₦airaland Forum

lapintoz:
O ga ju it has happened.......Atiku don scam dancing governor.....aregbe will be sulking wherever he is......

DELE MOMODU AND THE “FOOD IS READY” POLITICS HE ONCE CONDEMNED

By CharlesCNG.

Politics has a wicked sense of humour.

On Channels Television’s Politics Today on August 12, Dele Momodu—an ADC chieftain—openly declared support for Governor Ademola Adeleke of Accord, saying that if ADC would not support Adeleke, the party should simply “loan” him to the governor.

Interesting.

Because this is the same Dele Momodu who repeatedly attacked Nyesom Wike for working against the PDP.

In 2023, Momodu said that if he had the power, he would have expelled Wike from PDP, describing him as unruly and accusing him of trying to destroy the party.

In 2024, he again accused Wike of disloyalty for supporting Tinubu while remaining in PDP and argued that the party should sanction him.

As recently as January 2026, Momodu warned ADC to enforce discipline early, specifically invoking the “Wike scenario” as what happens when a party tolerates indiscipline for too long.

Now the disciplinarian has discovered political flexibility.

ADC has its own candidate in Osun, yet Momodu is publicly campaigning for Adeleke of Accord.

Apparently, anti-party becomes principled independence when your preferred food is already served somewhere else.

This is the danger of political morality built around personalities: what is treachery when your opponent does it becomes “conscience” when your friend does it.

Momodu is entitled to support Adeleke.

But then he should also admit something simple:

perhaps Wike was entitled to his political judgment too.

You cannot manufacture one moral standard for Wike and another for yourself.

Sometimes in Nigerian politics, the quickest route from outrage to accommodation is simply hearing someone shout:

“Food is ready!”

fergie001:
We all know he will defect. He met the President to defect but Oyetola blocked it, but his defection this term will be on his terms, but to tell me you don't have a dog in this race haba nah..... 😂

But I want to retire press9jatv

I honestly don't have a dog in this race.

You are right: Oyetola blocked Adeleke because he was unwilling to cede the leadership of Osun APC to him. There was also a strong calculation among many PDP defectors who moved to APC that Adeleke was beatable.

So, beyond the public campaign rhetoric, there is an underlying struggle over electoral viability, party control and who ultimately leads the APC political structure in Osun.

Elsanchez:
Continue to wallow in your delusion.

I refuse to argue with brain dead APC e-rats.

People are fed up with this government and people like you.

Surely his only hope, is to rig and intimidate people in order to secure the sit.

Bunch of failures.

Typical obidients low mindset.
When the Argument Ends, Insults Begin

That reply abandons the argument entirely.


If Nigerians are genuinely fed up, prove it with votes, organisation, agents and polling-unit evidence. If rigging occurs, document it.

Calling everyone who disagrees with you stupid proves nothing.

It merely shows that when the argument ran out, the insults took over.

Kobojunkie:
1. Selective in what sense? Mind you, the Jesus Christ of Israel told of in the Bible differs from the version portrayed in your religions. The one in the Bible was clear that He was against the establishment --- the priests and Pharisees of His time--= and would not associate His teachings with the many lies they fed the people, going as far as to pronounce curses on the establishment of the time in Matthew 23. So, yes, Jesus Christ of Israel's teachings were rooted in core "Us vs. Them" principles, same as the ancient Constitution of the ancient nation of Israel --- the Law of Moses. 🥱

2. Voting for people who would subjugate and kill people means voting for people who will subjugate and kill people. For instance, those of you who voted for Tinubu, knowing full well he would do nothing different from the man before him and has proven this too from the fact that the killings have only gotten significantly worse over the last almost 4 years, is the same as voting for the subjugation and killing of Nigerians. This ain't rocket science! 🥱🥱

3. I neither assigned him a religious identify not a political one. Those are two identities he claimed for himself. A person tells you their religious and political identity; they have told you everything you need to know about their reasoning. Or are you insinuating that it is possible to belong to a religion and a political party but not hold to the core tenets of either or both? 🥱🥱

4. OK! The current president's policies have led to a significant increase in kidnappings and killings across Nigeria, with the lowest crime-solving rates at the lowest they have ever been, and terrorists openly and freely giving away giveaways regularly. The death toll over the last almost 4 years has been significantly higher than during the past administrations, with no end in sight. This is my judgement. Now tell me... what are the reasons that your religion of Christianity deity, abi na your judgment we go call am now, as to why you should vote for this man to remain in power? 🥱

Here is my point-by-point response to your pathetic attempt of making a political disagreement into apostasy.

1. Jesus and “Us vs Them”
Yes, Jesus condemned hypocrisy in Matthew 23. But He also commanded, “Love your enemies” (Matthew 5:44), made a Samaritan the moral hero of a parable, and said, “My kingdom is not of this world” (John 18:36). Matthew 23 is not a licence for permanent Christian-versus-Muslim politics.

2. Voting for Tinubu is not voting for killings
Supporting a government that struggles with insecurity is not equivalent to supporting murder. That requires evidence that the government deliberately enables terrorism.

Security failures are real, but insufficient success is not evidence of complicity.

3. Labels don't explain reasoning
Saying someone's church or political identity tells you everything about his thinking is stereotyping, not analysis. Members of the same church or party disagree constantly.

4. Why can a Christian support Tinubu?
Simple: political judgment. A voter may believe Tinubu offers the better combination of policy, infrastructure, security strategy or governing competence.

You may disagree.

But stop converting political disagreement into apostasy.

And the final irony is delicious: you dismiss religion as delusion while simultaneously trying to define Christianity's correct political doctrine.

You cannot reject Christianity and appoint yourself its electoral theologian.

lapintoz:
O ga ju it has happened.......Atiku don scam dancing governor.....aregbe will be sulking wherever he is......

APC Lost Osun While Fighting Itself in 2022: Has Oyebamiji Solved the Aregbesola Problem—or Has ADC Repackaged It?

One fact about Osun 2022 matters enormously:

APC went into the election badly divided—and still lost by only 28,344 votes.

Rauf Aregbesola openly opposed Gboyega Oyetola's renomination, backing Moshood Adeoti as the TOP faction battled Oyetola's camp.

Yet Oyetola still polled 375,027 votes against Adeleke's 403,371.

So what happens if APC recovers even part of what that division cost it?

Bola Oyebamiji presents a different equation. He served as Finance Commissioner under Aregbesola before continuing under Oyetola, while several politicians from Adeleke's old coalition have since moved towards APC.

