CharlesCNG's Posts
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Hello Moderators, My username is charlesCNG. Last week, I reported that I was unable to create new threads in the Politics section. I was relieved when the issue was resolved, but unfortunately, since Tuesday, the same restriction appears to have returned. Could you kindly check whether my account has again been inadvertently restricted from creating new topics in the Politics section, or whether this is a technical issue? If there is any restriction on my account, I would appreciate knowing the reason so that I can address it and ensure I comply with the forum's guidelines. I would also be grateful if you could advise me on the recommended number of new Politics threads I may create in a day, and whether there is a recommended interval between creating new topics to avoid triggering any automated restrictions. Thank you for your time and assistance. |
Vixlot:Concrete Roads Vs Asphalt Roads: The Dave Umahi Revolution One of the most important but under-discussed shifts in Nigeria’s road infrastructure policy is the David Umahi concrete-road revolution. For decades, Nigeria relied heavily on asphalt roads, many of which failed quickly under heavy rainfall, poor drainage, overloaded trucks, weak maintenance culture and rising construction costs. Asphalt is not useless. It is cheaper upfront, faster to lay, and suitable in many environments. But Nigeria’s problem has never been merely building roads; it has been building roads that survive Nigerian realities. That is where Umahi’s concrete-road argument comes in. The Ministry of Works is now pushing reinforced concrete pavement for major federal roads because of durability, lower long-term maintenance and resistance to water damage. Umahi has argued that asphalt roads in Nigeria are rarely guaranteed beyond about 15 years, while concrete roads under the current policy are expected to last much longer — even up to 50 to 100 years, depending on design, execution and maintenance. This is not just theory. The policy is already visible in major projects. The Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway is the flagship. Section One, covering about 47km from Victoria Island toward Eleko, was reported by the Federal Controller of Works in Lagos to be about 98% completed by May 2026, with remaining works mainly aesthetics, walkways, solar installations and tree planting. Section Two was targeted to reach the Lagos-Ogun border by November 2026, while work was also reported to be moving on the Ogun-Ondo axis. Earlier ministry updates put Lagos-Calabar Section One at about 85%, Section Two at about 40%, while sections in Cross River and Akwa Ibom were said to be advancing. The Sokoto-Badagry Superhighway is another legacy project. The Senate approved a $516.3 million syndicated facility for Section One, Phase One, covering about 120km of a broader corridor expected to span roughly 1,000km from Sokoto to Badagry. The project is designed to link Sokoto, Kebbi, Niger, Kwara, Oyo, Ogun and Lagos, reduce travel time, lower logistics costs and strengthen agriculture and manufacturing supply chains. Other major projects under the new direction include the Kano-Kongolam Road, redesigned as a 132km three-lane concrete carriageway linking Kano, Jigawa and Katsina, with solar lights and CCTV; the Abuja-Lokoja Road, now to be reconstructed with reinforced concrete; the Ibadan-Ife-Ilesa Road, a 103km dual carriageway re-awarded after minimal previous progress; and the Keffi-Nasarawa-Abaji Road Phase Two, a 129.3km rehabilitation project. The Bodo-Bonny Road is also significant. The ministry described all sections of the East-West Road as under active construction, with Bodo-Bonny highlighted as a major bridge-dominated engineering project, including over 3km of bridges and nearly 1.2km of main bridge structures. The bigger picture is this: Umahi inherited a difficult road sector. The Works Ministry said the administration inherited 2,064 ongoing projects in 2023, with funding constraints, contractor debts and many projects rolled over into 2026. It also disclosed that only about 9.7% of expected 2025 capital releases had been paid at one point, while contractors were owed about ₦2.2 trillion for certified work. That is why the concrete-road revolution is not merely about cement versus asphalt. It is about changing Nigeria’s road philosophy from cheap today, failed tomorrow to expensive today, durable tomorrow. Critics are right to ask questions about cost, procurement, transparency and whether every road truly needs concrete. Those questions matter. But it is also lazy to pretend nothing is changing. The shift to concrete pavement, phased legacy highways, stricter contractor mobilisation rules, solar lighting, CCTV integration and corridor-based road planning shows a clear policy direction. If executed properly, the Umahi model may become one of the most consequential infrastructure reforms of the Tinubu era. Because Nigeria does not merely need roads that are commissioned. Nigeria needs roads that endure. |
Mbanda:So because Nigeria has insecurity, we should stop building roads? Stop ports? Stop rail? Stop power projects? Stop schools? Stop hospitals? Stop housing? Stop everything until insecurity disappears completely? That is not policy. That is opposition claptrap wearing a safety helmet. A serious government must fight insecurity and still build infrastructure. The two are not enemies. In fact, roads can even help security: faster troop movement, quicker emergency response, better access to remote communities, improved trade, more jobs, and less isolation for criminal gangs to exploit. The logic is like saying a man with malaria should stop eating, stop bathing, stop going to work, stop paying school fees and stop repairing his leaking roof until the malaria disappears. No sensible person lives like that. You treat the malaria while life continues. Nigeria must address insecurity aggressively, yes. But development cannot enter coma because criminals exist. A country is not governed by pressing pause on everything until one problem is solved. |
