CharlesCNG's Posts
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kaludestiny10:That is precisely the problem with your argument: assumption has replaced evidence. You insist the EFCC chairman could not have acted without Tinubu's instruction and that Tinubu "must have known" from the beginning. Fine—where is the evidence? Because the[b] observable fact[/b] cuts the other way: when the controversy erupted, Tinubu intervened and directed that the matter be taken through the proper legal process. You cannot simply declare, "Tinubu ordered it," then treat your declaration as proof. If every agency action automatically belongs to the President, then agency independence becomes meaningless. Your "strong men, weak institutions" is just aslogan but slogans are not evidence. Show that Tinubu ordered the freeze. Otherwise, you are not establishing presidential involvement—you are merely assuming the conclusion you want to reach. |
esnbrutality:I think you've misunderstood the point. My comment wasn't about whether politicians should be scrutinized. It was about Davido, as a public entertainer, choosing to campaign for a politician. I was simply cautioning him about what I believe are wiser rules of engagement. But, as is often the case with you Obidients, you misread the point, constructed a different argument altogether, and then launched into the usual barrage of insults. It's like a boxer shadow-boxing an imaginary opponent while the real one stands somewhere else. If you think I've misrepresented the issue, point out exactly where. Otherwise, you're arguing against a position I never made. |
kaludestiny10:You are right on the narrow legal point: EFCC ordinarily needs a court order to freeze an account. But your argument then collapses. If Tinubu supposedly directed EFCC to weaponise Osun’s accounts, why did the same Tinubu direct EFCC to return to court and get the account de-frozen? Separate the issues. If EFCC acted without the required order, EFCC should answer for that procedural breach. But you cannot blame Tinubu for the freeze while ignoring his intervention to reverse it through legal process. That is like accusing the fire brigade of starting the fire because the President ordered them to extinguish it. So the real question remains: what evidence proves Tinubu ordered the unlawful freeze in the first place? Without that evidence, the dictatorship narrative is just senseless assertion on your part—not proof. |
Davido is overstepping. Election season is for politicians to scrutinise one another. If critics call Adeleke a "dancing governor," they are commenting on a public image his supporters celebrate. His uncle academic records have also been the subject of public controversy and litigation. Family ties do not confer immunity from political criticism. If Davido disagrees, let him answer with facts—not demand silence. |
adekolaelect:Kwankwaso has simply accepted the political reality he resisted in 2022. Back then, he correctly recognised that this kind of Destination of Defeat (DOD) ticket could not win the presidency. Ironically, desperation and personal ambition have now driven him into the very cul-de-sac he once avoided. His political structure has weakened, while the APC has consolidated its position in Kano. The numbers are unforgiving. Peter Obi remained a marginal candidate across the Muslim-majority North in 2023, polling below 2% in several such states. Outside Kano, even Kwankwaso struggled to exceed 15% in most northern states. That is hardly the foundation of a winning presidential coalition. Expecting Kwankwaso to deliver the core North on an Obi ticket is like expecting a blind man to lead another blind man through unfamiliar terrain. Neither knows the way, and both are likely to end up further from their destination. |
jaxxy:FROM MESSIAH TO TRAITOR: The Obidient Movement's Recurring Pattern. By CharlesCNG. This kind of response is as predictable from Obidients as a scratched record—no matter the argument, it keeps replaying the same tune. Isaac Balami's interview exposed a familiar pattern: once prominent allies leave Peter Obi's movement, they quickly become villains. Ask Doyin Okupe. Ask Kenneth Okonkwo. Ask Valentine Ozigbo. Now ask Isaac Balami. These were celebrated voices when they campaigned for Obi. The moment they chose a different political path, obidients shifted from debating their arguments to attacking their character. Balami said he expected criticism but maintained his decision was based on his assessment of government, not social-media approval. That is the real issue. Healthy political movements persuade people to stay; personality-driven movements often treat disagreement as betrayal. Supporters are free to disagree with Balami, Okupe, Kenneth Okonkwo or Ozigbo. But branding every former ally a traitor simply for leaving suggests intolerance of dissent. Strong political ideas withstand scrutiny. They do not require lifelong political disciples. |