But there is a complication:

Aregbesola hasn't disappeared. He has changed platforms.

He is now ADC National Secretary, while his ally Najeem Salaam is challenging both Oyebamiji and Adeleke.

In 2022, it was essentially APC versus APC inside APC.

In 2026, part of that battle may have become APC versus ADC at the ballot box.

If Salaam mainly takes traditional APC votes, the old fracture survives. If APC has consolidated its base while ADC instead attracts dissatisfied Adeleke voters, Accord could suffer.

So the crucial question isn't simply whether APC is more united.

It is:

How much of the old Aregbesola vote remains outside APC?

If Oyebamiji has healed that fracture while adding pieces of Adeleke's old coalition, 2026 is a different election.

If ADC has merely repackaged the fracture under another logo, the ghost of 2022 may still be waiting for APC.

That is the election within the election.

lordm:
Omoh, adeleke need to work hard o

The 28,344-Vote Puzzle: Where APC Can Find the Votes

Adeleke won Osun 2022 by 28,344 votes. APC doesn't need to conquer his strongholds—it needs to change enough margins to erase that cushion.

Here's one pathway.

1. Ijesaland: +6,800

Adeleke won the six Ijesa LGAs by about 6,800. With Wole Oke, Sanya Omirin and Francis Fadahunsi outside his old coalition, merely turning that advantage into parity gives APC 6,800 votes.

2. Ife: +4,000

APC already won Ife by about 8,600. Expanding that to roughly 12,500 produces another 4,000.

Running gain: 10,800

3. Central: +5,400

Adeleke won Osun Central by only 2,439. Turning that into APC +3,000 represents a swing of roughly 5,400, achievable by cutting his Osogbo advantage and flipping close LGAs.

Running gain: 16,200

4. Oyebamiji's Western Corridor: +5,000

Irewole, Isokan and Ayedaade already favoured APC. With Oyebamiji coming from this axis, expanding that advantage by 5,000 takes the gain to:

21,200

5. Ede: +4,000

Adeleke's Ede North/South advantage was about 28,000. APC doesn't need Ede—just reduce that deficit to around 24,000.

Running gain: 25,200

6. Swing LGAs: +3,144

The remaining 3,144 can come from small movements across Iwo, Ejigbo, Egbedore, Ife North, Obokun, Oriade and other battlegrounds.

And the 28,344-vote margin disappears.

That is APC's real equation: don't conquer Adeleke's fortresses—shrink them while expanding your own.

Adeleke's defence is the reverse: protect Ede, hold Osogbo, contain Ife losses, stop Ijesa defections becoming voter defections and check Oyebamiji's western surge.

Osun may be won by whoever solves the 28,344-vote puzzle first.

G100 PART 2: VOTES ARE NOT LEGO BRICKS — THE OPPOSITION MUST SOLVE TRUST, NOT ADDITION By CharlesCNG.

In Part 1, I asked: Who is willing to pass the ball?

Even if G100 solves its competing presidential ambitions, another seductive argument remains: arithmetic.

Atiku got 6,984,520 votes in 2023, Obi 6,101,533, and Kwankwaso 1,496,687. Combined: roughly 14.6 million, against Tinubu's 8,794,726.

Case closed?

Hardly.

Votes are not Lego bricks.

You cannot click Atiku's seven million onto Obi's six million, attach Kwankwaso's 1.5 million and declare a 14.6-million-vote machine.

Politicians negotiate alliances. Voters make choices.

An Obi voter doesn't automatically become an Atiku voter. An Atiku supporter doesn't automatically accept Obi. Kwankwasiyya voters cannot simply be delivered to whoever emerges.

Some votes transfer. Others don't. Some voters stay home. Others may even defect elsewhere.

That is why G100's real problem isn't addition.

It is trust.

Can Atiku step aside for Obi—or Obi for Atiku? Can Kwankwaso deliver his base? More importantly, will their supporters accept the bargain?

And 2027 isn't 2023 plus four years. Governors defect, structures move, alliances change and voters reassess candidates. Every 2023 vote must be earned again.

Coalitions can defeat incumbents. Tinubu's political history proves that. But successful coalitions require complementary structures, compromise and voter persuasion—not calculators.

So when someone says:

“Atiku + Obi + Kwankwaso = 14.6 million. Tinubu is finished.”

My answer is simple:

Put away the calculator. Show me the voter transfer. Show me the trust. Show me the structures.

G100 doesn't need to solve addition.

It needs to solve trust.

COMING IN PART 3: Don't Show Me Ingredients and Call It Cake — G100 Must Reproduce the Conditions That Made APC's 2015 Coalition Work.

Kobojunkie:
1. The Jesus Christ of Israel presented in the Bible had an "US vs THEM" mentality centrally encoded in His teachings and commandments. So, yeah, you have completely lost me where you claim you follow Jesus.... but then the Jesus Christ of Christianity is also a strange being when compared to the one in the Bible... or maybe you meant Isa of Islam, I think. 🤔🤔🤔

Also, the claim that you are for Christ while at the same time voting in people with ideologies that literally call for the subjugation and death of everyone who doesn't believe in Islam leads me to believe you are definitely from the APC faction of things(RCCG). I know that Christian religious theology claims that Jesus Christ of Christianity is the light(a representation of good). Does this light now go well with the darkness that sees to it that all Christians are to be subjugated and/or killed then? Anyway... religion no be my thing. I prefer common sense! 🤔🤔

2. You are talking to the wrong person! I hate all religions, especially political systems like Islam that masquerade as religion. I don't like them at all. I understand they play a role in the particular delusions people hold to... I at least get that. But on the whole, religion is an abomination to me. So, this gobbledegook of yours will never make sense to me. 🤔🤔

Calling Jesus' message an “us versus them” political doctrine is selective. The same Jesus said “Love your enemies” (Matthew 5:44), made a Samaritan the hero of a parable, and declared, “My kingdom is not of this world” (John 18:36).

Secondly, voting differently from you does not mean someone supports the subjugation or killing of Christians. That's an extraordinary accusation requiring evidence—not association.

Ironically, your “RCCG/APC” label proves my point: instead of addressing someone's reasoning, you assign him a religious-political identity.

And if religion is an “abomination” to you and you particularly dislike Islam, it's curious that you're lecturing Christians on Christianity's correct political meaning.