Authoreety:Since Nnamdi Kanu’s words have now become gospel truth to some people, please let us apply the gospel evenly. If you are posting Kanu’s old video to prove that Buhari, Babangida and Atiku allegedly funded Boko Haram, then please also play us the video where the same Nnamdi Kanu attacked Peter Obi. The same Kanu was publicly circulated accusing Obi of stealing Anambra money to build a shopping mall in Abuja. Some other circulated posts also attribute even more scandalous personal allegations to him including an alhaji homosexual lover based in abuja. Now let me be clear: I am not saying those allegations against Peter Obi are true. I am not endorsing them. I am not repeating them as fact. I am asking a simple question about consistency. If Nnamdi Kanu is a reliable witness when he attacks Buhari, Babangida and Atiku, does he suddenly become unreliable when he attacks Peter Obi? If his mouth is evidence against your enemies, why is the same mouth useless when it points at your saint? That is the problem with selective truth. You people do not believe Nnamdi Kanu because he is credible. You believe him only when he is useful. When he attacks Fulani politicians, he is a prophet. When he attacks Peter Obi, he is noise. When he serves your bias, he is evidence. When he embarrasses your idol, he is forgotten. What you are doing is political buffet indulgence: picking the meat you like and leaving the bone that chokes your candidate. So before you use Nnamdi Kanu as your star witness, remember that the same witness has testified against your own messiah. Will you accept his words there too? Or is Kanu only truthful when Obi is not the target? |
KingOfAmebo:You only read the first sentence, yet you still found enough “nonsense” to reply? That means even one sentence from me worked overtime on your emotions. This “I didn’t read it” line is the last refuge of people who read, got wounded, had no rebuttal, and then came back pretending they were too busy to understand. You didn’t ignore the post. You survived the first sentence and ran to the comment box for first aid. So keep grinning. Sometimes laughter is what an argument does when it has been knocked unconscious. |
MrSly:If Tinubu is truly rejected everywhere, when are we going to see your own candidate’s rallies? Not Twitter rally. Not Nairaland rally. Not insult rally. Real people. Real wards. Real communities. Real mobilisation. You people keep saying APC rallies are empty, yet the same APC keeps winning elections. Then when APC wins, you suddenly remember that “hungry Nigerians were induced.” So which one is it? If Nigerians have rejected Tinubu, who is voting APC? If APC has no support, why do you always explain APC victories with hunger, poverty, 2k, rice and stipends? You cannot say Tinubu is rejected by hungry / angry Nigerians and also say the same Nigerians are voting APC because they are hungry. That means APC is still reaching the voters you are busy insulting online. Here is the Obidientshameless contradiction: When APC crowd is small, they shout rejection. When APC crowd is large, they shout inducement. When APC wins, they shout rigging. When asked to organise their own rally, they shout grammar. My friend , shame is not in holding a rally. Shame is in believing social media noise is structure, then crying when ballot boxes refuse to count hashtags. |
DaGC:Did you just call responding “spamming”? Maybe you should check your dictionary before checking my comments. I am not spamming. I am responding, contributing and exposing the usual contradiction you like to promote. And yes, the OP mentioned start-up kits and grants. So what exactly is the scandal? Is political mobilisation now illegal because people received empowerment materials? Or is it only wrong when APC supporters organise and benefit? This is the same old Obidient angle: If Nigerians complain, you say they are hungry and angry. If the same Nigerians attend an APC event, you say they came for grants. If they collect empowerment, you mock them. If they vote differently, you call them foolish. So which hungry Nigerian do you people actually respect? The hungry Nigerian who abuses Tinubu online is “angry and conscious.” The hungry Nigerian who attends an APC event is “bought.” The hungry Nigerian who votes APC is “stupid.” Yes, every Nigerian has a PVC. And that is exactly the point. The same people you insult today will make their personal decision at the ballot box tomorrow. You call it spam because the point is disturbing your comfort. I call it contribution because someone must remind you that INEC counts voters, not eye-roll emojis. |
bigwig071:Ashamed of what exactly? Ashamed of saying waste should be questioned but propaganda should not replace facts? Ashamed of saying government must explain spending but critics must stop mixing half-truths with hysteria? Ashamed of saying two things can be true at once: reforms may be necessary, and spending must still be scrutinised? Shame belongs to the person who cannot answer an argument, so he runs to emotional blackmail. You brought 18 allegations, I separated facts from exaggeration, acknowledged the questionable ones, challenged the false framing, and asked for balance. Your response is “aren’t you ashamed?” That is like a student who failed mathematics accusing the calculator of bad character. No, I am not ashamed of thinking. You should be ashamed of calling rage analysis and expecting serious people to clap. |