MaziObinnaokija:Inside the Atiku Audio: ATIKU LECTURES HIS AIDE ON OPEN CORRUPTION.. By CharlesCNG. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2lQGSfZmvxo The recording opens with Michael Achimugu explaining why he contacted his then principal, Atiku Abubakar. According to Michael Achimugu, corruption allegations resurfaced in June 2018 over an alleged ₦100 million payment from former Plateau State Governor Joshua Dariye. Seeking a public response, he says he contacted Atiku Abubakar, who replied that the money had gone into a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV) rather than to him personally. Achimugu says Atiku later explained that, on assuming office in 1999, he advised against what he called "open corruption" by creating companies run by trusted associates to serve as consultants on government contracts and earn consultancy fees. One of those companies, he said, was **Marine Float**. According to the transcript, Atiku maintained that the ₦100 million was paid into Marine Float, not his personal account, describing it as an SPV that had previously been investigated by the EFCC without establishing personal wrongdoing. Throughout the conversation, Achimugu seeks guidance on responding to critics, while Atiku's central defence remains that the money went to Marine Float, not directly to him. |
Lithiumite:Interesting attempt to drag Obasanjo into it, but the issue raised in the post is Atiku's own explanation—not Obasanjo. The audio attributes to Atiku an explanation of creating companies to receive consultancy fees "instead of engaging in open corruption" and identifies Marine Float as one of those companies. Whether one agrees with that explanation or not, those are the claims under discussion. If you disagree, address ATIKU WORDS. Show where the transcript is inaccurate or taken out of context. Bringing in Obasanjo neither answers nor refutes what Atiku himself is quoted as saying. |
kaludestiny10:You have said absolutely nothing. The post raised a simple contradiction: when Tinubu did NOT intervene, he was accused of secretly directing the EFCC. When he DID intervene, he was accused of changing his mind because of public outrage. Instead of addressing that irony, you replied with a generic proverb that answers nothing. If you don't have a response to the argument, just say so. Proverbs are not rebuttals. |
olajizz01:This response is the kind of fantasy that keeps the Atiku Last-Chance Cash-Out Crew in fantasy land. The claim that people voted simply to "teach Tinubu and Oyetola a lesson" is speculative arrant nonsense, not evidence. Atiku carried Osun in 2023 largely on the back of the PDP's incumbent state structure. That structure is gone. Yet the Atiku Final Payout Caucus must keep selling 2023 fantasies and milking what many see as the perennial CONTESTANT & LOSER candidate's final presidential outing. As for security, nobody with any sense celebrates kidnapping or insecurity. The real test is whether governments strengthen security and protect lives—not exploit isolated incidents for political propaganda. The Atiku camp is still fighting yesterday's election because it has little to offer Nigerians about tomorrow. Atiku: sope O ti lo. |
kaludestiny10:The irony is striking. When Tinubu had NOT intervened, Obidients and the opposition insisted he secretly directed the EFCC and called him a dictator. Now that he HAS intervened, they claim he bowed to public outrage. Interesting. So the "dictator" now changes his mind because of public opinion? They can't even keep their own narrative straight. For THIS PEOPLE , the conclusion never changes—they simply rewrite the premise. |
AMINDA:Atiku supporters are still campaigning as if it's 2023. O ti lo. Atiku won Osun in 2023 because he inherited the advantage of an incumbent PDP governor and a well-established state structure—not because of any imaginary federal persecution. The repeated claim that "Fulani votes made Tinubu president" ignores the numbers. Tinubu polled about 2.65 million votes in the North-West alone, compared with **Atiku's roughly 1.74 million in the North-East. Tinubu's victory was built on a broad national coalition across multiple regions, not one ethnic bloc. If Atiku could not win the presidency with incumbency advantages in key PDP states in 2023, expecting him to improve in 2027 after losing ALL of that political structure is wishful thinking—not strategy. Some Atiku supporters have moved from campaigning to liquidation. They talk as if 2027 is about winning, but sound like people trying to maximize returns before the political shop closes. O ti lo. |
press9jatv:Tinubu's EFCC Intervention Was Checks and Balances, Not Interference by CharlesCNG. Critics calling President Bola Tinubu's intervention in the EFCC-Osun account controversy executive interference miss the point. Checks and balances also operate within government, ensuring agencies exercise their powers responsibly without undermining public confidence. The account freeze, coming days before a governorship election, was politically combustible. Whatever the investigation's merits, it risked creating the perception that federal institutions were being used against an opposition-controlled state. Tinubu's intervention reduced that suspicion and lowered political tension. Agency independence does not mean agencies operate without oversight. They remain accountable within Nigeria's constitutional framework, and responsible presidential supervision is part of that framework. Ironically, had Tinubu remained silent, many of the same critics would likely have accused him of secretly directing the EFCC. Having publicly distanced himself from the action, they now fault him for intervening. They cannot have it both ways. Tinubu chose the course that strengthened confidence that elections should be decided by voters—not by perceived federal interference. |