You prefer common sense? Fine:

Judge politicians by policies, conduct and results; allegations by evidence. Stop turning someone's ballot paper into a theological certificate.

davillian:
You are a Christian you have brain and mind of your own
You may begin to wonder what someone would tell you that would make you strap yourself with bombs just to get virgins in paradise

Precisely: I am a Christian with a brain, conscience and mind of my own. That is exactly why I will not surrender my political judgment to anyone who tells me that voting for or against a particular candidate determines whether I am a Christian.

And please don't drag terrorism or insulting stereotypes about another religion into it. Extremism does not become acceptable simply because it is coming from “our side.”

My standard is Christ. My political choices are matters of conscience and judgment.

If your argument needs religious fear to control my ballot, then you are proving the very point I have been making.

Beautifulday:
Jesus said he that doesn't work with me scatters what I have gathered.

You are not a Christian if you are scattering what jesus had gathered

Be very careful about appointing yourself spokesman for Jesus simply because somebody votes differently from you.

Scripture itself warns against putting words in God's mouth. Jeremiah 23:31 condemns those who “use their tongues and say, ‘He says.’” Deuteronomy 18:20 gives an even sterner warning against speaking presumptuously in God's name.

So disagree with my politics. Challenge my judgment. Campaign passionately for your candidate.

But leave Jesus out of attempts to determine another Christian's ballot.

Christ did not appoint you Returning Officer of Christianity, and no political candidate owns the Body of Christ.

Stop weaponising God to corner votes.

fergie001:
Iwo/Obokun - ambo


Ede/Osogbo/Ife C - Inole

Though CharlesCNG....I know where you stand sha 😂
press9jatv knows where I stand 😂

Funny enough, I have no dog in this race.

Adeleke wins, President Tinubu wins.
APC wins, President Tinubu wins.

Bookmark this prediction: if Adeleke wins on Saturday, I expect him to decamp to APC shortly afterwards and eventually become the leader of the party in Osun State.

In my view, that is what much of the bigger political chess game is really about.

But fortunately, we don't have long to argue about the actual election numbers.

Once polling closes, votes are counted and polling-unit result sheets begin appearing on IReV, **the evidence will start speaking for itself.**

And that is where Smart ElectionGuard Pro comes in.

We'll be following the available polling-unit evidence and tracking the emerging results:

Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State.

On Saturday, predictions end.

From around 4 / 5 P.M , The EC8As begin to speak ON SMARTELECTIONGUARDPRO.

So, my brother, stay tuned.

anonimi:
This was four years ago when the people ignored APC propaganda against imọlẹ Adeleke.

Adeleke will crush APC now that the people have seen the difference between his light and the darkness of Tinubu evil party.

Fortunately, we don't have long to argue about the actual Osun numbers.

Once polling closes on saturday , votes are counted and polling-unit result sheets begin appearing on IReV, the evidence will start speaking for itself.

And that is where Smart ElectionGuard Pro comes in.

We'll be following the available polling-unit evidence and tracking the emerging numbers:

Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State.

So, my brother, stay tuned.

If you are right. we shall see.
If you are wrong , we shall see.

press9jatv:
Adeleke can never win in Osogbo federal constituency and Ife federal constituency. His defeat is imminent. Ambo has come to win

Unfortunately, I’m not on the ground , but I’m from Ilesha West, so I have been relying partly on contacts who are.

Interestingly, one of my contacts—an APC man himself—is equally confident. He believes APC will take the Oriade/Obokun and Ilesha/Atakumosa federal constituencies and, ultimately, win Osun East Senatorial District by a wide margin.

But there is an obvious caveat: he is APC. Just as supporters on every side are understandably confident about their candidates.

Fortunately, we don't have long to argue about projections.

Once polling closes, votes are counted and polling-unit result sheets begin appearing on IReV, the evidence will start speaking for itself.

And that is where Smart ElectionGuard Pro comes in.

We'll be following the available polling-unit evidence and tracking the emerging numbers from:

Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State.

So my brother, stay tuned. Let's see whether your confidence—or my APC contact's confidence—survives contact with the actual EC8As.

I welcome the G100 initiative. Nigeria needs a strong opposition, and Tinubu's own political history proves coalitions can defeat an incumbent.

But coalition-building requires something harder than meetings:

Sacrifice.

Right now, the opposition resembles a football team with eleven strikers. Everybody wants to score. But who will pass the ball?

Agreeing that Tinubu must go is easy. The real test comes when there is only one presidential ticket.

Who steps down? Who accepts VP? Who accepts neither position but still contributes his structures, money and supporters?

Tinubu Has Been Here Before

The APC coalition offers an instructive precedent. ACN, CPC, ANPP and others surrendered separate identities to build one vehicle.

Tinubu was a principal architect, yet did not insist on becoming presidential candidate. Buhari emerged; Tinubu and the other blocs stayed and contributed their structures.

That is coalition. That is sacrifice.

So who in G100 is prepared to do likewise?

Show Me the Photograph After the Primary

Getting Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso and others smiling in one photograph is easy.

Show me the photograph the morning after somebody loses the ticket.

Is the loser still smiling? Does he congratulate the winner, release his structures and campaign wholeheartedly—or suddenly discover that the primary was "rigged" and carry his political suitcase elsewhere?

That morning will reveal whether G100 built a coalition or merely assembled presidential ambitions in one room.

A coalition built solely around defeating Tinubu is like a marriage built around hatred of the neighbour.

The wedding may be spectacular.

The real test begins when the couple gets home.

G100 has assembled the eleven strikers.

Now answer the question:

Who is willing to pass the ball?

COMING IN PART 2: Why Atiku + Obi + Kwankwaso's 2023 votes cannot simply be added together like Lego bricks.

Adeleke won 2022 by only 28,344 votes—403,371 to 375,027. In 2026, watch the margins in these ten LGAs.

1. EDE NORTH — Adeleke's Margin Meter

2022: Adeleke +14,328

APC doesn't need to win. If Adeleke retains +14,000, his fortress holds. Cut it towards +10,000**, and APC has gained thousands statewide without winning the LGA.

2. IREWOLE — Oyebamiji's Home Test

2022: APC +3,982

Oyebamiji should improve APC's margin here. Merely repeating 2022 is respectable; approaching parity would be alarming for APC.

3. EJIGBO — The Salaam Test

2022: Adeleke +3,710

Watch whose votes ADC takes. Eroding Adeleke's margin helps APC; draining APC helps Adeleke.