ogolemati:How To Spot An Obidient On Nairaland: A User Guide. Not everyone who criticises Tinubu is an Obidient. Not everyone who disagrees with Pastor Adeboye is an Obidient. Not everyone who supports opposition politics is an Obidient. But there is a pattern. If it quacks like an Obidient, insults like an Obidient, dodges facts like an Obidient, and shouts “data boy” like an Obidient, forgive me for recognising the duck. You can usually spot them by the familiar feathers. First, they rarely answer the issue. If you raise facts, they attack your motive. If you ask for evidence, they say you are paid. If you question Peter Obi, they say you are working for APC. If you defend a point they dislike, they call you “data boy.” Second, they confuse abuse with intelligence. Instead of argument, you get insults. Instead of data, you get slogans. Instead of reasoning, you get “fake certificate,” “snatch and grab,” “criminal,” and other recycled chants. Third, they practice selective outrage. When a pastor, activist or elder appears to support Obi, he is a voice of conscience. But if the same type of public figure says something that does not serve their political anger, he becomes tribal, fake, compromised or useless. Fourth, they dodge facts like rain. Present figures, they change topic. Present history, they shout propaganda. Present voting patterns, they reply with emotion. So no, I do not call people Obidient simply because they disagree with me. I notice the uniform: abuse first, evidence last. If it walks like selective outrage, quacks like political intolerance, and swims comfortably in insult, I do not need DNA test to know the species. You can deny being Obidient, but if your argument came from the usual insult factory, do not blame me for identifying the manufacturer. |
KingOfAmebo:Most of you are so confused you keep contradicting yourselves. In one breath, you guys will say Nigerians are suffering, angry and hungry, therefore they will punish APC and Tinubu at the polls. In the next breath, when those same Nigerians attend APC rallies or vote APC in by-elections, You confused lot says it is because hunger pushed them there. So which one is it? Is hunger making Nigerians reject APC? Or is hunger making Nigerians support APC? You cannot use the same hunger to explain both APC’s coming defeat and APC’s current victories. That is confusion wearing opposition jersey. If Nigerians are too hungry / angry to vote APC, then why are hungry Nigerians voting APC in post-2023 and bye elections? If APC crowds are only there for food, why can’t the opposition also gather hungry Nigerians with their own food? Are opposition voters not hungry too? The truth is simple: You people already decided that any vote for APC must be illegitimate. If APC loses, Nigerians are wise. If APC wins, Nigerians were bought, hungry or deceived. That is not respect for voters. That is contempt for voters. Democracy means accepting that people may suffer and still make political choices you dislike. You cannot keep insulting the electorate and still claim to speak for them. |
edogu:Debt After Subsidy Removal: The Simple Explanation Critics Pretend Not To Understand. Saying “Tinubu removed subsidy but is still borrowing” sounds clever until you understand how government finance works. Fuel subsidy removal does not mean Nigeria suddenly becomes rich overnight. It means government has stopped pouring money into one leaking bucket. But the house still has old debts, broken pipes, unpaid bills, weak infrastructure, security costs, salaries, power problems, roads to build, and a damaged economy to repair. It is like a man who stops spending ₦500,000 every month on a wasteful habit. Does that mean he will never need a bank loan again? No. If his house roof is leaking, his children’s school fees are due, his business needs equipment, and he already owes money from the past, he may still borrow — but the question is: is he borrowing to waste or borrowing to build? That is the difference. Subsidy borrowing was largely consumption borrowing. It was like borrowing to buy fuel and burn it away. Development borrowing, if properly used, is investment borrowing. It is like borrowing to build a factory, road, rail, power plant, refinery, port or digital infrastructure that can generate future value. Even Dangote did not build his refinery by merely clapping his hands. Reuters reported that Dangote arranged over **$4.5 billion** in debt financing for the refinery project in 2018, after an earlier **$3.3 billion syndicated loan** in 2013. Today, that refinery is one of Africa’s biggest industrial assets. So the issue is not “loan” by itself. The issue is what the loan is used for. A loan used to subsidise petrol consumption disappears into exhaust smoke. A loan used to build infrastructure can create jobs, expand production, improve logistics and grow revenue. That is why serious people distinguish between[b] borrowing for consumption [/b]and[b] borrowing for capital development.