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2lQGSfZmvxo. INTRODUCTION Michael Achimugu , Atiku's former aide, explains that after corruption allegations resurfaced in June 2018 concerning an alleged ₦100 million payment from former Plateau State Governor Joshua Dariye to Atiku Abubakar, he sought guidance from Atiku on how to respond publicly. According to Achimugu, Atiku replied by email that the money had been paid into a Special Purpose Vehicle (SPV). Unsure what an SPV meant, Achimugu asked for clarification, prompting a phone call in which, according to him, Atiku explained the concept and how it related to the allegations. Here is the transcript of the phone discussion in which Atiku lectured micheal on the science of Corruption by SPV , Open corruption etc. ATIKU: Yeah Mike. MICHAEL: Yes sir. ATIKU: How can you ask me what is SPV? MICHAEL: Oh well... I don't know the SPVs... ATIKU: In other words, it's the company they incorporate to carry out specific activities. MICHAEL: Okay. ATIKU: You see, what happened was, when we came into office, I advised the President against open corruption. MICHAEL: Yes sir. ATIKU: I told him, "Give me people you trust." And I will prepare three companies for which they will be the subscribers—or rather the directors. So that if there is any contract that we give, they will act like consultants, and then they are given a fee. That fee is what we now use to fund the package instead of engaging in open corruption. So he gave me the names of Fasawe, Andy Uba and the late... this guy from Borno State who died in that plane crash. I now incorporated companies and put them as subscribers. One of the companies was Marine Float. MICHAEL: Yes sir. ATIKU: So when Joshua Dariye... It was paid into Marine Float. One of the subscribers of Marine Float... That account was thoroughly investigated by EFCC. They found out there was nothing. So that was where the hundred million went. It did not go to Atiku Abubakar. It went to Marine Float. Marine Float was a Special Purpose Vehicle created as a consulting company. That was the way I handled it. MICHAEL: Okay. ATIKU: That was what I was trying to explain to you. No money was given to Atiku. At this time they keep coming up with a lot of issues and one needs to have a few facts to counter them immediately. MICHAEL: Yes sir. No problem sir. I would tackle them later tonight. So the money was not paid to Atiku. The money was paid to a company called Marine Float. ATIKU: Yes. Marine Float. One of those three companies. MICHAEL: Yes. Did Atiku own Marine Float? ATIKU: I never... There is no way. Let them go ahead and check the Certificate of Incorporation and Articles of Association to find out whether I own Marine Float. MICHAEL: Okay sir. That's all. No problem sir. Thank you so much, Daddy. I really appreciate it. ATIKU: Yes. MICHAEL: Thank you sir. Thank you. |
Streetinvestor2:You have not addressed a single point in the topic under discussion. The article is about Isaac Balami's interview—not me. If it's inaccurate, point to the specific statement that's wrong. Calling me a "content creator" isn't a substitute for responding to the content. Whether I'm paid or not doesn't determine whether an argument is true. If you disagree, point out the factual error. You're commenting on the time I posted rather than the points I made. These are signs the discussion has drifted away from the substance. |
HacheNoire:Your figures are incorrect. Nigeria does not have US$39 trillion in public debt. According to the Debt Management Office, Nigeria's total public debt stood at about US$111 billion not $39 TRILLION DOLLARS! at the end of 2025, including about US[b]$52 billion[/b] in external debt. That factual error also undermines the comparison. The value of the naira is influenced by factors such as foreign-exchange supply and demand, oil export earnings, capital flows, productivity and monetary policy. It cannot be attributed to a single infrastructure project. If the Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway is to be evaluated, the relevant questions are its cost, financing, expected economic benefits and opportunity costs—not an incorrect debt figure or an unsupported causal link to the exchange rate. |