4. IWO — Pure Swing

2022: APC +507

Virtually tied in 2022. A several-thousand-vote margin either way would signal a major western shift.

5. OSOGBO — Adeleke's Firewall

2022: Adeleke +7,449

APC needn't win. If Adeleke retains +7,000–8,000, his Central firewall holds. Cut it towards +3,000–4,000, and the statewide mathematics changes.

6. ODO-OTIN — The Oyinlola Test

2022: Adeleke +521

Almost a tie. With Oyinlola's current alignment, APC should be capable of flipping it if elite endorsements are truly transferable.

7. OBOKUN — The Wole Oke Test.

2022: Adeleke +3,848

If Adeleke retains his old margin, Wole Oke's defection may have generated more headlines than votes. If APC flips Obokun, Ijesaland may genuinely be moving.

8. ILESA WEST — The Ijesa Test

2022: Adeleke +2,992

With APC already strong elsewhere in Ijesaland, flipping Ilesa West could rapidly erase Adeleke's old regional advantage.

9. IFE CENTRAL — APC Must Win Bigger

2022: APC +4,348

APC already won here. The test is whether it expands that margin after the political realignments.

10. IFE NORTH — The Warning Light.

2022: Adeleke +395

If APC has truly consolidated Ifeland, this should flip. If Adeleke retains it, his personal vote may be surviving the defect
HOW TO READ ELECTION NIGHT

Don't merely count LGAs. Watch margins.

If Adeleke remains dominant in Ede, holds Osogbo strongly and survives Obokun and Ife North, his coalition is holding.

If APC cuts Ede and Osogbo, flips places like Obokun and Odo-Otin, while expanding Irewole and Ife margins, Adeleke's 28,344-vote cushion can disappear quickly.

And if Salaam surges in Ejigbo, Iwo and the West, ask one question:

Whose votes is ADC taking?

Osun may be decided by 2,000 votes saved here, 3,000 gained there and strongholds becoming slightly less strong.

In a state decided by just 28,344 votes last time, margins—not the number of LGAs won—may tell the real story.

Beautifulday:
You are not a Christian.

The Bible said, when the righteous is in power the people rejoice.

Do you know how many times God had to change the kings of Israel because of bad leadership?

You cannot be a Christian and vote for a president who supports the killing of Christians

You don't get to revoke another person's Christianity because his political judgment differs from yours.

And Proverbs 29:2 does NOT say, “When my preferred candidate is in power, Christians rejoice.” It teaches the value of righteous leadership. Christians can agree on that principle while honestly disagreeing about which candidate best satisfies it.

Yes, Scripture condemns wicked rulers. It also tells us, “By their fruits you will know them.” So if you claim a president whose wife and daughters are christians supports the killing of Christians, that is an extremely serious accusation—produce evidence that he actually supports such killings rather than treating assertion as proof.

Condemn every killing of Christians. Condemn the killing of Muslims too. Demand security and justice from government.

But Christianity is faith in Christ—not membership of a political voting bloc.

You may question my political judgment. You do not get to determine my relationship with Christ from my ballot paper.

Kobojunkie:
This gobbledegook here is part of the reason why I remain convinced that religion is behind the complacency and passivity on the side of Christians and traditionalists in Nigeria towards the Islamic agenda that is the country. 😒

Also, if I am going to guess, my guess would be that this person is from the RCCG arm of APC. 😒

You have actually demonstrated the very “us versus them” mentality my post criticised.

I said my Christianity is defined by Christ, not by the political choices of Muslims, Christians, clerics or political parties. Your response is to speculate about which “arm of APC” my church supposedly belongs to.

That is not an answer. It is religious profiling.

Rejecting religious extremism does not require me to embrace Christian political extremism in response. Darkness is not defeated by manufacturing another darkness and calling it light.

If there is an “Islamic agenda,” identify it, provide the evidence and let us confront the specific facts. But telling Christians that they are complacent, compromised or somehow less Christian because they refuse to vote according to your religious-political template is precisely the weaponisation of faith I reject.

My church does not determine my ballot, and my ballot does not determine my Christianity.

That really shouldn't be controversial.

Adeleke doesn't need to win everywhere. He needs to protect the margins that delivered 2022.

1. EDE: Protect the Electoral Bank.

Ede North and South gave Adeleke roughly a 28,000-vote advantage—almost his entire statewide winning margin. If APC significantly cuts Ede, he must recover those votes elsewhere.

2. OSOGBO: Hold the Central Firewall.

Adeleke won Osun Central by only about 2,439 votes, but his Osogbo-area advantage helped neutralise APC's huge Boripe margin. Shrink that firewall and Central quickly becomes vulnerable.

3. IJESALAND: Stop the Flip.

Adeleke's six-LGA Ijesa advantage was only about 6,800 votes. With important former PDP figures now elsewhere, his challenge is preventing political defections from becoming voter transfers.

4. IFE: Limit the Damage.

APC already won the four Ife LGAs by roughly 8,600 votes. Adeleke doesn't necessarily need to win Ife—he cannot allow that deficit to explode.

5. WESTERN CORRIDOR: Contain Oyebamiji.

Irewole, Isokan and Ayedaade already leaned APC. Now its candidate comes from that axis. Adeleke must prevent home advantage from turning modest APC strength into a landslide.

The strategy is simple:

Protect Ede. Hold Osogbo. Stop Ijesa flipping. Contain Ife losses. Check Oyebamiji's western iREWOLE surge.

If those lines hold, Adeleke remains difficult to beat.

If two or three collapse simultaneously, his 28,344-vote 2022 cushion can disappear quickly.

This election isn't just about where Adeleke is strongest. It's about how much of that strength he can preserve.
OSUN 2026: WE WON’T JUST SHOW YOU THE WARD RESULT — WE’LL SHOW YOU HOW THE NUMBER WAS BUILT By CharlesCNG.

Yesterday, ahead of today's Osun governorship election, Osun REC Oluwatoyin Babalola signed the result sheets for the state's 332 Registration Areas/Wards.

Let's understand what that means.

A signed blank result sheet is not evidence of a pre-written result. It is an authentication measure.

But it raises an important transparency question:

When numbers eventually appear on a ward result, can Nigerians independently reconstruct how those numbers were built?

With Smart ElectionGuard Pro, that is precisely what we intend to do.

LET'S USE EDE NORTH — NOT THEORY, BUT ACTUAL POLLING UNITS

Ede North has 11 wards.