[/b] Nigeria still has debt pressure. Nobody should deny that. Reuters reported that Nigeria’s 2026 debt-service cost is projected to take nearly half of government revenue, so the debt burden is real. ([reuters.com](https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/nigerias-tinubu-urges-global-finance-overhaul-debt-costs-crowd-out-spending-2026-05-13/)) But removing subsidy improves the fiscal room because it stops one of the biggest drains on public finance. The IMF noted that Tinubu’s administration moved ahead with two major reforms: fuel subsidy removal and foreign exchange unification. Those reforms were aimed at reducing distortions and rebuilding fiscal stability. So the proper question is not: “Why borrow after removing subsidy?” The proper question is: Are we borrowing less wastefully? Are we borrowing for productive assets? Are revenues improving? Are debts sustainable? Are projects delivering value? That is the debate serious people should have. Removing subsidy is like stopping blood loss. Borrowing for infrastructure is like paying for surgery. Only a confused critic will say: “Since the doctor stopped the bleeding, why is the patient still paying hospital bills?” |
Kemetian:What fascinates me most about President Bola Ahmed Tinubu is not just politics. It is his audacity. Tinubu is the kind of politician who looks at a problem other leaders have been managing, dodging, pampering and postponing for decades, and decides to confront it head-on. That boldness is rare in Nigerian politics. Some years ago, even before Tinubu declared his presidential ambition, a friend told me that no Nigerian politician would ever have the courage to remove fuel subsidy. He said it was politically impossible. He said any president who tried it would be consumed by the backlash. I remember telling him clearly: there is only one politician in Nigeria who can attempt it. That man is Tinubu. Not because it would be easy. Not because Nigerians would clap immediately. Not because the pain would be small. But because Tinubu has always had the political temperament of a long-distance reformer. He is not obsessed only with today’s applause. He is willing to endure today’s anger if he believes tomorrow’s structure will justify the pain. That is exactly what we are seeing. Fuel subsidy removal. Exchange-rate reform. Tax reform. Revenue reset. Infrastructure expansion. Local government autonomy. Student loans. Consumer credit. CNG transition. Coastal highway. Lagos-style long-term thinking slowly being transferred to the national stage. Many people are still analysing Tinubu like a man trying to win one news cycle. That is the mistake. Tinubu is not merely governing for headline comfort. He is trying to entrench a new operating system. He is carrying out, in practical governance form, something close to a national economic conference — not by gathering people in Abuja to talk for months, but by forcing Nigeria to finally answer the hard questions it has avoided for years. Can we continue subsidising consumption with borrowed money? Can we continue defending an artificial exchange rate? Can we continue running a federation where states wait helplessly for Abuja? Can we build without painful revenue reform? Can we industrialise without roads, ports, energy transition and logistics corridors? These are the questions Tinubu is forcing Nigeria to confront. And yes, the pain is real. Nobody should pretend otherwise. Ordinary Nigerians are feeling the heat. Food prices, transport costs and inflation have punished families. Government must urgently do more to soften the hardship and ensure the gains of reform reach the streets, not just economic reports. But leadership is not only about distributing painkillers. Sometimes leadership is about accepting the political cost of surgery. That is why the reforms may become very difficult for future administrations to reverse. Once a bad system is dismantled and a new structure begins to take root, returning to the old deception becomes too expensive, too impractical and too politically indefensible. That was also the Lagos lesson. Tinubu left office as governor many years ago, but the governance architecture he helped build continued to shape the state long after him. Love him or hate him, Lagos did not become what it is today by accident. It became a model of internally generated revenue, institutional continuity and long-term political planning. Now, he is attempting something similar nationally. If Nigeria eventually becomes a fast-rising, investment-attracting, infrastructure-driven and industrialising economy over the next 10 to 20 years, many of the seeds will be traced to these difficult reforms. The rejected stone may yet become the nation’s remembered transformer. Because sometimes, the leader who is abused today is the one history later credits for refusing to postpone tomorrow. |
[quote author=urchman3000 post=139910969][/quote]Nobody serious is denying that Nigerians are going through pain. Food prices, transport costs, rent, school fees, healthcare, unemployment and insecurity are real pressures. But a serious conversation must start from one question: what did this government meet on ground? Tinubu did not inherit a healthy economy. He inherited an economy already on oxygen. Before he came in, Nigeria was spending heavily on fuel subsidy, borrowing to cover consumption, defending an artificial exchange rate, printing money through Ways and Means, and using a frightening portion of government revenue to service debt. The IMF noted in 2024 that Tinubu’s government moved ahead with two major structural reforms: removing fuel subsidy and unifying the official foreign exchange windows. So let us use a simple analogy. This government did not cause the patient’s cancer. The cancer had been growing for years. Past governments kept giving the patient painkillers: fuel subsidy, artificial