₦airaland Forum

Exactly my point, that would have bridged the trust deficit gap, which is actually the hallmark of relationship between the leaders and the followers

1vandragon:
Long read but worth it.

A key addition from me is that political office holders must be the first beneficiaries of thier own reforms. They should have a large taste of what they cook for the masses.

5. The National Population Census: Governing a Nation Without Adequate Numbers
Perhaps one of the clearest illustrations of the relationship between institutional responsibility and effective governance is Nigeria’s long-delayed national population census.
Nigeria’s last completed national population census was conducted in 2006. A new Population and Housing Census was scheduled for 3–7 May 2023 but was postponed by President Buhari on 28 April 2023, shortly before the end of his administration.
The postponement was therefore a decision of the Buhari administration, not an action that originated with Tinubu. Nevertheless, once President Tinubu assumed office, the unresolved census became an important responsibility of the incoming government.
Why does this matter so profoundly?
A credible census is not merely a statistical exercise or a ceremonial demonstration of administrative capacity. It is a foundational instrument for national planning. Governments need reliable information about where people live, the size and characteristics of households, patterns of urbanisation, housing conditions, and the geographical distribution of populations to make informed decisions about public services and infrastructure.
Population data inform the planning of schools, hospitals, roads, water systems, electricity infrastructure, housing, social protection, and emergency responses. They also contribute to the assessment of demographic trends and the geographical distribution of public needs.
Where population figures are outdated, incomplete, or disputed, planning becomes more difficult. Resources may fail to correspond to actual needs, while public debate over representation and distribution can become more contentious. A census alone cannot solve these problems, but the absence of reliable demographic information can make them harder to address.
The challenge is particularly significant for Nigeria, given its large population, rapid demographic change, regional inequalities, and substantial demand for employment and public services.
For these reasons, the Tinubu administration should treat the census as a matter of national development and institutional credibility. It should work with the National Population Commission, state governments, and relevant stakeholders to establish a credible timetable, secure appropriate funding, protect the technical independence of the exercise, and create safeguards against political interference.
A census must be conducted transparently and impartially. It must be adequately funded, technically sound, and trusted across the country’s diverse communities. Rushing the exercise without sufficient preparation would be as irresponsible as allowing it to remain indefinitely unresolved.
The point is not that a census should take precedence over every other national priority. It is that a government serious about evidence-based planning should recognise population data as essential infrastructure for virtually every other development priority.
A nation cannot plan effectively for people it has not adequately counted.
6. Constitutional Power Must Be Matched by Moral Responsibility
Political authority has both legal and ethical dimensions. The Constitution establishes the powers of government, while democratic accountability requires those powers to be exercised in the public interest.
A president may possess the legal authority to appoint ministers, direct executive policy, and propose budgets. However, the quality of leadership depends on how those powers are used, the standards applied to appointments, the openness of decision-making, and the willingness to explain consequential choices to the public.
The arrogance of power emerges when legal authority is treated as sufficient justification for every decision.
Constitutional government requires restraint. It requires respect for the legislature’s oversight responsibilities, the judiciary’s independence, the professionalism of public institutions, and the rights of citizens to question their leaders.
It also requires humility in the face of evidence. A responsible leader understands that an election confers a temporary mandate, not permanent moral superiority. Policies can be revised. Appointments can be reconsidered. Errors can be acknowledged. Public criticism can reveal problems that internal advisers have overlooked.
Such conduct is not a sign of weakness; it is evidence of institutional maturity.
In a diverse federation such as Nigeria, these obligations carry additional weight. Political decisions must account for regional differences, unequal access to public services, religious and cultural diversity, and the varying capacities of state and local governments. National leadership must resist the temptation to interpret disagreement through the narrow lens of political loyalty.
A government that seeks to command respect must first demonstrate respect for the citizens from whom its authority ultimately derives.
7. The Way Forward: From Political Dominance to Public Service
If the Tinubu administration wishes to strengthen public confidence and leave a durable democratic legacy, several priorities deserve sustained attention.
First, institutionalise honest advice. Government must create an environment in which ministers, advisers, civil servants, and independent experts can challenge proposals without fear. Appointments should reflect competence, integrity, relevant experience, and the capacity to deliver measurable outcomes.