They include:

Olaba/Atapara, Abogunde/Sagba, Ologun/Agbaakin, Olusokun, Alusekere, Sabo/Agbongbe I, Sabo/Agbongbe II, Isibo/Buari-Isola, Apaso, Asunmo and Bara Ejemu.

Now take:

ABOGUNDE/SAGBA — WARD 02

INEC's directory lists 22 polling units in this ward.

And these aren't imaginary units. Among the actual polling-unit locations are:

PU 001 — 16 Popo Street, Orita Bode
PU 002 — Sufianu Main Compound
PU 003 — Federal Polytechnic, in front of Ramat Hall
PU 004 — C.A.C. Primary School, Talafia
PU 009 — Abogunde Compound
PU 013 — Sagba Junction
PU 014 — Open Space, Oniso Compound
PU 018 — Alagbede Compound
PU 020 — Ajeja Compound

Indeed, PU 009, Abogunde Compound is the polling unit associated with Governor Ademola Adeleke's voting in previous elections.

Now watch what happens today.

As the EC8As from these polling units become available through IReV, Smart ElectionGuard Pro can process the available documents and build the arithmetic from the bottom upward:

EC8A → POLLING UNIT → WARD → LGA → STATE

For illustration only, suppose:

PU 001: ACCORD 170 | APC 110
PU 002: ACCORD 201 | APC 95
PU 003: ACCORD 185 | APC 130

And after processing the available results from the ward, the underlying EC8As eventually total:

ACCORD — 4,120
APC — 2,580

Smart ElectionGuard Pro can independently reconstruct the ward arithmetic.

But this is where our philosophy becomes important:

DON'T TRUST OUR 4,120 EITHER.

Click the number.

Go backwards.

See the 22 polling units.

See the individual figures.

SEE THE EC8As THAT BUILT THE NUMBER.

Then compare our independently reconstructed arithmetic with INEC's statutory ward collation.

If both say:

ACCORD — 4,120
APC — 2,580

we mark:

✓ RECONCILED

But suppose the underlying EC8As total 4,120, while the official ward collation records 3,920.

Smart ElectionGuard Pro does not automatically scream:

“RIGGING!”

Instead:

⚠ RECONCILIATION DIFFERENCE DETECTED

Then ask:

Which polling unit?
Which EC8A?
Which figure?
Where did the difference enter the chain?

That is evidence-based election monitoring.

And we don't stop at Abogunde/Sagba.

Repeat the process across Ede North's 11 wards.

POLLING UNITS → 11 DIGITAL WARD RECONSTRUCTIONS → EDE NORTH LGA RECONSTRUCTION

Then compare that independently reconstructed LGA arithmetic with the official LGA result.

Then repeat across Osun.

INEC remains the statutory referee.

Smart ElectionGuard Pro is the mirror.

We independently reconstruct the arithmetic from polling-unit evidence upward and ask one simple question:

DO THE NUMBERS RECONCILE?

If they do, say so.

If they don't:

SHOW THE DIFFERENCE. SHOW THE POLLING UNIT. SHOW THE EC8A.

Today there will be predictions, accusations, screenshots and victory claims.

Our response remains:

FOLLOW THE EVIDENCE.

Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State.

And whenever somebody asks:

“WHERE DID THIS NUMBER COME FROM?”

Smart ElectionGuard Pro's ambition is to answer:

HERE ARE THE POLLING UNITS.

HERE ARE THE FIGURES.
HERE ARE THE EC8As.
CHECK THE ARITHMETIC YOURSELF.

Smart ElectionGuard Pro
From polling-unit evidence to verified results — transparency you can trace.

MrsAyomide:

WATCH: Islamic Cleric Jingir Says Muslim-Muslim Ticket Proves Muslims Outnumber Christians In Nigeria, Urges Muslims To ‘Show Infidels Their Limit’

More on SaharaTV: https://t.co/mDF0Dn4rMp pic.twitter.com/Zh31BF4D0U

— Sahara Reporters (@SaharaReporters) August 9, 2026

Yes, they should lick their wounds because some of they don’t see beyond their nose ..

They have zero regards for you..



Benue,Ondo and Ekiti Christians, have it at the back of your minds that you are not regarded as a believer in their eyes..

They have zero regards for you..

Yes, there were some good Chrtistians and sensible Muslims that voted against Bola in the aforementioned states in 2023, but the turn out wasn’t a satisfactory one

As a christian, i can at least speak for myself

As a Christian, I refuse to allow the reckless words of any extremist cleric to become the compass for my Christianity.

Christ said, “You are the light of the world.” My standard is therefore Christ—not the provocation, intolerance or political rhetoric of somebody from another faith.

Romans 12:2 tells us not to be conformed to the patterns of this world. Yet what could be more worldly than allowing politicians to divide Christians and Muslims into permanent political enemy camps?

I completely reject this dangerous **“us versus them”** politics you and the shameless PULPIT POLITICIANS are trying to promote.

A Christian in Benue, Ondo or Ekiti does not become less Christian because he voted differently from you. Neither does voting for a particular candidate confer a[i] certificate of Christianity[/i].

“By their fruits you will know them”—not by their ballot papers.

Governments will come and go. Elections will be won and lost. Political parties will rise and fall.

But Christianity must remain bigger than partisan politics.

So challenge politicians. Criticise governments. Vote according to your conscience.

But don't weaponise the Cross to police another Christian's ballot.

My faith belongs to Christ. My vote belongs to my conscience.

Something interesting happened during the June 20 Ekiti governorship election.

At 4:48 p.m., I opened a Nairaland Live Ekiti Election Update Thread with one objective: follow documentary evidence instead of rumours and projections.
https://www.nairaland.com/8694845/live-ekiti-election-update-thread#139781851

As polling-unit Form EC8As appeared on INEC's IReV, they were processed into a live scoreboard and snapshots posted periodically.

Readers watched the election build:

Polling Unit → Ward → LGA → State.

At 5:48 p.m., 335 EC8As were being processed. By 6:08 p.m., 700.
By 6:35 p.m., over 800. At 6:41 p.m., IReV had uploaded more than 2,000 of Ekiti's 2,445 polling-unit results.

That points towards something bigger.

American election nights feature continuously updating votes, maps and reporting percentages. Nigeria can develop its own version—but with something powerful underneath: the actual polling-unit result sheets.

Citizens should be able to ask:

Where did these totals come from? Which polling units have reported? Which EC8As produced them?