fergie001:MY SUBORDINATE”? The Ballot Box Has Repeatedly Made Wike Amaechi’s Political Superior by CharlesCNG. Rotimi Amaechi dismissed Nyesom Wike as his “subordinate” because Wike once served as his Chief of Staff. That may be historically correct. But politics is not a civil-service organogram where yesterday’s boss remains superior forever. Political authority is tested by votes—and in Rivers State, the candidates and causes backed by Amaechi have repeatedly lost to Wike’s camp. In 2015, Amaechi was the sitting governor and one of Muhammadu Buhari’s most powerful campaign figures. Yet Buhari’s APC officially received only 69,238 votes—4.42%—in Rivers, while Goodluck Jonathan’s PDP recorded 1,487,075 votes, or 94.99%. APC disputed the conduct of that election, but those remain the officially declared figures. The governorship result was equally brutal: Wike received 1,029,102 votes, while Amaechi’s preferred successor, Dakuku Peterside, received 124,896. Remember, Amaechi was a sitting governor in 2015. In 2019, Amaechi was Minister of Transportation and Buhari’s campaign director-general, with the power of an incumbent federal government behind him. Yet Atiku’s PDP defeated Buhari in Rivers by 473,971 votes to 150,710. Buhari obtained only 23.47%, failing even to reach 25%. Then came 2023. Amaechi publicly aligned with Atiku, but Atiku obtained only 88,468 votes—16.90%. The candidate supported by Wike’s political structure, Bola Tinubu, won Rivers with 231,591 votes—44.23%. Peter Obi followed with 175,071 votes. So yes, Amaechi once hired Wike. But a former employer who repeatedly loses the political marketplace to his former employee should be careful about advertising hierarchy. A football coach may have discovered a young player, but once that player starts defeating him in every final, the scoreboard—not the old employment letter—decides who the master is. Amaechi may have been Wike’s administrative superior yesterday. In the electoral politics of Rivers State, Wike has repeatedly proved to be the stronger operator. |
grandstar:Infrastructure projects often produce both economic and political benefits. Please do not tell me your real objection to the Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway is that it is Tinubu’s project and could improve his re-election chances. That is practically an admission that the project is visible, valuable and politically rewarding. If good performance helps a president electorally, that is democracy—not evidence that the project is unnecessary. And Tinubu’s infrastructure record is not limited to one coastal highway. Major projects include: 1. Lagos–Calabar Coastal Highway 2. Sokoto–Badagry Superhighway 3. Calabar–Abuja Superhighway 4. Akwanga–Jos–Bauchi–Gombe Highway 5. Abuja–Kaduna–Zaria–Kano Expressway 6. Kano–Maiduguri dual carriageway 7. Maiduguri Ring Road 8. Lokoja–Benin Road reconstruction 9. Enugu–Onitsha Expressway 10. Enugu–Port Harcourt Expressway 11. Second Niger Bridge access roads 12. Bodo–Bonny Road 13. Zaria–Hunkuyi–Daya Road 14. Lekki Deep Sea Port–Ijebu-Ode access corridor. Beyond roads, the administration has pursued exchange-rate and tax reforms, expanded student loans, increased the minimum wage, supported local refining, strengthened foreign reserves, improved federal revenues and invested in agriculture, healthcare, power and security. So, yes, performance may help Tinubu politically. What exactly should he do—stop building because the opposition fears the projects may earn him votes? That is like asking a student to stop answering correctly because good grades may help him win a scholarship. |
treesun:Donald Duke is missing several points. Donald Duke is misinformed. Nigeria does[i] not currently have a purpose-built, continuous coastal highway running from Lagos through the Niger Delta to Calabar[/i]. Existing roads reach many coastal communities, but they are fragmented, often run inland, and do not form a single coastal economic corridor. The Lagos–Calabar project is intended to be that missing link. Donald Duke says "there is already a road to Calabar," there are several factual questions worth asking: Is there currently one uninterrupted coastal highway connecting Lagos to Calabar? No. Is the project intended merely to replace an existing road? No. The stated objective is to create a new coastal transport and economic corridor linking nine coastal states. Is it only a transport project? No. The rationale includes improved freight movement, access to ports, tourism, industrial development and broader economic integration along the coast. Why concrete instead of asphalt? Because the project is designed as a long-life highway intended to withstand heavy freight traffic and harsh coastal conditions with lower life-cycle maintenance costs. The Lagos - Calabar coastal highway is a strategic, long-term infrastructure investment with benefits extending beyond transportation. Both positions can be evaluated by examining financing, expected economic returns, opportunity costs, and implementation rather than assuming it is simply "an ordinary road." |