Second, make accountability visible. Major policy decisions should be accompanied by clear objectives, implementation schedules, public expenditure information, and measurable indicators of success. Citizens should be able to assess what was promised, what was delivered, what it cost, and what remains outstanding.
Third, prioritise a credible national census. The government should provide a transparent account of preparations, financing, technical requirements, and the conditions necessary for an acceptable exercise. Population data must serve national planning rather than partisan advantage.
Fourth, connect economic reform to household welfare. Fiscal improvements should translate into more effective investment in healthcare, education, infrastructure, employment, and targeted support for vulnerable citizens. Relief programmes should be independently monitored to establish whether they reach their intended beneficiaries.
Fifth, protect democratic scrutiny. Opposition parties, journalists, civil society organisations, professional bodies, and ordinary citizens should be able to question government performance without automatically being treated as enemies of the state. Criticism should be answered with evidence, not intimidation or personal attacks.
Sixth, confront institutional weaknesses consistently across administrations. Nigeria needs a uniform standard for evaluating public officials, irrespective of party affiliation. The failures of one government must not excuse those of another, and the achievements of an administration must not be denied merely because political opponents prefer a different historical narrative.
Finally, place the national interest above political self-preservation. The ultimate purpose of public office is to improve the conditions under which citizens live, work, raise families, and pursue their aspirations. Political prestige is temporary; the consequences of public decisions can endure for generations.
These priorities do not require the abandonment of political conviction or executive decisiveness. They require decisiveness to be disciplined by evidence, power to be restrained by law, and ambition to be subordinated to the public good.
8. Conclusion: The Smaller the Mind, the Greater the Conceit
The history of political power offers a persistent warning: governments often begin to lose public confidence when they become more concerned with defending their authority than improving the lives of those they govern.
The Tinubu administration should therefore understand that the strength of a presidency cannot be measured solely by its capacity to implement unpopular policies, command a legislative majority, maintain political alliances, or withstand public criticism. It must also be measured by its willingness to listen, explain, correct mistakes, and deliver verifiable improvements in the lives of Nigerians.
A government may be legally constituted and politically dominant while still struggling to earn the confidence of citizens. Electoral legitimacy is indispensable, but the enduring legitimacy of democratic leadership is reinforced through performance, fairness, accountability, and respect for the public.
Nigeria has experienced successive administrations that promised transformation, discipline, security, and prosperity. The country cannot afford another cycle in which ambitious declarations outpace measurable results, political loyalty overshadows professional competence, and the failures of predecessors become a permanent justification for the shortcomings of incumbents.
The challenge before President Tinubu is therefore larger than the defence of his policies or the preservation of his political coalition. It is the challenge of demonstrating that executive power can be exercised decisively without becoming dismissive, confidently without becoming conceited, and authoritatively without becoming unaccountable.
The President’s supporters are entitled to defend his policies, just as his critics are entitled to question them. Neither loyalty nor opposition should replace evidence. The interests of Nigeria must remain the standard against which every administration is judged.
A patriotic citizen does not wish a government to fail merely to vindicate a political argument. A patriotic citizen wishes the government to succeed for the sake of the country while refusing to confuse patriotism with silence.
The smaller the mind, the greater the conceit; the greater the arrogance of power, the harder it becomes to recognise the wisdom of restraint.
Power is temporary. Public office is a trust. History is the eventual auditor.
And no president, however influential, should forget that the ultimate purpose of governing is not to demonstrate how much power one possesses, but to prove how responsibly that power can be used in the service of the people.
________________________________________
References and Further Reading
1. Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999, as amended. Sections 14 and 15 provide relevant constitutional principles concerning governance, public welfare, and national integration.
2. International Monetary Fund. Nigeria's 2024 Article IV consultation, addressing economic reforms, macroeconomic conditions, and policy challenges. Read the IMF assessment.
3. World Bank. From Policy to People: Bringing the Reform Gains Home (2025), examining economic stabilisation, poverty, food inflation, and inclusive growth. Read the World Bank assessment.
4. National Population Commission. President Buhari Postpones 2023 Census (29 April 2023). Read the official announcement.
5. National Population Commission. NPC Clarifies Misleading Reports on Census Date (29 November 2024). Read the Commission's clarification.