naira rate, borrowing, printing money, and postponing the difficult treatment. Tinubu chose chemotherapy. And everybody knows chemotherapy is painful. It weakens the body before recovery begins. But the alternative is pretending the cancer is malaria until the patient collapses. The reforms are clear: Fuel subsidy removal. Exchange-rate unification. Tax and fiscal reforms. Revenue mobilisation. Debt-service pressure reduction. More money to states from FAAC. Infrastructure spending. Local refining and energy market reset. Student loan and social intervention programmes. Attempts to stabilise FX and inflation. Have these reforms caused pain? Yes. But have they also started producing macroeconomic results? Also yes. The World Bank reported that Nigeria’s economy recorded strong growth in 2024, with reforms helping to improve fiscal revenue, reduce the fiscal deficit, and rebuild reserves, even though inflation remained a serious burden on households. Reuters also reported that by late 2025, inflation had fallen from very high levels, the naira had stabilised below ₦1,500/$, growth averaged 3.78% for the first nine months of 2025, and external reserves reached about $50.5 billion. NBS data also showed GDP growth of 3.89% in Q1 2026, higher than 3.13% in Q1 2025. So the honest position is this: macro indicators are improving, but micro pain is still heavy. That is the gap government must close urgently. The reforms must now translate into cheaper food, more jobs, better wages, lower transport costs, safer communities, lower inflation, stronger purchasing power, and visible relief for ordinary Nigerians. But here is the question critics keep dodging: What is the alternative? Is the alternative to bring back fuel subsidy? If yes, who will pay for it? With what revenue? Will we borrow again? Print money again? Starve states of funds again? Return to queues, smuggling and petrol scarcity? Is the alternative to return to a fake exchange rate? If yes, who gets the cheap dollar? The common man or the politically connected importer? Do we return to the era where government pretends the dollar is cheap while ordinary Nigerians cannot access it? Is the alternative to reverse tax and revenue reforms? If yes, how will government fund roads, schools, hospitals, security, salaries and capital projects? This is what 2027 is really about. It is not about who can cry the loudest. It is not about who can describe suffering better. Everybody knows there is suffering. The real question is: who has a credible plan to move Nigeria from painful reform to visible recovery? I support continuing the reforms because reversing them will take us back to the same fake comfort that created this crisis. The pain is real, but going back to the old system is like telling a cancer patient to stop chemotherapy and return to paracetamol because the treatment is painful. That may feel good today. But tomorrow, the disease returns stronger. So yes, hold Tinubu accountable. Demand relief. Demand faster results. Demand food security. Demand jobs. Demand security. Demand lower inflation. Demand competence. But do not pretend Nigeria’s crisis started in 2023. And do not sell Nigerians an alternative that is nothing more than old subsidy, fake exchange rate and sweet slogans wearing new campaign clothes. 2027 should be about one question: Do we endure reform and force it to deliver results, or do we run back to the same economic deception that brought us here? That is the democratic choice i have made and everybody is going to make. |
Dricker:You have actually shown how confused this whole intimidation tactic is. So because I support a candidate you do not like, I suddenly have no conscience? Because I do not echo your political anger, I must be paid 30k? Because I refuse to vote like you, it must be tribe? What exactly are you practising — democracy or emotional dictatorship? You have a right to your choice. I have a right to mine. You can vote for your candidate, campaign for him, defend him and criticise Tinubu. That is your democratic right. But the moment you start cursing my family, questioning my conscience and trying to shame me for my political choice, you are no longer debating. You are bullying. And let me ask you directly: who are you voting for? Are you saying your own choice is pure, but my own choice is criminal? Are you saying only your political preference is valid? Are you saying democracy means everybody must support your candidate or be insulted? This is the Obidient-style online intimidation I keep talking about. They don’t persuade. They threaten. They don’t debate. They curse. They don’t convince. They try to emotionally blackmail people into silence. My brother, I will criticise government where necessary, acknowledge hardship where it exists, support policies I believe in, and vote according to my own conviction. That is my right. Your anger will not collect my PVC from me. |
Sonofgod1990:This “they came for 2k” excuse is the political sleeping tablet Obidients use whenever reality disturbs their dream. If nobody attends APC rally, you say APC is finished. If people attend, you say they were paid. If they vote APC, you say they were bought. If APC wins, you say it was rigged. So at what point will you admit that some Nigerians simply do not agree with you? This is why your movement keeps misreading the ground. You insult the same people you want to convert, reduce their political choice to hunger, and then wonder why your online noise does not enter the ballot box. You call them 2k crowd because admitting they are voters will damage your political self-esteem |