In a revealing interview on Arise News with Charles Aniagolu, Isaac Balami, former Deputy Campaign Manager of the Obi-Datti Presidential Campaign, offered one of his most candid reflections yet on why he left Peter Obi's political movement and returned to the APC. TINUBU PROVED ME WRONG": Why Peter Obi's 2023 Deputy Campaign Manager Says He Has "Seen the Light". One of the most remarkable political admissions of recent times did not come from an APC spokesman. It came from Isaac Balami, former Deputy Campaign Manager of the Obi-Datti Presidential Campaign. Balami revealed that he left the APC in 2022 for two principal reasons: what he considered the marginalisation of minority ethnic nationalities and concerns over the treatment of Christians. Yet, in a striking reversal, he now says President Bola Tinubu has "proved me wrong." According to him, he has seen a government that is expanding opportunities for minority groups, appointing young Nigerians into strategic positions, advancing local government autonomy, pursuing economic reforms and improving security in parts of the North-East that were once inaccessible because of insurgency. He also praised what he described as President Tinubu's fairness towards ethnic and religious minorities. Balami did not pretend that everything is perfect. He openly acknowledged that Nigerians are still experiencing hardship. But he argued that it would be dishonest to deny that significant reforms are underway and that difficult economic decisions are beginning to reshape the country's future. His conclusion was simple: > "I have seen the light." Politics is ultimately a test of judgment. When a politician publicly says, "I opposed this government for specific reasons, but those reasons have substantially changed," Nigerians may agree or disagree with his conclusion. What they cannot deny is that he has offered a clear explanation for changing his position. What is entirely predictable is how Obidients will react to this. Within the Obidient movement, today's celebrated ally often becomes tomorrow's enemy the moment he disagrees with Peter Obi or chooses a different political path. Ask Doyin Okupe. Ask Kenneth Okonkwo. Ask Valentine Ozigbo. Now ask Isaac Balami. Yesterday, they were hailed as patriots, strategists and trusted voices. Today, expect the Obidient mob to dismiss Balami as a traitor, a sell-out or a political mercenary—just as they did to others before him, and just as they are likely to do to many more between now and January 2027. In their warped political mindset, every prominent insider who leaves is automatically demonised, while every uncomfortable testimony is dismissed without engaging its substance. Yet one statement from Balami's interview will continue to echo throughout the 2027 campaign: "Tinubu proved me wrong." |
CharlesCNG:ATIKU’S SPV AUDIO: The Recording That Could Haunt His 2027 Campaign by CharlesCNG. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2lQGSfZmvxo REVEALED: THE TYPE OF CORRUPTION I PRACTICE — ATIKU ABUBAKAR In January 2023, Michael Achimugu, a former member of Atiku Abubakar’s media organisation, released an approximately four-minute recording he said came from a June 2018 conversation with the former Vice-President. The audio was published in a report that remains available here: **Listen to the recording and read the accompanying report.** According to the recording, the voice attributed to Atiku explained that after entering government in 1999, he advised President Olusegun Obasanjo against what he called “open corruption.” He allegedly proposed creating three companies whose directors would be trusted associates. Those companies would act as consultants on government contracts, receive fees and use the proceeds to finance political activities. The names reportedly mentioned were businessman Oyewole Fasawe, presidential aide Andy Uba and an unnamed Borno politician who later died in an air crash. The voice then identified Marine Float as one of the Special Purpose Vehicles. The most controversial section concerned ₦100 million allegedly connected to former Plateau governor Joshua Dariye. The speaker said the money did not enter Atiku’s personal account but went to Marine Float: > “It did not go to Atiku Abubakar. It went to Marine Float.” He reportedly added that Marine Float had been investigated thoroughly by the EFCC, which found nothing directly connecting him to wrongdoing. An independent review by CDD confirmed that Achimugu had worked in Atiku’s media operation. CDD compared the voice with known recordings, found similarities and detected no obvious manipulation, but stressed that it could not conclusively authenticate the audio. It also could not identify a Nigerian Marine Float company from the relevant period; the similarly named company in CAC records was incorporated only in 2017. But politically, the audio remains devastating. Atiku’s defence appears to be that the money entered a corporate vehicle rather than his personal account. Yet that does not settle the deeper question: why was a serving Vice-President reportedly discussing companies created around government contracts, consultancy fees and political financing? By 2027, Atiku cannot merely say he has never been convicted. Nigerians are entitled to a direct explanation of the voice, the companies, the contracts, the beneficiaries and the ₦100 million. A former aide may have motives. An audio may require authentication. But when a candidate’s alleged voice appears to explain the machinery critics have accused him of operating, silence is not clarification. It is a political liability waiting to be replayed. |
