flout or disobey it under any disguise. Needless to say that disobedience to court orders is a feature of self-help only in a society where anything goes; where life is poor, solitary, nasty, brutish and short, to quote the English Philosopher, Thomas John Hobbes. We must never allow Nigeria to degenerate to such a nadir state where government institutions disobey court orders with impunity. That is a ready recipe for organized disenchantment.

Indeed, so important is obedience of court order that it is given constitutional imprimatur in Section 287 of the 1999 Constitution.

In this regard, in FCDA V KORIPAMO-AGARY (2010) LPELR-4148 (CA), Mary Ukaego Peter-Odili, J.C.A (as he then was) held that:

“The Court frowns at disobedience of its orders; particularly by the executive branch of government and has used rather harsh language such as 'executive lawlessness', in describing such acts of disobedience. On the application of an aggrieved party, the Court has in appropriate cases, not hesitated to exercise its coercive power to set aside such acts done in disobedience of its order and restore the parties to the position they were before such disobedience. The rationale for this course of action by the Court is to ensure the enthronement of the rule of law rather than acquiesce in resorting to self-help by a party. The Court also has the power of sequestration and committal against persons disobeying its orders. It is an overgeneralization and therefore wrong to say that an act done in disobedience of a Court order is an illegality”.

See also ALL PROGRESSIVE CONGRESS & 2 ORS V HON DANLADI IDRIS KARFI & 2 ORS [2018] 6 NWLR (Pt 1616) 479, 493 SC and EZEKIEL-HART V EZEKIEL-HART [1990] NWLR (pt 126) 276. where the Supreme Court upheld the same principle.

By the same token, it is also settled that once the court is seised of a matter, it becomes dominus litis (master of the proceedings) and no party is allowed to take any step that will either overreach the court or the other party or present the court with a situation of fait accompli or complete helplessness in which whatever orders it makes might either be rendered nugatory or unenforceable. Such will be an affront on the court. See Ojukwu v. Governor of Lagos State (1986) 3NWLR (Pt 26) 39.

CONCLUSION

The judgment delivered by the High Court of Kogi State on April 17, 2024, finally vindicated Yahaya Bello on this issue as the court pointedly held:
"Thus, the serial action of the Respondent, dating back to 2021, right up to 2024, targeted against the applicant, has corroded their legitimate statutory duties of investigation and prosecution of financial crimes. These collective infractions on the rights of the applicant border on infringement of his fundamental right from discrimination”.

Central to the court's rebuke is the condemnation of the anti-graft agency's reliance on media sensationalism, characterized as a form of trial by public opinion. The court firmly asserted the principle that the agency's role is not to act as both prosecutor and Judge simultaneously; but rather to present evidence within the confines of due procedure. This critique underscores the imperative of upholding the rule of law and granting individuals, including Bello, their rightful day in court devoid of extrajudicial influences.

Beyond the specifics of Bello's case, there is need for a paradigm shift whereby agencies such as the EFCC, Police, ICPC, DSS et al, adopt a more public-friendly stance akin to their counterparts in advanced jurisdictions such as the United States, the United Kingdom and many European states. The importance of viewing law enforcement as a Service rather than as a Force, underscores the necessity of cultivating public trust and confidence through transparent, law-abiding practices. I hereby emphasize and advocate (as I have always done), strong institutions; not strong men.

We must, therefore, strike a balance between reporting matters that are of public interest and respect for the dignity of persons. In India, the Law Commission in its 200th report, “Trial by Media: Free Speech versus Fair Trial under Criminal Procedure (Amendments to the Contempt of Courts Act, 1971)”, has recommended a law to debar the media from reporting anything prejudicial to the rights of the accused in criminal cases, from the time of arrest to investigation and trial.

No individual, regardless of his position or authority, is above the law. There is no exception in the sense that even those who are protected from prosecution by the immunity clause in section 308 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, as amended, will after vacating the office be answerable like all other citizens and subject themselves willingly or unwillingly to the law. By holding both governmental and non-governmental actors accountable to the law, a commitment to fostering a culture of accountability and respect for individual rights is built and maintained.

Be that as it may, the laid down procedures must be followed accordingly. Where such laid down procedures are not tenaciously complied with, it will become an agency of government dictating its own rules, procedures and modus operandi. This is only typical of an autocratic, despotic and dictatorial government which we do not operate. It is in the light of this that the Commission and all other agencies established by laws must ensure that they conduct their operations within the ambit of the laws that established them. The concept of rule of law entails that all actions of government must be carried out as spelt out by the law without any form of self-help. In an ideal society where everyone, the leaders, the followers and the law enforcement agencies follow the law, a pattern develops where there can be a reasonable expectation of what will occur in any given situation. And ultimately, this provides security and safety as people do not need to panic out of uncertainty or feel worried about any situation since what will happen is readily predictable.

In the light of these considerations, there is need for a reevaluation of law enforcement practices and a renewed dedication to upholding the rule of law. There must be a balance of the imperatives of justice with the protection of individual rights, particularly in the face of media scrutiny and public pressure.
For now, citizen Yahaya Bello wears the toga of victimhood and not of aggression. He should be allowed to have his fair day in court without the present needless ruckus and brouhaha.

The nation has been agog with news of the ongoing face-off between the EFCC and the immediate past Governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello and the others over the (EFCC)’s attempt to arrest Bello in connection with alleged official corruption involving the sum of 80.2 billion naira which he allegedly misappropriated while in office for eight years as Kogi State Governor.