AderonkeOlaniyi:“supporters of criminals” is not a rebuttal. It is the sound of political frustration wearing bathroom slippers. This is the exact poverty of argument I was talking about. When APC people organise rallies, enter communities, mobilise women, speak to traders, engage youths and build polling-unit presence, your only response is “supporters of criminals.” That is why you people keep losing the ground game. You insult the voter, insult the rally, insult the organiser, insult the market woman, insult the youth group, insult the community leader — then on election day you expect the same people to vote with your anger. Politics does not work like that. If they are “supporters of criminals,” go and defeat them with superior mobilisation. Go and gather your own crowd. Go and build your own ward structure. Go and convince the same people you are insulting. Go and produce votes, not tantrums. But you cannot sit online calling everyone criminal, hungry, foolish and bought, then cry when the ballot box refuses to obey your hashtag. This is the tragedy of the Obidient noise machine: they think contempt is strategy. APC may have many faults, but they understand one thing better than you people: voters are reached physically, not cursed digitally. So keep shouting “supporters of criminals.” INEC will not count your insult. INEC will count their votes. |
The irony is that some people have been shouting “restructuring” for years without restructuring anything. Tinubu came in and started touching the real pressure points: local government funds, policing powers, tax administration and federation revenues. That is why this secret should not have been exposed too early. This was supposed to be a stealth operation, but some people cannot keep quiet. Tinubu was restructuring Nigeria quietly without calling it restructuring. No national conference drama. No hotel allowance jamboree. No committee grammar. Just silent institutional surgery. Local government autonomy — touched. State police — moving. Tax reform — signed. Federation revenue remittance — tightened. These are the real pressure points of restructuring. But trust some authors now — they have gone to open the cupboard and shout, “See what Tinubu is doing!” Can they not allow the man finish the operation before announcing the surgery? This is why no secret is safe in Nigeria. The man was quietly rearranging the furniture of the federation, and somebody has already gone to ring bell in the market square. Op.Am very angry with you! |
favor914:Forget all the noise Obidients are making about Kenneth Okonkwo. His real offence is not that he left. His unforgivable offence is that he left with a microphone. That is what they cannot tolerate. In their political cult, you are free to join loudly, clap loudly, defend Obi loudly, and insult others loudly. But the day you leave and still have the audacity to speak, you become a traitor, a paid agent, a fake Igbo man, and suddenly they start dragging Samuel Onitiri and measuring lips like village DNA officers. Comedy everywhere. Kenneth was wise, bold and Igbo enough when he was defending Obi. Now that he is criticising Obi, they want ancestral verification. That is the Obidient pattern: once you leave their altar, your identity expires. |
helinues:It is now he will understands what many people have been saying since 2023: he did not merely join a political movement; he joined a political cult. In a normal political movement, people are free to enter, disagree, criticise, resign and move on. But in the Obidient world, once you leave, you are not simply disagreed with — you are excommunicated. They question your character. They question your tribe. They question your intelligence. They question your bank account. They question your ancestry. That is how political cults behave. They do not debate defectors; they try to destroy them. The same person they once praised as intelligent, courageous and principled suddenly becomes foolish, paid, fake, compromised and useless the moment he stops worshipping at their altar. That is why many people are now seeing the pattern. Obidient politics is not built on persuasion; it is built on emotional ownership. Once you support Obi, they treat you as property. Once you leave, they treat you as stolen goods. This is why serious people keep their distance. Politics should allow disagreement. But in the Obidient camp, disagreement is betrayal, criticism is treason, and exit is a mortal sin. |
otrasane:Another classic example of Peter Obi’s careless promise-making is his latest claim that he will build a functional primary healthcare centre in all Nigeria’s 8,809 wards. On the surface, it sounds compassionate. Who does not want healthcare at the grassroots? But serious leadership is not about throwing attractive figures into the air like a campaign auctioneer. Serious leadership asks: how much will it cost, where will the doctors come from, who will fund the drugs, who will maintain the equipment, and how will the centres avoid becoming abandoned buildings after ribbon-cutting? Nigeria has 8,809 registration areas/wards, a figure INEC has also used for ward-level PVC distribution. So Obi is not talking about a small pilot scheme; he is talking about thousands of facilities across the federation. If each ward gets only one centre, that is 8,809 centres. If each centre needs land, construction, solar power, water, medical equipment, nurses, community health workers, drugs, ambulances or referral links, security and maintenance, then this is not a slogan. It is a massive national health infrastructure programme. Where is the