As Osun approaches August 15—and Nigeria looks towards 2027—the conversation should move from "Who says he's winning?" to "Show us the evidence."

Not replacing INEC. Not declaring winners. Simply providing another window into the evidence.

Don't just show me the score. Show me the polling units. Show me the EC8As. Show me the evidence.

That is how Election Night becomes[b] Evidence Night[/b].

OriOko88:
He'd still win in Accord nevertheless. Accord is the first party on the ballot. It's very easy to campaign with.

Adeleke will win

How Osun Will Be Won And Lost: Five Battlegrounds That Could Decide August 15 by CharlesCNG

Adeleke defeated Oyetola in 2022 by just 28,344 votes—403,371 to 375,027. But the real story lies in geography and margins of osun's electoral power blocs.

1. IJESALAND

Adeleke won the six Ijesa LGAs by only about 6,800 votes. With Wole Oke, Sanya Omirin and Francis Fadahunsi now in APC, the party doesn't need a landslide—it needs to erase that margin.

2. IFE

APC already won the four Ife LGAs by roughly 8,600 votes. With Taofeek Ajilesoro joining APC and Iyiola Omisore backing Oyebamiji, the task is simple: win Ife bigger.

3. OSOGBO

Adeleke's advantage across Osogbo, Olorunda, Irepodun and Orolu was about 12,700 votes. APC doesn't necessarily need to win here—just shrink that firewall while protecting its strengths elsewhere in Central.

4. THE WEST

Adeleke's roughly 28,000-vote Ede advantage alone nearly equalled his statewide victory margin. Outside Ede, however, the West was competitive. Oyebamiji's task: contain Ede and maximise Irewole ( Oyebamiji home base) ,Isokan, Ayedaade and neighbouring battlegrounds.*

5. THE SALAAM / AREGBESOLA FACTOR

Najeem Salaam may not need to win to decide who does. If ADC fragments APC's traditional constituency, Adeleke benefits. If it takes votes Adeleke needs, APC benefits.

That is the mathematics of August 15:

APC doesn't need to conquer Adeleke's fortresses—it needs to shrink them. Adeleke must stop defections becoming transferable votes. Salaam only needs to take enough of the right votes from the right candidate.

Osun 2026 may be decided not by new strongholds, but by[b] who changes the margins that decided 2022.[/b]

Giftimoni:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s36x3dXQKAU

Political tension is mounting in Osun State as Governor Ademola Adeleke and former Governor Adegboyega Oyetola trade accusations ahead of the August 15, 2026 governorship election.

Oyetola, who is now the Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, has dismissed the significance of Adeleke's endorsement of President Bola Tinubu, insisting that such political support will not prevent the APC from defeating the incumbent governor at the polls.

According to Oyetola, Adeleke's concerns about the election environment indicate growing anxiety within the governor's camp as the election approaches.

The comments have triggered a fresh response from Governor Adeleke, who has accused Oyetola and the All Progressives Congress of allegedly planning to rig the election.

Adeleke has called on the people of Osun State to remain vigilant and protect their votes, while warning against any attempt to interfere with the electoral process.

The allegations, however, remain claims by the respective political camps, with the APC rejecting accusations that it is planning to manipulate the election.

The latest confrontation comes against the backdrop of the 2022 Osun governorship election, when Adeleke defeated Oyetola in a closely fought contest.

Four years later, Osun is again witnessing a highly competitive political battle, with the APC seeking to reclaim the state while Adeleke is seeking to retain the governorship.

As August 15 draws closer, attention is increasingly focused on the preparedness of the electoral authorities, the conduct of political parties and the role of security agencies.

The credibility of the election will ultimately depend on whether voters are able to cast their ballots freely and whether the process is conducted peacefully and transparently.

For now, the political battle remains intense, with both camps confident of victory.

But on election day, the final decision will rest with the people of Osun State.

How Osun Will Be Won And Lost: Five Battlegrounds That Could Decide August 15. By CharlesCNG.
https://www.nairaland.com/8726219/how-osun-won-lost-five.

Adeleke defeated Oyetola in 2022 by just 28,344 votes—403,371 to 375,027. But the real story lies in geography and margins of osun's electoral power blocs.

1. IJESALAND

Adeleke won the six Ijesa LGAs by only about 6,800 votes. With Wole Oke, Sanya Omirin and Francis Fadahunsi now in APC, the party doesn't need a landslide—it needs to erase that margin.

2. IFE

APC already won the four Ife LGAs by roughly 8,600 votes. With Taofeek Ajilesoro joining APC and Iyiola Omisore backing Oyebamiji, the task is simple: win Ife bigger.

3. OSOGBO

Adeleke's advantage across Osogbo, Olorunda, Irepodun and Orolu was about 12,700 votes. APC doesn't necessarily need to win here—just shrink that firewall while protecting its strengths elsewhere in Central.

4. THE WEST

Adeleke's roughly 28,000-vote Ede advantage alone nearly equalled his statewide victory margin. Outside Ede, however, the West was competitive. Oyebamiji's task: contain Ede and maximise Irewole ( Oyebamiji home base) ,Isokan, Ayedaade and neighbouring battlegrounds.*

5. THE SALAAM / AREGBESOLA FACTOR

Najeem Salaam may not need to win to decide who does. If ADC fragments APC's traditional constituency, Adeleke benefits. If it takes votes Adeleke needs, APC benefits.

That is the mathematics of August 15:

APC doesn't need to conquer Adeleke's fortresses—it needs to shrink them. Adeleke must stop defections becoming transferable votes. Salaam only needs to take enough of the right votes from the right candidate.

Osun 2026 may be decided not by new strongholds, but by[b] who changes the margins that decided 2022.[/b]

Adeleke defeated Oyetola in 2022 by just 28,344 votes—403,371 to 375,027. But the real story lies in geography and margins of osun's electoral power blocs.

1. IJESALAND

Adeleke won the six Ijesa LGAs by only about 6,800 votes. With Wole Oke, Sanya Omirin and Francis Fadahunsi now in APC, the party doesn't need a landslide—it needs to erase that margin.

2. IFE

APC already won the four Ife LGAs by roughly 8,600 votes. With Taofeek Ajilesoro joining APC and Iyiola Omisore backing Oyebamiji, the task is simple: win Ife bigger.