THE ARROGANCE OF POWER
When Authority Becomes Its Own Worst Enemy
By Opeloyeru Rasaq
Introduction: The Dangerous Seduction of Power
Power is indispensable to effective governance. A government must possess the authority, institutional capacity, political will, and administrative discipline required to translate public policies into tangible improvements in the lives of its citizens. However, the possession of power is not, in itself, proof of wisdom, legitimacy, or good leadership. The true measure of leadership lies in the restraint with which power is exercised, the accountability to which it is subjected, and the human consequences of the decisions taken in its name.
When power becomes an instrument of personal glorification, political intimidation, partisan patronage, and the suppression of inconvenient truths, it ceases to serve its constitutional purpose. It becomes an obstacle to progress and, ultimately, a threat to the very authority it seeks to preserve.
This is the enduring danger of the arrogance of power: the gradual conviction that those who govern are entitled to unquestioning obedience; that criticism is an act of hostility; that loyalty is more valuable than competence; and that the interests of the ruling establishment are synonymous with the interests of the nation.
These concerns deserve serious examination in the context of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s administration. Since assuming office on 29 May 2023, his government has undertaken far-reaching economic reforms, including the removal of petrol subsidies and changes to the foreign-exchange regime. Although these measures were intended to address longstanding economic distortions, they have also imposed substantial pressures on households and businesses.
The fundamental question, therefore, is not merely whether the government has exercised power decisively, but whether it has exercised that power with sufficient humility, accountability, institutional maturity, and sensitivity to the citizens who bear the consequences of its decisions.
1. The Presidency and the Temptation of Unchecked Authority
History repeatedly demonstrates that governments rarely become unaccountable overnight. The process often begins with the gradual weakening of institutional restraints, the elevation of political loyalty above professional competence, and the treatment of dissent as an inconvenience rather than an essential feature of democratic life.
A presidency may be constitutionally powerful, but it is not constitutionally infallible. Nigeria’s 1999 Constitution, as amended, establishes a framework within which public authority must be exercised in accordance with the law and in the public interest. Section 14 identifies popular sovereignty, participation, and public welfare as fundamental principles of governance.
These principles establish a clear distinction between possessing authority and exercising it legitimately. Electoral victory confers a mandate to govern; it does not confer ownership of the state.
The danger arises when political success creates an exaggerated sense of entitlement. An administration may begin to mistake its electoral coalition for the entire country, its policy preferences for unquestionable truths, and the loyalty of its supporters for evidence of universal public approval. Under such circumstances, criticism becomes personalised, public communication becomes defensive, and political survival begins to overshadow the broader purpose of governance.
In evaluating the Tinubu administration, it is important to distinguish documented policy decisions from interpretations of the government’s political culture. Allegations of arrogance, excessive self-confidence, or the promotion of sycophancy should be examined against observable conduct: the quality of political appointments, the transparency of public expenditure, the responsiveness of institutions, the treatment of critics, and the willingness to correct policy errors.
The central question is whether the machinery of government consistently rewards competence, integrity, and constructive disagreement—or whether political proximity and personal loyalty sometimes receive greater consideration than demonstrable public-service capacity.
A government that surrounds itself with people who merely affirm its preferences risks losing the institutional capacity to recognise its mistakes. The greatest danger is not criticism from outside the corridors of power, but the absence of honest criticism within them.
2. Sycophancy, Mediocrity, and the Decline of Institutional Judgment
Sycophancy is more than excessive praise. In public administration, it becomes a structural problem when officials discover that pleasing their superiors is safer than presenting inconvenient truths.
Where advancement depends disproportionately on political obedience, professional independence is weakened. Advisers become defenders of decisions they should scrutinise. Public officials learn to manage appearances rather than solve problems. Policy failures are explained away, while achievements are exaggerated for political consumption.
The result is a government increasingly insulated from the realities experienced by ordinary citizens.
Political thinkers such as Max Weber emphasised the importance of professional competence, defined responsibilities, and rule-bound administration. Their work reminds us that effective government cannot depend solely on the personality of a leader; it requires institutions capable of functioning rationally, independently, and consistently.
For Nigeria, this distinction is especially important. The country faces interconnected challenges involving insecurity, unemployment, infrastructure deficits, educational inequality, healthcare access, public revenue, and demographic pressure. These problems demand sustained technical competence and cooperation across federal, state, and local institutions.