Accusations and counter-accusations have raged back and forth between both camps (with not a few officious by-standers proffering gratuitous, ill-informed advice in the guise of opinions). As usual, the truth is always the first casualty. In this case, it is worsened by the fact that the matter is the subject of on-going litigation before at least two different courts: a High Court in the former Governor’s home State of Kogi and the Federal High Court in Abuja. The situation has been compounded by the order of injunction granted by a Kogi State High Court restraining the Commission from arresting or attempting to arrest the former Governor. The alleged breach of the order so irked the judge who issued it that he apparently had no option but to cite the EFCC boss for contempt. That order has been stayed by the Court of Appeal. Because these proceedings are ongoing, no more will be said on them.

Let me stress here that I am neither on the side of Yahaya Bello, nor that of the EFCC, or the Government of Kogi State whose funds are allegedly at the heart of the dispute. I will not cry more than the bereaved. My intervention here is limited to the legal ramifications and propriety of the steps taken so far by both sides of the divide.



BACKGROUND
Before Bello’s Abuja house was raided in a gestapo-like manner on April 17, 2024, Bello had, believing that his fundamental human rights were being threatened, approached a Kogi State High Court seeking an interim restraining order against the EFCC (Commission) pending the determination of a substantive suit before the court.
Justice Isa Abdullahi (presiding), who was satisfied with the grounds upon which the relief was sought, on February 9, 2024, gave an interim restraining order against the EFCC from taking any action against Bello, pending the determination of the substantive matter.
The Commission, dissatisfied, approached the Court of Appeal, Abuja, on March 11, 2024, requesting the appellate court to set aside the interim restraining order. It argued that the lower court lacked the requisite jurisdiction to assist Bello escape his deserved justice. It also argued that Bello could not stop the Commission from carrying out its statutory duties, nor use the lower court to escape its invitation, investigation and possible prosecution as the court’s order directed.

The Appeal Court adjourned hearing to April 22, 2024, while refusing to hear EFCC’s application for a stay of the order of interim injunction. In further affirming its earlier interim orders, the Kogi State High Court on April 17, 2024, delivered judgment in the substantive suit and directed the Commission to first seek the leave of the Court of Appeal before taking further steps against Bello. It granted some injunctive reliefs against the Commission “from continuing to harass, threaten to arrest or detain Bello”. The court directed the Commission to file a charge against Bello in an appropriate court if it had some reason to do so. The Commission later obtained a warrant of arrest against Bello from the Federal High Court presided over by Justice Emeka Nwite. On April 22, the anti-graft agency filed a notice of withdrawal of its appeal, predicating it on the ground that events had overtaken the appeal; while admitting that the appeal was filed out of time.

Bello’s team promptly challenged the arrest warrant by the Federal High Court and Justice Emeka Nwite has adjourned for his ruling on the propriety of his warrant of arrest against Bello.


WHEN AND HOW TO SUMMON A SUSPECT FOR INVESTIGATION BY LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES

I condemn any brute and sensational arrest of a suspect such as Bello. It does not matter the station of life of such suspect, whether high or low. Hooded DSS operatives once did it to some Justices of the Supreme Court and other Judges on 8th October, 2016, when they viciously and savagely broke into their homes in the wee hours of the morning. I had condemned it in very strong words. (See https://www.bellanaija.com/2016/10/falana-ozekhome-melaye-react-to-arrest-of-judges-by-dss/) (October 10, 2016). Some of the victims like Justice Sylvester Ngwuta, JSC (of blessed memory) never recovered from the shock. He later died. Others took early premature retirement. Was the Commission therefore right in attempting to arrest Bello in the manner it did as some commentators have approved in their writeups? I think not. The relevant provisions of the law such as Sections 8(1) of the Anti-Torture Act, 2017; Section 6 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) 2015 (applicable in Abuja, the FCT); and Section 35(2)&(3) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999, as amended, the sum total of which enjoin the fair and humane treatment of a suspect whether during his /her arrest, investigation, detention pending trial and arraignment. Was a bench warrant necessary against a suspect on whom charges had not been served as in the Bello scenario? I think not. Let us look at some decided cases on this.

In USANI V. DUKE [2006] 17 NWLR (Pt.1009)610 the Court of Appeal held thus:
"A bench warrant is a discretionary power of a court invoked to secure the attendance as in this case of an unwilling witness under the threat of contempt of court to give evidence on any area of a suit within his knowledge. It is not a discretion which is exercised as a matter of course. The court has to be satisfied that there is absolute necessity to procure the appearance of the witness in court. The lower tribunal based its refusal to issue bench warrant on non-compliance with section 229(2) of the Evidence Act." Per ADEKEYE, J.C.A. (P. 38, paras. B-E)”.

In APUGO V. FRN (2017) LPELR-41643 CA, the Court of Appeal eruditely held that:
“Section 382 (4) and (5) of the ACJA provides for how to serve a Charge and notice of trial on a Defendant, who is not in custody, … In this case, the Respondent had filed a motion exparte under section 382(5) of the ACJA 2015 to serve Appellant by substituted means. That motion was not argued, but the trial court jumped the gun and ordered for the bench warrant to arrest the Appellant: and when it found out that that was wrong, it suspended the implementation of the bench warrant (instead of setting it aside) the trial court yet still ordered the Appellant to appear on the next adjourned date to answer to the Charge against him, pursuant to section 87 of the ACJA 2015. As earlier discussed and held above, I do not think the trial court had the vires to make such order, in the circumstances as I think it went beyond its role as impartial adjudicator, to that of the Prosecutor or Police or EFCC to forcefully produce the Accused person, without serving him with any charge or notice of trial. See NWADIKE v. State (2015) LPELR- 24550 (CA), Ededet v. State (2008) 14 NWLR (Pt 1106) 52. I do not think section 87 of the ACJA 2015, can apply without recourse to section 382 of the same Act which requires a Defendant to be served personally or by substituted means with the charge or information and notice of trial. I believe it is upon compliance with section 382 (3) (4) and (5) of the Act where there is a pending charge, that the trial court can have the powers to apply the section 87 of the Act which says: “ A court has authority to compel the attendance before it of a suspect who is within the jurisdiction and is charged with an offence committed within the state Federal or the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja, as the case may be or which according to law may be dealt as if the offence had been committed within jurisdiction and to deal with the suspect according to law”. Per MBABA J.C.A J.C.A (Pp. 46-48, paras. F-F)’’.