Judemarco31:You are missing the point. The recent controversy is not about whether Catholic bishops have historically criticised governments. They have criticised military and civilian administrations over many decades, including on democracy, corruption and governance. The recent disagreement arose after Cardinal John Onaiyekan gave a television interview describing his interpretation of a private meeting between the Catholic Bishops' Conference of Nigeria and President Tinubu. In that interview, he said the bishops presented concerns about the economy and insecurity and that the President disagreed with their assessment. It was inappropriate for an individual participant to publicly offer his own account of a private meeting with misrepresentation and his own biased interpretation of what said. The bishop descended into the political arena and no doubt the arise interview is nothing but a reckless and irresponsible abuse of clerical privilege. So , please dont get it mixed up. The dispute concerns the handling and interpretation of that specific arise interview, not whether religious leaders are allowed to criticise governments in general. Those are separate questions. |
MrsAyomide:This post conflates proposals, existing regulations and enacted law. There is currently no nationwide law banning Christians from preaching. except in the vivid and warped imagination of religious war mongers. Claims that Christianity has been outlawed is nothing but senseless hysteria. The provisions being discussed concern public safety and obstruction of roads, and similar restrictions have existed in road traffic regulations for years.-2007 / 2012 - A legislative proposal or amendment initiated by the national assembly also does NOT become law until it completes the required constitutional process. Whether one agrees with the proposal or not, it is inaccurate to describe it as an enacted ban on Christian preaching or as proof that Christianity is under attack. Public debate is best served by distinguishing verified facts from political rhetoric. |
Judemarco31:Putting Sheikh Gumi and the Sultan of Sokoto in the same category is intellectually dishonest. The proper comparison is Cardinal Onaiyekan and the Sultan because both occupy nationally recognised leadership positions over large religious communities. Sheikh Gumi is an independent cleric and political commentator with a long record of openly assessing candidates and intervening in partisan controversies. The Sultan’s public conduct has been markedly different from Bishop Onaiyekan reckless political partisanship. He has criticised hardship, poverty and insecurity under the Tinubu administration, warning in 2024 that Nigerians were “hungry and angry” and that the country was sitting on a keg of gunpowder. So nobody can honestly accuse him of being silent or afraid to speak truth to power. But he has generally stopped short of converting those concerns into open campaign rhetoric. That is the real standard. The Sultan criticises national problems while carefully protecting the neutrality of his throne. Cardinal Onaiyekan has repeatedly moved beyond moral criticism into disputed electoral interpretations and rhetoric closely resembling opposition messaging. So the issue is not Christianity versus Islam. It is institutional restraint versus partisan intervention. Dragging Gumi into the comparison is like comparing a party commentator with a constitutional monarch simply because both wear religious robes. It avoids the real question: has the cleric preserved enough political distance for his moral intervention to command respect across party lines? |
MrsAyomide:AMAECHI’S CASSOCK SHIELD: How Criticism of One Cardinal Became an Attack on 35 Million Catholics. By CharlesCNG Rotimi Amaechi’s Channels Television interview was less a defence of Cardinal John Onaiyekan’s political claims than an attempt to make those claims untouchable. Instead of proving that Onaiyekan’s interpretation of the Villa meeting was accurate, Amaechi wrapped the cardinal’s commentary in the collective sanctity of the entire Catholic Church. Criticise Onaiyekan, Amaechi argued, and you have insulted 35 million Catholics. Challenge the cardinal’s political conclusions, and you have attacked Christianity. Question his partisan tone, and you have disrespected God. That is not a rebuttal. It is Cassock Shield Politics—using religious office to protect political commentary from legitimate scrutiny. The controversy was never about Catholic bishops visiting President Tinubu. Religious leaders have every right to raise concerns about hardship, insecurity and elections. The dispute began when Onaiyekan later offered his own political interpretation of the meeting, suggesting that the President appeared determined to win the 2027 election “by all means.” That was a political claim, not a sacred doctrine. Amaechi should have defended it with facts. Instead, he tried to convert disagreement with one cardinal into hostility toward an entire faith. That logic is dangerous. A cardinal’s cassock gives him spiritual authority; it does not give every political statement immunity from public scrutiny. Once a cleric enters partisan debate, citizens are entitled to examine his claims, challenge his conclusions and point out inconsistencies. That is not persecution. That is democracy. Amaechi’s real argument was simple: Onaiyekan may speak politically, but nobody may answer politically. That privilege does not exist in a constitutional republic. The Church deserves respect. But no politician should use the Church as a shield to make another politician’s claims unrebuttable. |