costing? Where is the implementation timeline? Where is the manpower plan? Where is the state and local government coordination model? Where is the budget line? This is the problem with Obi’s politics. He often speaks as if governance is a motivational seminar. He throws numbers around, and his supporters clap before asking basic questions. But Nigeria is not a classroom where a prefect wins applause by promising everybody free lunch. Nigeria is a complex federation with budgets, procurement, recurrent costs, staffing shortages, state powers and maintenance failures. A serious politician would say: “We will upgrade existing primary healthcare centres first, identify underserved wards, cost the gaps, partner with states, train health workers, and publish a phased plan.” But Obi’s version is: “I will build in all wards.” That is the difference between policy and performance. Peter Obi talks like a desperate campaign salesman trying to close a deal by any slogan necessary. |
MarkNsukkaBread:Whether it is mansion, mansion-like, bungalow with shoulders, or duplex doing press-up, that is not even the real drift of the argument. The point is simple: the “Kenneth left because of accommodation” story is typical Obidient propaganda — reduce every defector to hunger, rent, stomach infrastructure or betrayal, so nobody will ask what he actually saw inside the movement. You may call Kenneth a political jobber. Fair enough. I am not here to canonise him. In fact, Kenneth deserves part of what is happening to him because he once dined comfortably with the same Obidient mob culture that is now chewing his political bones. That is the real point. What he joined was not just a movement; it behaved like a cult. And like every cult, once you leave, they don’t ask why you left. They destroy your character, rewrite your history, mock your private life, and tell the world you were never useful. So mansion or no mansion, Kenneth’s real problem is not accommodation. His real problem is that he left the shrine with the microphone. |
DoctorAyukebot:If AI was human, obideints would have already accused it of collecting data-boy stipend in dollars. 😂 But thank you. The funny thing is that you AI ranters are not angry that the writing is bad. You are just angry that the writing is too sharp for your comfort. When you cannot answer the argument, they start investigating the keyboard. So you will keep crying as i keep writing. Your problem is not artificial intelligence. Your problem is natural ignorance meeting organised thought. |
ogolemati:How To Spot An Obidient On Nairaland: A User Guide. Not everyone who criticises Tinubu is an Obidient. Not everyone who disagrees with Pastor Adeboye is an Obidient. Not everyone who supports opposition politics is an Obidient. But there is a pattern. If it quacks like an Obidient, insults like an Obidient, dodges facts like an Obidient, and shouts “data boy” like an Obidient, forgive me for recognising the duck. You can usually spot them by the familiar feathers. First, they rarely answer the issue. If you raise facts, they attack your motive. If you ask for evidence, they say you are paid. If you question Peter Obi, they say you are working for APC. If you defend a point they dislike, they call you “data boy.” Second, they confuse abuse with intelligence. Instead of argument, you get insults. Instead of data, you get slogans. Instead of reasoning, you get “fake certificate,” “snatch and grab,” “criminal,” and other recycled chants. Third, they practice selective outrage. When a pastor, activist or elder appears to support Obi, he is a voice of conscience. But if the same type of public figure says something that does not serve their political anger, he becomes tribal, fake, compromised or useless. Fourth, they dodge facts like rain. Present figures, they change topic. Present history, they shout propaganda. Present voting patterns, they reply with emotion. So no, I do not call people Obidient simply because they disagree with me. I notice the uniform: abuse first, evidence last. If it walks like selective outrage, quacks like political intolerance, and swims comfortably in insult, I do not need DNA test to know the species. You can deny being Obidient, but if your argument came from the usual insult factory, do not blame me for identifying the manufacturer. |
cjfavour:I am just a citizen expressing my point of view. Unfortunately, my point of view seems to offend a set of people who believe democracy means everybody must sing from their hymn book. You say I am “Yarimo and Hellinues combined.” Fine. But why is my writing disturbing you this much? If what I am saying is rubbish, why not ignore it and move on? Why are you restless under every post? Except, of course, you are suggesting that I do not have the democratic right to express my opinion because it does not favour your side. That is the real problem. You people want freedom of speech for yourselves, but emotional censorship for others. You can criticise government, abuse politicians, attack pastors, insult citizens and call people paid agents — but once someone scrutinises your own political idol, suddenly he is “defending corrupt politicians.” No, my brother. Disagreement is not corruption. Criticism is not employment. Independent opinion is not a crime. If my view is wrong, rebut it. If my facts are false, correct them. But if all you have is name-calling, then you are only proving that my opinion hit the right nerve. |