See also sections 113, 131, 394, 398 and 399 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act 2015.

These domestic laws are reinforced by a regional (in fact, continental) statute - the African Charter on Human and Peoples Rights - Article 7 of which obliges the State (and all other persons) to respect the rights of every individual to have his (or her) cause heard. This right encompasses the following, inter alia:
(i) The right to appeal to competent national organs against violating his fundamental rights;
(ii) The right to be presumed innocent until proven guilty by a competent tribunal;
(iii) The right to defence including by Counsel of one’s choice;
(iv) The right to be tried within a reasonable time by an impartial court or tribunal.

The importance of this statute is often overlooked by many Nigerians because, apart from the Constitution, it is superior to virtually every local or municipal law - including the EFCC (Establishment) Act itself. See ABACHA VS FAWEHINMI (2000) 6 NWLR part 660, pg 228, where the Supreme Court held that the Charter possesses “greater vigour and strength than any other domestic statute… (accordingly if there is a conflict between it and another statute its provisions will prevail over those of the other Statute”)

It is in this context that I believe the Commission’s tactics in attempting to arrest Bello ought to be situated. While no one quarrels with the Commission’s full mandate to tackle economic crimes, the way and manner in which it does so must however, not portray any impunity or suggest that it is above the law. After all, the Commission’s motto is “No one is above the Law”. To that extent, the fact that the person at the centre of the present controversy is a former Governor is irrelevant: it merely hugs the headlines for that reason. Afterall, he has since lost his immunity under section 308 of the 1999 Constitution, upon vacating office. However, once a person has been charged to court as Bello has, he becomes the subject of the court which becomes seized of the matter. His availability in court is thereafter controlled by the trial court, and not another through a bench warrant.

Many a time, it is argued that the court cannot restrain government agencies from arresting, investigating or prosecuting suspects. This is far from the truth as it depends on the facts of each case. For example, the Court of Appeal in OKEKE v. IGP & Ors (2022) LPELR-58476(CA) 1 at Pp. 9 paras. A, Per NWOSU-IHEME, J.C.A (as she then was), relied on a decision of the same Court to hold that the Police can be restrained from the improper use of its powers. In the unreported case of LUNA V. COMMISSIONER OF POLICE RIVER STATE POLICE COMMAND in Appeal No CA/PH/216/2004, the Port-Harcourt Division of the intermediate court held:
“... Notwithstanding the power of the Police as spelt out in Sections 4 and 24 of the Police Act, where this Power is improperly used, the Court can stop the use of the power for that improper purpose, as that would no longer be covered by Section 35(1) (c) of the 1999 Constitution. In other words, an order restraining the Police from arresting on some particular occasion or for some particular improper purpose may be made by the Court.”

THE EVILS OF MEDIA TRIAL

The Yahaya Bello case evinces a clear case of media trial which should never be. The notion “Media Trial” or “Trial by Media” got its name in the United States of America during the period of 19th Century and became familiar with the Indian legal system in the famous, case of K.M Nanavati v. State of Maharashtra AIR 1962 SC 605.

I have, on my part, always kicked against media trial, for it presumes a person guilty even before his trial in open court. At the first National Anti-Corruption Stakeholders’ Summit held in 2017 with the theme, “Building national anti-corruption consensus in a multi-agency Environment”, which was organised by the Commission at the EFCC Academy, Karu, Abuja, I made the following remarks:
“…. All my life that is what I have done. I take it very seriously when we talk about the issue of rule of law. I do not believe in media trial. For example, a case is being investigated in EFCC, the suspect is being interrogated, tomorrow it is in a particular newspaper as to the statement made by that suspect. That suspect may never be tried. Even if he is arraigned and tried, he may never be found guilty but you have destroyed his image, his reputation. We should run away from that, it is not good. There is the need in this anti-corruption war to make an example; just one example with one person in government. I am aware of many, many petitions against people in this government”. See Nigerian Tribune edition of 28th March, 2017. (https://tribuneonlineng.com/stop-media-trial-suspects-ozekhome-tells-efcc/).

I had also in 2017, written to the Commission and presented a paper at CACOL Roundtable, titled “The A-Z and 24 “Dos” and “Don’ts” of how to fight corruption”. (See Daily Times of 24th April, 2017 – https//issuu.com/dailytimes. ng/docs/dtn-24-04-17/19). This paper is still relevant today, as it represents my contribution to the fight against corruption which I personally believe in. But, such war must be within the confines of the law. At the time of my lecture, the Commission under Ibrahim Magu had not made any attempt to try government functionaries; and I challenged it to do so. I do not know, whether it was my wakeup call that made the Commission to finally start charging people in government, especially Governors and Ministers, to court. Or, do you? I had also clashed with the former Chairman, Magu, on this sore issue on 19th December, 2017, at the Federal High Court, Abuja, at its end of year event. (See: https://www.vanguardngr.com/2017/12/anti-graft-war-magu-ozekhome-clash-fhc-end-year-event/)

THE DANGER INHERENT IN MEDIA TRIAL

Media trial which has become the order of the day in Nigeria is simply the act of using media coverage to vilify and portray a suspect or an accused person as a criminal, even without trial. In the context of Nigerian jurisprudence, a trial is an avenue to challenge the innocence of an accused person. A Media trial is an improper use of the media to tarnish the image of an accused person before, during or after a trial. It is used to dampen the resilient spirit of an accused person. The Commission used this craft greatly, especially during the tenure of Ibrahim Magu; and it greatly chipped away some nobility in its patriotic war against corruption.