Streetinvestor2:You've just proved my point. My article is about Atiku's conduct, yet you've responded with another round of whataboutism. The issue is simple: Atiku publicly condemned Deborah Samuel's murder, then deleted the statement after the political backlash. Now you're asking about Tinubu. I have never claimed Tinubu issued a comparable public statement on Deborah Samuel. There is a difference between remaining silent and speaking, then retreating under pressure. You may criticise either, but they are not the same thing. As for the rest—"drug baron," "data boys," "stones"—that is just abuse replacing argument. You also quietly ignored every other point in my article: * Tinubu disagreed with Cardinal Onaiyekan; he did not censor him. * The bishops are free to speak. * The President is equally free to respond. * Disagreement is not persecution. Instead of addressing any of those issues, you switched to slogans and insults. That's another classic Obidient Derail-and-Dodge: avoid the substance, change the subject and hope nobody notices the original argument is still standing. |
AMINDA:😂😂 "Stop spamming me"? This is a **public forum**, not your private inbox. You voluntarily entered **my thread** and commented on **my post**. If you don't want to read it, simply ignore it and move on. You don't get to decide what topics I comment on or how often I contribute. As for the "AI-generated" line, that's just intellectual cowardice. AI doesn't invent facts—it helps organise publicly available information. If anything I wrote is false, quote the sentence and disprove it. But you can't. You know why you trying to run ? Over the past few weeks, I have consistently challenged and dismantled several of your Atiku-inspired narratives with documented facts, and that appears to have become uncomfortable. So rather than rebut the evidence, you attack the length of the post, mention AI and hope the discussion moves away from the substance. If "no one reads them," why are you here commenting on them? The engagement on my threads speaks for itself. If the facts are wrong, prove it. If not, calling something "AI-generated" is not a rebuttal—it's an admission that you couldn't answer the argument. The facts remain standing. So will my posts. |
maestro299:😂😂 "Another man's headache"? My brother, every serious presidential candidate is my headache. That's the whole point of political analysis. That's like telling a football analyst not to analyse Manchester United because he supports Arsenal. The 2027 election concerns every Nigerian. So yes, I will analyse Tinubu, Atiku, Obi, Kwankwaso or anyone else seeking to govern Nigeria. Now, to your other points. The fact that APC is the incumbent does not mean the opposition should be immune from scrutiny. Democracy does not work that way. I scrutinise Tinubu's government regularly; I also scrutinise those asking Nigerians to replace it. More importantly, you still haven't answered the central issue of my article. * Why did Kwankwaso reject the VP slot in 2022 but accept it now? * Why is Senator Rufa'i Hanga walking away and publicly questioning the ticket's viability? * Why is Kwankwaso having to spend so much political capital defending the arrangement in Kano? Instead, you've changed the subject to the Senate, the judiciary and the police. That's another classic Obidient Derail-and-Dodge. As for "APC is afraid of Obi-Kwankwaso," political parties don't wait until election week before assessing their opponents. They study them, challenge them and expose what they believe are strategic weaknesses. That's called politics, not fear. If my analysis of Kwankwaso is wrong, rebut it point by point. If not, "another man's headache" is just another attempt to avoid discussing the actual article. |
tesseract:😂😂 Another textbook example of the Obidient "Derail-and-Dodge" strategy. I wrote an article analysing Kwankwaso's political calculation , his 2022 position, Senator Rufa'i Hanga's departure, Kano's changing political dynamics and the risks of betting on 2031. Your rebuttal? > "Tears, tears, tears everywhere... Here is a bucket." Notice what you didn't do: * You didn't explain why Kwankwaso rejected the VP slot in 2022 but accepted it in 2027. * You didn't address Senator Hanga's public assessment that the Obi-Kwankwaso ticket cannot win. * You didn't dispute Kwankwaso's weakening position outside Kano. * You didn't identify a single factual error in my write-up. Instead, you reached for emojis and "cry more." That's because it's much easier to mock than to answer uncomfortable questions. This is exactly why I describe it as the Obidient Derail-and-Dodge tactic: ignore the substance, avoid the evidence, substitute ridicule for rebuttal and hope nobody notices the original argument remains standing. If my analysis is wrong, point to the specific paragraph, produce contrary evidence and let's debate. Otherwise, keep the bucket. You may need it if the political arithmetic in Kano turns out to be closer to my assessment than yours. |