ikechukz:You are so on point. It is like a woman who runs a small buka. Last week, she bought rice at ₦80,000 per bag, tomatoes at ₦40,000 per basket, groundnut oil at a high price, paid transport, paid staff, bought gas, and cooked with those expensive inputs. This week, rice drops to ₦65,000 in the market. Will customers now storm her shop and say she must sell a plate of rice at the new lower price immediately, even though the food she cooked came from last week’s expensive stock? That is not business. That is punishment. She has to recover the cost of what she already bought before the cheaper market price can reflect in her next batch. If she keeps selling below her cost because people are shouting, she will soon close shop, and the same people will start asking why food sellers are disappearing. Same thing with Dangote Refinery. If Dangote bought crude at a higher dollar cost, paid logistics, insurance, financing, operations, staff, power, maintenance and regulatory costs, you cannot expect him to automatically sell that batch at a huge loss because today’s market mood has changed. Another example: a petrol station buys fuel at ₦900 per litre and fills its underground tank. Two days later, depot price drops to ₦820. Will you force the station to sell its old stock at ₦820 and swallow the loss? If it does that repeatedly, it will not have money to restock. So yes, prices should come down when input costs fall. But price reduction must follow the actual cost of supply, not social media emotion. Business does not run on vibes. It runs on cost, cash flow and replacement value. |
helinues:I completely agree. That is how democracy is supposed to work. Real politics is not won by insulting strangers on social media. It is won by organising, persuading, mobilising supporters and meeting voters where they are. While some people spend their time trending hashtags and abusing anyone who disagrees with them, others are building ward structures, strengthening local alliances, engaging communities and preparing for election day. That is grassroots mobilisation. Democracy rewards organisation, not online outrage. At the end of the day, elections are decided at polling units—not in comment sections. That is the difference between political campaigning and political performance. As the recent off-cycle and bye-election results have shown, structure still walks farther than social media noise. |
helinues:My brother, ywelcome to the normal Obidient playbook on Nairaland. They will follow you from thread to thread, cry on your mentions, insult you, derail the topic, accuse you of being paid, and then turn around to ask why you are responding to them. That is their usual modus operandi. They do it because they believe every political space must echo only one sound: anti-Tinubu anger and Obi worship. Once you write anything that questions Peter Obi, exposes their contradictions, challenges their false claims, or refuses to join their daily lamentation choir, they see it as a personal emergency. That is why they stalk threads. It is not because they want debate. It is because they want control. They want to intimidate people into silence, so that only their own version of Nigeria can survive on the forum. Their method is simple: if they cannot defeat your argument, they will flood your mentions; if they cannot answer your facts, they will abuse your person; if they cannot defend Obi’s record, they will drag Tinubu into every sentence; if they cannot explain Labour Party confusion, they will accuse you of collecting money. But let them continue. The more they cry, the more they expose themselves. So my advice is simple: allow them. Let them cry on your mentions. Let them stalk your threads. Let them prove, by their own behaviour, the very intolerance we have been describing. Just keep writing. Keep asking questions. Keep exposing the double standards. Keep reminding them that Nairaland is not an Obidient WhatsApp group. They want silence. Give them scrutiny. |
[quote author=urchman3000 post=139908961][/quote]This is exactly the problem with Obidients. Every day, they tell themselves that Nigerians have totally rejected APC. They say Tinubu has no support. They say nobody will attend any pro-Tinubu event. They say APC is finished. They say the masses are waiting to revolt. Then the moment a pro-Tinubu rally holds and ordinary people show up, they suddenly remember “stipends.” That is their usual escape route. If nobody comes out, they say APC is finished. If people come out, they say they were paid. The lesson Obidients should learn from APC is simple: elections are not won by social-media noise alone. Elections are won by structure, mobilisation, grassroots presence, voter awareness, local leaders, women groups, youth groups, polling-unit agents, community engagement and constant physical contact with voters. While APC support groups are entering Lugbe, Kuje, markets, communities and area councils, many Obidients are still on Nairaland and X calling everybody hungry, foolish and deceived. Then on election day, they will be shocked that the same people they insulted did not vote with them. Politics is not only grammar. Politics is mobilisation. If you believe Nigerians have rejected APC, go and organise your own rally. Go and mobilise your own women. Go and gather your own youths. Go and engage communities. Go and register voters. Go and protect polling units. But do not sit online insulting people who are doing grassroots work, then cry later that the election was stolen. The truth is painful: APC understands ground game better than Obidients. Obidients understand online outrage better than APC. Unfortunately for them, INEC does not count insults. INEC counts votes. |
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