The public applauds media trial. The downtrodden guffaws when the rich also cry. With this, there are more media convictions than actual convictions in the courtroom. Unfortunately, Yahaya Bello, has become the latest victim of media trial. If he is eventually acquitted, people will attribute his non-conviction to “a complicit judiciary”, (the whipping orphan).

Bello’s present ordeal may have undoubtedly brought some people immense joy. This submission has been tacitly corroborated by the Commission’s Chairman, very hard working and dedicated Mr Olanipekun Olukoyede, who stated, in a now-viral video, that the former Governor of Kogi State declined to come to the agency’s office because he complained that a female Senator had allegedly gathered journalists together to humiliate him anytime he appeared in the office of the agency for interrogation. Obviously, Bello was scared of media trial; so he avoided it. The evils of media trial are galore.

Media trials, especially in places like Nigeria, can be highly dangerous and prejudicial to a fair trial for several reasons:

1. Presumption of Innocence: Under the provisions of Section 36(5) of the 1999 Constitution, every accused person is presumed innocent until he is found guilty. Media trials often disregard the principle of “innocent until proven guilty.” When suspects are portrayed as guilty before they have had a fair trial, it can prejudice public opinion and undermine the legal process. The Muhammadu Buhari government specialised in this Goebel’s propaganda style under its “Name-and-shame” mantra. Such removes the Anglo-Saxon accusatorial system we operate and whimsically substitutes it with the French inquisitorial system.

By the provisions of section 36(5) of the 1999 Constitution, every person who is charged with a criminal offence shall be presumed to be innocent until proven guilty. This is unequivocally the position of the law, and has not changed. Article 7(1) (b) of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights 1981, also guarantees the presumption of innocence when it states as follows: every individual shall have the right to fair-hearing, that is; to have his cause heard including a right to an appeal, to be presumed innocent until proven guilty by a competent court or tribunal, and also the right to defence, including the right to be defended by Counsel of his choice. These are provisions that guide the trial of any person suspected to have committed a crime. It further extends to the right to be tried within a reasonable time by an impartial court or tribunal Thus, the presumption of innocence is the legal principle in criminal cases that one is considered innocent until proven guilty. This therefore means that until a judicial pronouncement is made, a suspect or defendant as the case may be should be treated with dignity as an innocent citizen. Anything to contrary would amount to a breach of the fundamental rights of the individual. See the cases of Tosin .v. State (2023) LPELR-59635 (CA); Onyeka .v. State (2023) LPELR-60520 (CA) and OLALERE .V. STATE (2022) LPELR-58103 (CA).


2. Mob Mentality: Inflamed by sensationalized media coverage, the public can form strong opinions and even resort to mob justice. This can lead to violence, whether against the accused or others associated with them.

It was former Presidential Spokesperson, Dr Reuben Abati that wrote an article about demons in Aso Rock Villa, and this has remained a reference.

Demons are spirits which are not visible and cannot be felt by anyone. They are in our midst at all times either as our friends, brethren, blood relatives or our very close associates. In other words, a demon is a complex being.

Just like the demon, corruption is in our midst all the time. It is a complex being too.

Perhaps, it was in his realization of the existence and potency of this corruption demon in the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) that its Chairman, Mr Ola Olukoyede, lamented publicly about what he called “the craze for gratification, and quest for bribes by some of the commission’s investigators.”

Olukoyede alluded to the fact that EFCC investigators were corrupt and he could not hide it. He said “Public opinions about the conduct of some of our investigators are adverse. The craze and quest for gratification, bribes and other compromises by some of our investigators are becoming too embarrassing and this must not continue.”

He went on to sound a note of warning, saying that he will not hesitate to wield the big stick against any form of infraction by any staff of the Commission, adding that “the image of the Commission is too important to be placed on the line by any corrupt officer.”

That was in January this year, three months after he assumed office. We are in May now, no big stick has been wielded against anyone in the EFCC. It is still business as usual.

Apart from labeling EFCC investigators as corrupt, Olukoyede also harped on the need for the anti-corruption agency to conform with international best practices in law enforcement, saying, “We are a civilised anti-graft agency. Arrest and bail would henceforth be done in line with the rule of law.”

Olukoyede, a former Executive Secretary of EFCC cannot be said to be oblivious of happenings in the Commission. He worked with Ibrahim Magu and saw how Magu was arrested in a Gestapo-like manner at the entrance of the Wuse II, Abuja office of the anti-graft agency.

After he was removed from office as EFCC secretary, Olukoyede saw how Magu’s successor, Abdulrasheed Bawa, was arrested and detained for over 100 days. He also knew how previous EFCC Chairmen before Magu, were humiliated out of office.

Therefore, Olukoyede wanted the EFCC under him to function in accordance with the rule of law. He even ordered in November last year, that sting operations at night be stopped in all the commission’s commands. He gave the directive in reaction to the raid of off-campus hostels of the Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU) Ile Ife by operatives of the agency in which 69 students were arrested.

But it appears that the demon of corruption in the EFCC have made Chairman Olukoyede to forget all that he said few months ago. If he has not, he will not be the one to mount the podium and stand in front of television cameras to defend the April 17 invasion of the Abuja residence of the former Governor of Kogi State, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, despite the pendency of a Court Order restraining the anti-graft agency from arresting him.

If not for those demons of corruption in the EFCC, I am sure that as a lawyer, he will know that once a court gives an order, it must be obeyed until set aside by a higher court. He will also be mindful that after appealing against a decision of the court, anything that will amount to overreaching the court must not be done by all parties.