3. OSOGBO

Adeleke's advantage across Osogbo, Olorunda, Irepodun and Orolu was about 12,700 votes. APC doesn't necessarily need to win here—just shrink that firewall while protecting its strengths elsewhere in Central.

4. THE WEST

Adeleke's roughly 28,000-vote Ede advantage alone nearly equalled his statewide victory margin. Outside Ede, however, the West was competitive. Oyebamiji's task: contain Ede and maximise Irewole ( Oyebamiji home base) ,Isokan, Ayedaade and neighbouring battlegrounds.*

5. THE SALAAM / AREGBESOLA FACTOR

Najeem Salaam may not need to win to decide who does. If ADC fragments APC's traditional constituency, Adeleke benefits. If it takes votes Adeleke needs, APC benefits.

That is the mathematics of August 15:

APC doesn't need to conquer Adeleke's fortresses—it needs to shrink them. Adeleke must stop defections becoming transferable votes. Salaam only needs to take enough of the right votes from the right candidate.

Osun 2026 may be decided not by new strongholds, but by[b] who changes the margins that decided 2022.[/b]

Validated:
Nice try, but Atiku did not forfeit $460000 to US government.
I hope Tinubu will be attending the UNGA meeting

And if the strongest response available is to abandon Atiku's record and immediately pivot to another politician, it suggests there is very little substantive defence of the issues raised in the original article.
Let's stay with the facts under discussion on this thread.

commoditiesnig:
Exactly what I wanted to state.. only Vote Buying is mainly what politicians can do..

To say rigging on the BVAS or whatever, not feasible

Exactly. If vote-buying is the main vulnerability, then anyone who changes his vote for cash was never deeply committed in the first place.

A convinced voter can collect the money, enter the secret cubicle and still vote his conscience.

So saying, “Our supporters are determined to remove APC, but APC can buy them,” actually admits that some of that support is soft and transactional.

Money may influence the undecided.

It shouldn't magically rewrite genuine political conviction.

IGBOPROMISE1:
Only a Tinubu acolyte trying to divert attention away from his boss and party would come up with this type of ‘everyone is guilty’ incredulous yarn !

Let’s for the sake of argument say they had the intention of storming polling units on election day with sack-loads of cash to induce voters, where will NDC find the money….and more importantly, find it in sufficient quantity to match the inexhaustible supply of stolen and misapplied federal, state and local gov’t funds APC has at their disposal?

Also, as regards your accusation of all parties being guilty of voter intimidation/suppression…..you’re joking right!? Are you saying that LP were equally involved in voter intimidation/suppression before and during the 2023 presidential election….even in Lagos? Does it make sense that a party with no ‘structure’ or control of state instruments of coercion would engage in said electoral malfeasance while Tinubu and his lot, who have both structure and control over state instruments of coercion, would stand by and keenly watch proceedings as LP rigs them out of contention? Does this make any sense to you?

Your argument creates a bigger problem for the opposition than APC.

Yes, vote-buying exists and should be condemned. But if Nigerians are supposedly furious with APC and determined to remove Tinubu, why would ₦5,000 suddenly erase that conviction inside a secret ballot cubicle ?

A voter can collect money, smile, enter the cubicle and still vote as he chooses. Money can influence some voters, especially under economic hardship, but it is not magic.

So what does your argument say about NDC supporters? If they are truly committed to change, are you saying their conviction can be bought for ₦5,000 or ₦10,000?

That would indict the movement you are defending.

As for intimidation, allegations must be judged incident by incident, polling unit by polling unit. State power alone is not proof of responsibility.

So yes, condemn vote-buying.

But you cannot simultaneously claim the electorate is fiercely determined to remove APC AND easily purchasable.

Both arguments cannot comfortably sit in the same chair.

CharlesCNG:
Zacch Adedeji offered perhaps the simplest explanation of Nigeria's old fuel-subsidy problem:

Borrow ₦10 to buy a product. Sell it for ₦3. Government absorbs the remaining ₦7. Repeat.

If government itself must borrow to fund that difference, it isn't sustainable relief. It is deferred debt.

That, Adedeji argues, was what Tinubu confronted in 2023. Nigeria wasn't merely spending surplus revenue to make petrol cheaper; it was financing the widening difference between actual cost and consumer price.

So the question isn't simply, "Why did Tinubu remove subsidy?"

It is: How long could Nigeria keep borrowing to buy at ₦10 and selling at ₦3?

Subsidy removal undeniably hurt Nigerians through higher transport, food and household costs. Government therefore has a responsibility to convert improved revenues into infrastructure, transport, education, jobs and household relief.

But hardship doesn't erase the underlying arithmetic:

Borrow ₦10. Sell for ₦3. Repeat indefinitely.

That wasn't a sustainable economic policy. It was postponing the bill.

Zach analogy is painfully simple.

If you borrow ₦10 to buy something and deliberately sell it for ₦3, the missing ₦7 has not disappeared. Somebody must pay it.

If government is using surplus revenue, that is a subsidy.

If government is borrowing to cover the difference, then the “cheap” price is being financed with future debt.

That is the real problem the old system created: Nigerians enjoyed a lower pump price today while the bill was quietly transferred to tomorrow through borrowing, lost public revenue and pressure on the wider economy.

It is like a family buying food on credit every day and celebrating that dinner is cheap. The meal may look affordable, but the debt collector is still keeping the real account.

WizardOfNG:
@OP.

Issue with Davido is that he feels he must defend his Uncle and family blindly. Fair enough.

Yet he will learn being a music superstar is nothing when you delve into Nigerian politics without the loyalists and backing to traverse and conquer the system.

If you want to immerse yourself aggressively in Nigerian political affairs, as Davido is trying to do, you must be well-supported by power brokers, politically intelligent and well-respected.

I can't call Osun guber election as I don't know local dynamics of the State that well but broad info I have analyzed makes me believe Adeleke will lose.

Davido should be careful. He isn't intelligent or savvy enough for this confrontational noisemaking he is engaging in. He should concentrate on music.

Honestly. You are right.

Davido’s instinct to defend his family is understandable, but celebrity power should not be confused with political power.

Music gives him a massive audience; politics requires something else entirely—judgment, restraint, local knowledge, message discipline, strong political networks and the ability to survive sustained scrutiny.

That is why he should be careful about becoming personally involved in every political exchange surrounding his uncle. The more he descends into daily partisan combat, the more he risks trading the broad goodwill he has built across parties, regions and demographics for battles that campaign professionals are better equipped to fight.