No individual, however politically experienced, can personally possess all the knowledge required to solve them. A president’s strength should therefore be measured partly by the quality of the people empowered to challenge assumptions, interrogate proposals, and offer credible alternatives.
The administration must be judged not by the volume of praise it attracts, but by the quality of the decisions it produces. It must be assessed not by the number of loyalists surrounding the President, but by the number of competent public servants who can tell him the truth without fear of political retaliation.
A government that cannot tolerate correction risks turning avoidable mistakes into national crises.
3. The Buhari Years: A Democratic Lesson That Must Not Be Erased
Nigeria’s democratic experience under President Muhammadu Buhari, from 2015 to 2023, provides an important historical reference point for assessing the present administration.
Buhari entered office amid considerable public expectations. His reputation for personal discipline and his campaign commitments on corruption and security generated hopes that his presidency would usher in a more accountable and effective system of government. Yet his administration also faced persistent security challenges, severe economic pressures, controversies surrounding institutional independence, and questions about the effectiveness of its anti-corruption commitments.
These issues deserve objective historical examination rather than reduction to partisan slogans.
The question is whether Nigeria has learned from that experience.
Democratic progress requires institutional memory. A country that forgets the shortcomings of one government risks reproducing them under another. A political establishment that selectively remembers the past—celebrating convenient achievements while suppressing uncomfortable failures—undermines the public’s ability to assess its leaders rationally.
There is a recurring temptation in Nigerian politics to treat every incoming administration as though it were starting from a clean historical slate. Previous failures are attributed entirely to predecessors, while current difficulties are presented as unavoidable consequences of inherited conditions. Such arguments may sometimes contain legitimate explanations, but they become evasions when used to absolve incumbents of responsibility for their own choices.
The Buhari years should neither be erased nor used as a permanent excuse for present shortcomings. They should be examined honestly, with attention to the decisions made, the institutions strengthened or weakened, the promises fulfilled or abandoned, and the lessons available to subsequent governments.
President Tinubu’s administration inherited a country with substantial economic and institutional challenges. That inheritance matters. However, inheritance is an explanation for the conditions confronting a government, not an indefinite exemption from accountability for how it responds to them.
A democratic society must be able to acknowledge two realities simultaneously: the previous administration had serious shortcomings, and the present administration remains responsible for its own decisions.
Anything less reduces political accountability to a competition over which government can distribute blame most effectively.
4. Economic Reform Without Social Insensitivity
One of the defining features of the Tinubu presidency has been its willingness to undertake major economic reforms, particularly the removal of petrol subsidies and changes to the foreign-exchange regime.
These measures were intended to address longstanding fiscal distortions, improve market functioning, and strengthen public finances. However, their consequences must be assessed not only through government revenue, exchange-rate conditions, or aggregate growth, but also through food affordability, employment, real wages, access to healthcare, school attendance, and the ability of households to meet basic needs.
This distinction is crucial: economic reform and human welfare are not competing objectives.
A reform programme may be economically defensible in principle yet socially damaging in its design, sequencing, or implementation. The removal of a subsidy does not automatically guarantee that the resources previously committed to it will be converted into better hospitals, functional schools, secure communities, or reliable public transport. Such benefits require transparent budgeting, efficient expenditure, credible monitoring, and demonstrable results.
Likewise, promises of temporary relief are insufficient unless support reaches eligible households promptly, fairly, and transparently.
The moral responsibility of government is greatest when policy choices impose immediate costs on people with the least capacity to absorb them. A family struggling to afford food cannot be sustained by explanations about long-term economic fundamentals alone. It needs evidence that the sacrifice is necessary, fairly distributed, and accompanied by credible measures to reduce hardship.
The proper test of reform is therefore not simply whether the government has taken difficult decisions. It is whether those decisions produce sustainable public benefits, whether the burdens are shared equitably, and whether the administration remains willing to adjust policies when evidence reveals shortcomings.
Economic discipline without social responsibility can erode public trust. Equally, short-term popularity without fiscal sustainability can undermine the country’s future. Responsible leadership must confront both realities rather than use one to dismiss the other.