He will also know that once an accused person is charged to court, he or she 7can no longer be arrested or declared wanted by the prosecuting authority except the court so directed.

Most importantly, someone who was sermonising about the EFCC operating in line with the rule of law will not stand before the press to discuss charges already filed in court against an accused person, thereby acting like he was inciting the public against the accused person and indirectly passing judgement on him.


On Yahaya Bello, it is on record that no formal invitation was made by the EFCC. Rather, the Chairman only called the former governor on phone and offered to bend the rules for him by allowing him into the Chairman’s office as a VIP.

Also, in seeking to protect his reputation and fundamental rights, Yahaya Bello filed Fundamental Rights Enforcement in Kogi State High Court on February 8, 2024 and on February 12, 2024, the Court granted an order restraining the EFCC from inviting, arresting, or prosecuting Yahaya Bello pending the determination of the Originating Motion.

Despite this order, the EFCC filed Charge No. FHC/ABJ/CR/98/2024 against Yahaya Bello on March 6, 2024 and went ahead to obtain a warrant of arrest on April 17, 2024.

As at today, EFCC is at the appeal court, challenging the April 17, 2024, judgement of Justice I.A Jamil, in suit no HCL/68/M/2020, restraining EFCC from arresting, detaining and prosecuting Yahaya Bello except as authorised by the Court.

Also, application to vacate the warrant of arrest issued against Yahaya Bello, will be determined by the Federal High Court in Abuja on May 10, 2024.

Methinks if the EFCC will follow the position of its Chairman on the rule of law, no further action will be taking on the matter until the court decides otherwise.

There will also be no need for the Commission to be at the defensive as it is now, defending why it had to disperse pro-Yahaya Bello protesters while according those who protested in its support a red carpet reception.



This is more so that emotion and sentiment apart, Yahaya Bello cannot be said to be running from investigation and prosecution. He is only using provisions of our laws to protect himself, and no one can blame him for that.

Perhaps, Yahaya Bello is acting like an antelope that was fleeing when he saw the Central Police of the Animal Kingdom pursuing a goat. When the antelope was asked why it was scared since it is not a goat, the antelope said; “With the way our law enforcement agents operate, by the time I am arrested, humiliated and detained for two weeks, I will look like a goat in the eyes of the public when paraded.”

It is therefore the EFCC that needs to focus on proving its allegations against Yahaya Bello in court and in doing this, the anti-corruption agency must operate within the ambit of the laws and stop engaging in campaign of intimidation and harassment against Nigerians. After all, an accused is presumed as innocent until convicted by the court.

But will the demon of corruption in the EFCC allow common sense and the rule of law to prevail, at least for once?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=p_QYc1R81tA?si=NDIxbS87vnB30TKg

Within the complex nature of Nigerian politics, loyalty could often come at a steep price, as evidenced by the recent tribulations faced by former governors Yahaya Bello of Kogi and Nasir El Rufai of Kaduna. These two stalwarts, known for their unwavering support of President Tinubu's presidential bid, now find themselves entangled in a web of political intrigue and betrayal, raising questions about the true nature of allegiance and the cost of loyalty in the corridors of power.

During President Tinubu's campaign and eventual victory, Bello and El Rufai emerged as prominent figures, championing his cause with fervor and dedication. Bello's commitment was particularly notable, as he not only donated his campaign office to the Tinubu presidential campaign but also spearheaded the youth arm of the movement, rallying support from grassroots levels to the highest echelons of power.

Similarly, El Rufai leveraged his influence and networks to source support for Tinubu, playing a pivotal role in mobilizing resources and galvanizing momentum behind the presidential hopeful.

Their dedication went beyond mere rhetoric, as they personally attended court sessions and spearheaded legal battles against the federal government's Naira policy, designed to frustrate Tinubu's emergence during the campaigns.

Their efforts bore fruit as they secured victories in court, effectively thwarting the federal government's attempts to undermine Tinubu's candidacy. In doing so, they not only safeguarded the interests of Nigerians but also bolstered the Tinubu campaign, offering hope to a populace weary of political machinations and desperate for change.

However, the euphoria of victory soon gave way to disillusionment and dismay, as both Bello and El Rufai found themselves ensnared in a power struggle within the presidency. Despite their unwavering loyalty and contributions to Tinubu's success, they were thwarted by powerful interests within the administration, their ambitions thwarted and their aspirations dashed.

What is perhaps most disconcerting is the lack of intervention from President Tinubu himself in the face of his allies' plight. As Bello grapples with the specter of arrest by the EFCC, seemingly politically motivated by unamed forces according to some quarters , El Rufai faces political ostracization, the conspicuous absence of support from the highest office in the land speaks volumes about the precarious nature of political alliances and the fleeting nature of loyalty in Nigerian politics. El rufai was regrettably stripped off his nomination as minister and thrown into early political retirement; he has since begun mobilising the North against 2027.

For party faithfuls across the north, these developments serve as a sobering reminder of the fragility of power and the perils of blind allegiance. As whispers of discontent grow louder and disillusionment takes hold, there is a palpable sense of unease among the ranks of Tinubu's erstwhile supporters. If these grievances remain unaddressed, the loyalty of northern faithfuls may wane, and the allegiance once pledged to Tinubu could soon shift to other, more sympathetic candidates from the north. In the volatile arena of Nigerian politics, alliances are forged and broken with alarming swiftness, and those who once stood as pillars of support may find themselves cast aside, casualties of a ruthless game of power and ambition.

Former Ogun governorship aspirant under the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Otunba Segun Showunmi, has cautioned President Bola Tinubu against antagonising members of his party who assisted his election in 2023.

In a statement he issued on Monday, he specifically mentioned former governors Nasir El-Rufai and Yahaya Bello of Kaduna and Kogi, respectively, and what he said has become their fates since leaving office.