Supporting his uncle is one thing.

Becoming a full-time political combatant is another.

Davido’s greatest strength is that millions of Nigerians who disagree politically still admire him. That is an asset worth protecting.

SeeWahala:
Same tilumbu EBILokan that said he was ruling nigeria along with buhari?

Is that who this gard forsaken waste of a dàtá b0i is trying to whitewash with his agbad0GPT infested epistle?

Classic,childish obidient dodge and derail tactics

The post identifies four specific economic problems and gives figures that can be challenged: subsidy financing, multiple FX rates, the oil-sector problem, the tax structure, the $7bn FX backlog and ₦23tn Ways and Means.

Your response addresses none of them.

Whether Tinubu previously supported Buhari doesn't answer whether those problems existed in May 2023.

Forget “data boy” and “AgbadoGPT.” Pick the figures or claims you believe are false and dismantle them with evidence.

Attack the argument, not the author.

DatNiggaDaz:


Stop confusing yourself. The faaake certttifficcate hollldderr never inherited any form of economic Bomb like you are desperately propagating.

In fact your messiah who happens to grab and maladminister by deception claimed that that " he will continue where his darling daddy stopped. If you are wise and sensible enough to understand such implied statement you will aggree that he never saw any economic Bomb to be inherited, rather he saw the good and "prosperous" econimic policies of a sharia lover that he was and is willing to continue where he stopped.

The roasted electricity fraud whom you are trying to shield because his failures, incompetence of immense proportion are staring you directly in the face did not only continue where your darling daddy stopped but went far more beyond his claim of Continuing where his darling daddy stopped

It is clear in your eyes that lies, deciet and propaganda don't run a country and chanting guru Str*tegist and faaake ocean tamer and builder from morning till night dont transform any country

I will rather keep my response on evidence rather than insults.

Your comment makes three separate claims and then blends them together.
First, saying an incoming president would “continue” aspects of a predecessor’s agenda does not prove there were no inherited economic problems. Governments routinely inherit both policies they want to preserve and structural problems they want to correct. Those are not mutually exclusive.

Second, whether Nigeria had serious economic vulnerabilities in 2023 is an empirical question, not something settled by a campaign slogan. The proper test is data: debt-service burden, subsidy costs, exchange-rate distortions, reserves, fiscal deficits, inflation, oil production and government revenue.

Third, calling a policy continuation “proof of prosperity” is a non sequitur. A new government can retain some infrastructure, security or social programmes while changing subsidy, foreign-exchange, tax or fiscal policy.

So in summary .....
Continue where the previous government stopped” does not mean “the economy had no problems.” It means continuity in selected programmes. Whether there was an inherited economic problem must be established from the fiscal and macroeconomic data, not inferred from one political phrase.

Zacch Adedeji offered perhaps the simplest explanation of Nigeria's old fuel-subsidy problem:

Borrow ₦10 to buy a product. Sell it for ₦3. Government absorbs the remaining ₦7. Repeat.

If government itself must borrow to fund that difference, it isn't sustainable relief. It is deferred debt.

That, Adedeji argues, was what Tinubu confronted in 2023. Nigeria wasn't merely spending surplus revenue to make petrol cheaper; it was financing the widening difference between actual cost and consumer price.

So the question isn't simply, "Why did Tinubu remove subsidy?"

It is: How long could Nigeria keep borrowing to buy at ₦10 and selling at ₦3?

Subsidy removal undeniably hurt Nigerians through higher transport, food and household costs. Government therefore has a responsibility to convert improved revenues into infrastructure, transport, education, jobs and household relief.

But hardship doesn't erase the underlying arithmetic:

Borrow ₦10. Sell for ₦3. Repeat indefinitely.

That wasn't a sustainable economic policy. It was postponing the bill.

CharlesCNG:
This Atiku's story as related in nasir el-rufai's memoir reminds me of the Shakespearean Prophecy of Power.

In his memoir, Accidental Public Servant , Nasir El-Rufai recounts Atiku allegedly telling him that a trusted Cameroonian marabout predicted President Obasanjo would not complete his first term—opening Atiku's path to the presidency.

The story immediately evokes Shakespearean tragedy: a prophecy plants the seed of destiny, and ambition gradually begins revolving around fulfilling it.

It also offers an intriguing lens through which to view Atiku's extraordinary persistence as a perennial presidential contender and loser.

Democratic politics runs on arithmetic—votes, coalitions, structures and timing. Prophecy offers something more seductive: the belief that the destination is already written.

Perhaps that prophecy encouraged Atiku to jump the gun in 2003—like a sprinter leaving the blocks before the starter's pistol—and challenge his political boss prematurely in 2022.

History answered Atiku's reckless overambition differently.

Obasanjo completed his first term, won another, and Atiku never became president. Their relationship eventually collapsed.

Yet election after election, party after party, coalition after coalition, the ambition survived.

Perhaps the Cameroonian marabout supplied the destination but forgot the timetable.

That is what makes El-Rufai's anecdote memorable: a man repeatedly reaching for the throne while an old prophecy refuses either to come true or completely die.


El-Rufai portrays a politician whose ambition may have become intertwined with a deep sense of personal destiny.

And in politics, destiny can be a dangerous companion.

Because elections are not decided by prophecy.

They are decided by voters.

**Atiku Abubakar: The Vice-President Who Started Campaigning From Day One

The recent Obasanjo–Osoba exchange has reopened an old but important window into Atiku Abubakar’s political character.

According to Obasanjo, the impeachment plot involving former Speaker Ghali Na’Abba did not begin as innocent legislative activism. He alleged that it began inside the Presidency, driven by his own Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, who allegedly wanted Obasanjo to serve only one term. Obasanjo further claimed that Atiku invited Na’Abba to his office and gave him **₦5 million** to begin impeachment work. The same account is reported in recent coverage of Obasanjo’s reply to Osoba.

If true, what character traits does this reveal?

First, premature ambition. From Obasanjo’s account, Atiku did not even wait for governance to settle before raising campaigners for his own presidency.

Second, disloyalty Obasanjo said this was a man he “brought up from governorship to Vice-President.” Yet, allegedly, the same deputy was already plotting how to remove the principal.

Third, backdoor politics. Instead of testing popularity openly, the allegation suggests a politician willing to use impeachment pressure as a shortcut to power.

Fourth, power-by-any-means instinct. Obasanjo’s phrase is devastating: Atiku wanted to take over “by hook or by crook.”