Reinvented:😂😂 Thank you for confirming my point. My article was about **Kwankwaso's political calculation** and whether accepting the vice-presidential slot under Peter Obi was a strategic mistake. Your response? A long list of unsupported state-by-state election predictions. That is classic Obidient Derail-and-Dodge. You didn't answer a single central question: * Why did Kwankwaso reject being Obi's running mate in 2022 but accept it now? * Why is Senator Rufa'i Hanga abandoning him at this critical stage? * Why did Hanga publicly say the Obi-Kwankwaso ticket cannot win? * Why is Kwankwaso spending so much time defending the ticket in Kano if everything is supposedly going according to plan? * If 2031 is the calculation, what legally guarantees Kwankwaso that promise? Instead, you simply coloured a map and declared victory. "South is gone." According to who? "Kano is in the bag." Based on what evidence? "70% chance of Aso Rock." Where did that figure come from? The 2023 political environment no longer exists. The Obi wave that shocked the establishment has largely been unpacked and tested against political realities. Since then, there have been defections, new alliances, shifts in party structures and changing voter priorities. Assuming that 2027 will simply be a replay of 2023 is one of the biggest analytical mistakes anyone can make. Many of your assumptions are not analysis—they are aspirations. You are entitled to your projections. I have mine. Mine are based on political trends, organisational strength, grassroots structures, recent realignments and extensive election research. Yours are based largely on hope. So let's do the sensible thing. Bookmark this thread. By January, as the campaigns gather momentum, we'll have a much clearer picture of where the political winds are blowing. And when the votes are eventually counted, we'll know whose analysis was grounded in reality and whose was merely wishful thinking. |
AMINDA:What do you mean by "over 20 religions"? Come on, let's be serious. In practical Nigerian politics, the debate has always been about the country's[b] two major religious communities[/b]—Christianity and Islam. The existence of many other faiths is a separate sociological discussion; it is not what the Muslim-Muslim ticket debate has been about. More importantly, a presidential ticket does NOT make one religion "dominant" in Nigeria. Nigeria's religious landscape is determined by its people and protected by the Constitution—not by the faith of two candidates on a ballot. If your argument were correct, then answer this: Has President Tinubu's government become exclusively Muslim? Look at the composition of his cabinet, ministers, heads of agencies and other senior appointments. There are EVEN MORE CHRISTIANS occupying many key positions in government. The existence of a Muslim-Muslim ticket , IN THIS CASE, have turned out more Christian participation in governance. You may argue that the ticket sent the wrong symbolic message or that you would have preferred a religiously balanced ticket. That is a perfectly legitimate political opinion. But claiming that it made one religion "dominant" in Nigeria simply does not follow from the facts. Let's debate what actually happened—not what sounds dramatic. |
AMINDA:You're conflating religion in politics with[b] weaponising religion[/b]. They are not the same thing. Every democracy has identity considerations—religion, ethnicity, region, ideology, gender and geography all influence ticket selection. Choosing a Muslim-Muslim ticket was a political calculation. You may disagree with it, but that alone does not amount to weaponising religion. Weaponising religion is something different: deliberately portraying ordinary political disagreements or legislative issues as attacks on an entire faith in order to inflame emotions and mobilise voters. As for your claim that "Northern Muslims have moved on," how exactly do you know that? Where is the evidence? From the political intelligence and on-the-ground assessments am priviledge to access, honestly you are seriously mistaken. indeed, i can confidently tell you that if an election were to take place today APC is positioned to win the overwhelming majority of northern states. In fact, as an Atiku supporter, you better warn him . What am seeing, he seems Atiku's prospects has become less optimistic than it was months ago. Even in Kaduna, where I previously expected him to perform relatively well, I now think he could underperform humiliatingly if he does not wake up. as it stands APC will win kaduna overwhelming if an election is to take place today. The mistake many of you analysts make is relying almost entirely on urban opinion, social media sentiment and city-based polling. Northern elections are decided across thousands of polling units, many in rural communities whose political preferences rarely feature in online discussions. The internal Party polling that just came out was based precisely to be detailed and reflective. Back to the muslim muslim ticket, i ask you a[i] counter question[/i] that you,AMINDA, have asked me before on the muslim-muslim ticket. if the Muslim-Muslim ticket was such an electoral disaster, how did it produce a presidential victory in 2023? So , my good friend,Please let's bookmark this conversation of today August 4th. When the votes are counted in 2027, we'll see whether your prediction or mine better reflected the political reality. |