Noting that All Progressives Congress (APC) chieftains helped Tinubu to emerge president in the 2023 election, he said they have since been experiencing political travails.

According to him, the two APC chieftains supported him, especially against Atiku Abubakar and Rabiu Kwankwaso from the north in the 2023 election.

Showunmi said: “Upon reflection on the trajectory of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu and his journey to the presidency, I find my mind wondering if my Yoruba Uncle is still the same person that I have always known and admired.

“You might need to think through this to understand me. The Yorubas already carry misconceptions about betrayal, that we don’t keep our end of the bargain. That we use and dump people. That we are cunning around the power play.


“Except Olusegun Obasanjo who as both in and outside power as military and civilian head of state kept his side of the agreement with his partners who got him into power.”

Showunmi added: “Nasir el-Rufai, say what you will about him, he supported Asiwaju fully during the primaries and the general elections. Pray, how has he been treated? Same el-Rufai now has a security report that humiliated him during a Senate clearance made up of a majority of Tinubu men! What would the world call that but betrayal?

“Now, Yahaya Adoza Bello who practically fought like a madman to give Asiwaju good numbers in Kogi not to talk of how he funded and ran the youth campaign with vigour and energy to the extent that I was so jealous compared to the disorganized charade of my PDP.

“Same Yahaya Bello who superintend over the membership registration of APC that to date I cannot but remember comparing the bliss and pageantry to the joke that my PDP ran under the Edo emperor.

“Pray, is that the same GYB that is embarrassed to the level we are all witnessing? If this is not a betrayal, I would like someone to tell me what can be a betrayal more than this.”

He alleged that everyone who worked hard with Tinubu to emerge, as president, is now being minimised by those around the president who are using the state agencies.

Sowunmi wondered if President Tinubu is interested in a second term, saying: “Do you plan to contest a second term or do you think your work will be done in one term of just four years? Shall tomorrow not come? Where are the men of yesterday?


“Akanni omo olodo ide, you know that on a deep level of nation-building, I won’t allow partisan politics to prevent me from saying it as I see it. You may need to understand that power must be shared and that the world over, people must feel protected by an arrangement they help bring about.”

He continued, “The Yorubas have a saying that ‘Oni kan ko ni fe ko baje,’ the owner of a thing will not want it to get destroyed.

“I see some very good ideas you wish to implement, I get the mess you are trying to clean and you know in your heart of hearts that I Segun Showunmi with me, Nigeria comes first.

“I will nevertheless refuse to point out what will have grave consequences for our shared Yoruba race.

“The issues from the Awolowo era have not been resolved with other tribes, especially the Igbos who to date see Yorubas in a bad light but for the efforts of men like Obasanjo, Pa Adebanjo and to a lesser extent myself who have demanded that fair is fair.

“Will you now break a long-term understanding between Yorubas and the north because you are now acting like you won’t respect people who supported you to the max, especially against their bothers Atiku and Kwankwaso.”

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XGXS4OvyDYs

The Nigerian Navy said it has made arrangements to relocate the Naval Training Command headquarters from Lagos to Onne in Rivers State.

The Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Emmanuel Ikechukwu Ogalla, disclosed this during a courtesy visit to the Rivers State Governor, Siminalayi Fubara, at Government House, Port Harcourt on Thursday.

He said, “The purpose of my coming here today is three-fold. The first is to inform His Excellency that on Saturday, we are graduating a set of former civilians who have been trained at our Basic Training School, Onne, and are graduating to join the ranks of the Nigerian Navy as ratings in order to beef up our strength.

The second reason is to first appreciate the governor and the entire Rivers State government for the schools they donated to us: the Ambassador Nne Krukrubo Model Secondary School at Eleme in the Eleme Local Government Area, and the Model Secondary School, Egbelu in Oyigbo Local Government Area.

“We also want to use this opportunity to inform His Excellency that following that donation, and based on our strategic plan of moving our facilities to areas where we have enough space to be able to carry out our duties, we have renovated the school at Eleme.’’

“We are happy to report, today, that the erstwhile location of headquarters of Naval Training Command, Lagos, is moving to that particular school location in Eleme, tomorrow.”

Ogalla added that the Nigerian Navy, under his watch, had impounded 14 vessels caught with stolen crude oil, adding that several arrests were made.

Governor Fubara, in his response, encouraged the Nigerian Navy to be firm in the fight against all forms of economic sabotage, particularly crude oil theft, in the nation’s waterways.

The governor noted with delight the positive results already recorded by the Navy in the state due largely to the tremendous support it had received from his administration.

Fubara stated, “We are working together; we will give you all the support to make sure that you deliver on your mandate.

“And I am happy that they are positive and commendable records of achievement so far, in the course of your tenure.”

Fubara said the good news of the reduced level of oil theft in Rivers State is evidence of the many positive things that are happening in the State beyond the much-hyped negativity, and assured that such positive achievements will be sustained.

In an open letter addressed to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the North Central Progressive Voice, a Pan-Nigerian sociocultural group, expressed deep concern over recent actions taken by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) against former Governor Yahaya Bello of Kogi State.

The letter, signed by the group’s convener, Comrade Umar Gambo highlights the need for President Tinubu to intervene and prevent further escalation of the situation, which they fear could bring the administration to public odium.

The group in Minna the Niger State Capital Saturday 27/4/2024 at the NUJ Press Center Minna addressed a World Press Conference and Took A solidarity walk along the streets Of Minna before Submitting the Copy of the Open Letter to Former Military President General Ibrahim Babangida for onward Communication to President TINUBU.

The letter, dated April 27th, 2024, begins with a respectful greeting to President Tinubu and outlines the organization’s dedication to upholding the independence of the judiciary and civil society.

It recounts the events of April 17th, 2024, when the EFCC conducted a raid on Yahaya Bello’s home, allegedly in connection with charges of money laundering.

The group expresses concern over the EFCC’s actions and potential violations of constitutional principles and the rule of law.

Drawing attention to a court order issued by the Lokoja High Court on February 9th, 2024, which prohibited the EFCC from arresting or prosecuting Yahaya Bello, the letter highlights the EFCC’s subsequent appeal and the pending motion for a stay of execution.

The group criticizes the EFCC’s decision to secure a warrant for Bello’s arrest from another court while the appeal was still pending, emphasizing the importance of due process and respect for judicial authority.

Although EFCC have Written to the Appellate Court on Wednesday 27/4/2024 seeking the withdrawal of the Appeal on the Restraining order Granted Alhaji YAHAYA BELLO earlier by the Kogi State High Court in Lokoja, Nigerians are disappointed and embarrassed.

Legal expert Frank Tietie, speaking in an interview with Arise News, criticized the EFCC’s handling of the case, stating that the commission did not conduct itself properly and urging Bello to exhaust all available remedies.

In a Similar reaction, Bar. Daniel Bwalla Criticised the actions of the EFCC especially the Press Conference by the EFCC Boss which he described as a Media trial or SUBJUDICE.

Several Legal experts have condemned the EFCC’s actions and stressed the importance of obeying court orders.

The letter calls upon President Tinubu to use his experience in navigating political challenges to address the EFCC’s unjust attempt to arrest Bello in defiance of a standing court order.

It urges President Tinubu to hold the EFCC accountable for its actions and prevent further violations of Bello’s civil rights, emphasizing the importance of upholding due process even for law enforcement agencies.

In conclusion, the North Central Progressive Voice expresses gratitude to President Tinubu for his prompt attention to the matter and assures him of their utmost regards.

This open letter serves as a public appeal to President Tinubu to intervene and ensure that the EFCC respects the rule of law and upholds due process in its actions against former Governor Yahaya Bello.

The letter reads, “On behalf of the North Central Progressive Voice, a Pan-Nigerian Sociocultural group, we extend our greetings to you, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the esteemed leader of our nation.

We find ourselves compelled to communicate with you through this open letter, as we believe it is imperative to address certain matters of importance.

“We are an autonomous, non-profit organization dedicated to utilizing the Constitution, the Judicial system, principles of social justice, and the rule of law to advocate for and uphold the Independence of the Judiciary and civil society.

Our vision is to create a society where the judiciary fulfills its duty of administering justice impartially, and where law enforcement agencies maintain their integrity without being manipulated by political interests to target adversaries.

“On April 17, 2024, the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) conducted a raid on the home of the former Governor of Kogi State, His Excellency Yahaya Bello, with the intent to arrest him on charges related to Money Laundering.

This incident raises concerns about the EFCC’s actions and their potential violation of constitutional principles, judicial authority, and the rule of law.

We hereby extend an invitation to Mr. President to address this matter, which reflects a clear case of disregard for the authority and sanctity of our Constitution and legal system by the EFCC.

“On February 9, 2024, the Lokoja High Court issued an order prohibiting the EFCC from arresting, detaining, or prosecuting former Governor His Excellency Yahaya Bello. This order was officially served on the EFCC on February 12, 2024.

“Subsequently, on February 26, 2024, the EFCC lodged an appeal (Appeal No.: CA/ABJ/CV/175/2024: Economic and Financial Crimes Commission versus Alhaji Yahaya Bello) against the aforementioned order with the Court of Appeal Abuja Division.

Alongside the appeal, the EFCC submitted a Motion for a Stay of Execution of the High Court’s order.

The Court of Appeal scheduled a hearing for this motion on April 22, 2024.

“Shortly after the Kogi high court delivered its judgment, while the appeal was yet to be head, the EFCC secured a warrant from Emeka Nwite, presiding judge of the federal high court in Abuja, to arrest Bello.

“In a nation governed by laws, of which the EFCC is a product, the minimum expectation is adherence to due process and respect for judicial authority.

If the EFCC indeed has a case against the former governor, it should refrain from abusing court procedures and prosecutorial powers.

In a civilized society, the EFCC should await a ruling on the matter before taking further action, rather than violating the fundamental human rights of the former governor and flouting judicial orders.

“Justice KEKERE-EKUN, JSC, in the case of ADEGBANKE v. OJELABI & ORS (2021-LCER-40456-SC) (Pp 32-33 Paras D-A), emphasized that a court order, once perfected and unappealed, remains valid and binding until set aside by a competent court or authority.

“The disregard of court orders by law enforcement agencies can erode public trust in the justice system, undermine the rule of law, diminish judicial authority, lead to miscarriages of justice, and result in civil rights violations.

“In his view, Lawyer and Executive Director of Citizens Advocacy For Social and Economic Rights (CESAR), Frank Tietie has said that the EFCC did not conduct itself properly in handling its case against the former governor of Kogi state, Yahaya Bello.

“He said this while speaking in an interview with Arise News on Monday.

“He said, “What the EFCC is trying to do is to bring a contestation and a contest of force, abusing its force, having convinced itself that it has made mistakes in the way it has approached Yahaya Bello’s ordeal by filing false statements against him.

“The EFCC didn’t conduct itself properly. In that case, it’s important that Yahaya Bello will fully exhaust all of the remedies available to him in the constitution.”

“Moreso, in TVC’s “Journalists Hangout,” concerns surfaced regarding the recent actions of the EFCC regarding the case of Yahaya Bello and journalists condemned the EFCC’s moves.

Babajide Kolade-Otitoju led the discussion, stressing the importance of the EFCC addressing the court order prohibiting them from arresting, prosecuting, or detaining Bello before taking any further steps.

Veteran journalists unanimously criticized the EFCC’s actions, insisting on the importance of obeying court orders. They pointed out similar cases involving politicians like Bello Matawalle, Peter Odili, and Abdul’aziz Abubakar Yari, who were also protected by court orders. Legal expert Liborous Oshoma criticized the EFCC’s approach, calling it melodramatic.

He highlighted Bello’s lawsuit against the EFCC at the Kogi High Court, which led to the restraining order, and condemned the EFCC for not obtaining Bello’s statement before attempting to arrest or charge him.

“While judges have taken steps to demand respect from law enforcement agencies, we urge the EFCC to be held accountable by inviting them for questioning and possible prosecution.

Instances where judges have held law enforcement leaders accountable for disobeying court orders, such as the arrest of the former Inspector General of Police, demonstrate the importance of upholding judicial decisions.

“We commend Mr. President’s extensive experience in navigating political challenges. As someone who has faced the abuse of power by prosecuting agencies in the past, we trust that Mr. President will address the EFCC’s unjust attempt to arrest former Governor Bello in defiance of a standing court order.

We urge Mr. President to call upon the Chairman of the EFCC to answer for the blatant disobedience of court orders and to prevent further violations of the governor’s civil rights. Upholding due process is essential, even for law enforcement agencies.



“The commission’s irresponsible and unconstitutional actions, if allowed to persist unchecked, have the potential to tarnish the reputation of an administration that has garnered widespread support from conscientious Nigerians.

“We express our gratitude to Mr. President in advance for his prompt attention to the matter mentioned above.”

MEDIA OFFICE OF HIS EXCELLENCY,
YAHAYA BELLO
Payment of School Fees: SETTING THE RECORDS STRAIGHT.
NO AMOUNT OF BLACKMAIL WILL MAKE HE
YAHAYA BELLO 'COME THROUGH THE BACKDOOR'

On Tuesday, 23rd April 2024, Mr. Olanipekun Olukoyede,
in a conduct which we view as unbecoming of a Legal
Practitioner, organised a press conference where he alleged (amongst other outrightly defamatory statements) that His
Excellency, Alhaji Yahaya Bello, withdrew cash from the Kogi State Government Account, sent same to Bureau De Change
Operators and then used same to pay the school fees of his children in advance.

According to Olukoyede, the payment was made just about the time the former Governor was to leave office.

Since the said press conference, receipts of payments of the
said fees bearing the names of His Excellency's Children and those of other family members, who separately paid their fees, have been flying all over the internet.
While we reserve our rights to seek redress against the
said defamatory statements, permit us to briefly state the
following for the purpose of setting the records straight:

1. His Excellency, Yahaya Bello's children have attended the American International School, Abuja well before he became Governor and he has paid fees for his children as and when due and without fail.

2. His Excellency, Alhaji Yahaya Bello did not pay the sum of USD720,000 as alleged by the EFCC Chairman or USD840,000 as is being bandied about on the internet.

3. The payment of the fees was not effected at about the time his Excellency was to leave office as claimed by Mr. Olukoyede but same commenced in 2021.
Alhaji Yahaya Bello DID NOT pay the fees of his Children
with monies from the Coffers of the Kogi State Government.

4. When the EFCC approached the American International School Abuja (AISA) to illegally recover funds legitimately paid by Alhaji Yahaya Bello and other family members, a member of the family challenged the EFCC's unlawful acts to recover funds legitimately paid. The FCT High Court, in
Suit No. FCT/HC/2574/2023 between: Mr. Ali Bello v. The
Incorporated Trustees of American International School, Abuja, held that AISA could not lawfully and unilaterally refund to a third party, including the EFCC, fees paid by the parties to the suit.
The Court subsequently mandated AISA to continue to provide the services it had been paid with respect to the fees.
Bello, has nothing to hide with regard to the payment of advance fees for his children. This unending harassment and
persecution, even while in office, were among key reasons he sought to enforce his fundamental human rights.

5. Now, let it be known that, contrary to misleading narratives by the EFCC, all the documents published
online i.e. receipts and letters, that the EFCC has released online, in furtherance of its unrelenting persecution of the former Governor, are documents filed by lawyers in the suit instituted on behalf of Alhaji Yahaya Bello and others who paid fees for their wards under the Advance Fee Payment Agreement with AISA.
Those documents, having been filed by his lawyers, are thus public documents, which shows that his Excellency, Yahaya
From the foregoing, it is clear that no money belonging to Alhaji Yahaya Bello or his family members with regard to school fees has been recovered by the EFCC.

6. We state that the payment of these fees and the legitimacy thereof is the subject matter of Charge No. FHC/
CR/573/2022, filed by the EFCC since 15th December 2022 at the Federal High Court, Abuja. The Charge is pending and
the Court has yet to make any finding or convicted anyone in respect of the said sum.

7. It is imperative to remind Mr. Olukoyede, who is a Lawyer, that once parties have submitted a dispute to the Court, they are to shun all actions and statements that may
prejudice the hearing of the matter or the mind of the Court.

8. Since the matter is sub judice, we say no more, we await the EFCC's proof of the allegations in Court, which is the
only venue where the proof of these allegations matter.

9. We thank Nigerians who have recognised the obvious desperation of the EFCC boss to convict the former
Governor by all means in the Court of public opinion
rather than in the law court, as personal vendetta, with the connivance of like minds, and not a fight against corruption.

10.We implore others who might have been misled by their shenanigans not to be fooled by mischievous narratives but
to follow the case through until justice is served.

11. Finally, our Principal, Yahaya Bello, doesn't visit law enforcement agencies "through the backdoor". He has
insisted on following due process in line with the rule of law.

No amount of blackmail will intimidate him.
Thank you.

Signed:
Ohiare Michael
MEDIA OFFICE,
HE YAHAYA BELLO