As you rightly put it, Nigerians are more emotionally driven than logical.

Even from WAP's submission, he was unable to fault Abiodun Ayoyinka beyond the surface.

Papa Ajasco himself was truthful enough not to malign WAP in all the interviews I have seen, meaning that he knew what he signed for and what it entails.

Why does he really deserve all the sympathy he could gather? Apart from being a great character interpreter, he carries the entire weight of that production. By mere fairness, he deserves far more than he got, because even WAP himself agreed that he played the role better, and he was just the most perfect cast for the role based on what he envisioned. How many people can identify Chief Wale Adenuga on the street?

The mindset of most employers in Nigeria is to exploit and never to better the lives of their employees.

For those talking about Papa Ajasco's years in civil service, at what level did he eventually retire? I doubt it, if he would not have suffered promotion denials due to his engagements with WAP, because we know civil service is full of gossiping, backbiting and all sorts of bickering. Besides, how much is the total package of a civil servant in Lagos? Did anyone factor in all the gifts he had to give to all the superiors that allowed him a chance to sneak out as a cost?

My conclusion is this: most Nigerian masses are just coping with life; they are not necessarily living, because the system is deliberately skewed against the people doing the real work.

SonOfWords:
Of all the comments before mine, it's abundantly obvious that nigerians are more emotional than intellectual.

Wale Adenuga is a m*d and exploitative man and that's all I'm going to say.

Good old days when structures are in place to cater for all necessity...

Well said Prof!
There's so much for us to learn in all this but our leaders are too docile, they are just after their pockets our global perception means little to nothing to dem.
May God see us through...

With all due respect, your submission here just shows that you lack full understanding of how government works. I'm sorry if you find this insulting.
Because we are supporting someone, that does not mean we should it in total blindness of reality staring at us! Do you know the enormous power wield by Sheyi Tinubu as a result of being the president son He is not officially a member of the government or a relevant party in policy making but truth be told, he has so much at stake. One of the numerous areas of influence is being a lobbyist!!!
Only if you know number of delicate position in government that people occupied today just because of their connection with ST.
For a fact, people criticizing today might do worst if put in the saddle, like the way PBAT has shown to us, but still that does not mean we should all keep quiet despite things going wrong.

JagabanBorgu:
The part I stopped reading was where Eedris was talking to Seyi Tinubu to advice his father.
So Seyi Tinubu was on the ballot or he is part of policy makers or he's in the senate?
Is it the duty and responsibilities of Seyi Tinubu to correct iIIs in the govt?
Côñfûsed people who are only good at writing and taIking, Nigerians are just good at writing long meaningIess epistles and taIking but same person taIking, put him in an office to make that duties of that office to be delivered properly, that's when u wiII realize how èmpty they are.

Aside from the careless utterances, showing his ballot paper to camera is an offence, because, that's a form of campaign on the day of election.
How on earth will APC present this kind of candidates to compete with Asue Ighodalo, a seasoned boardroom leader, what an audacious move!!!
It's so humiliating that electorates were asked to pick from these two!!!

Politicstoday:
#EdoDecides2024: APC candidate Okpebholo brags, says “PDP won’t get a single vote in my Unit”

You should have consulted Onigegewura before going ahead to lift this from his page. There was a strong rebuttal from the family and I think Onigegewura also saw some relevance to their line of reasoning. S.T Oredein actually paid the fee for Action Group's registration, so, politics of those years no be small child's play, a whole lots went into it!!!

vanbonattel:
#GracetoGrass: “The Untold Story of ST Oredein, a Political Godfather Who Became a Robbery Kingpin.”

There was no one in Western Nigeria who did not know S. T. Oredein. If there was such a person, he must have just arrived from Planet Jupiter. *Chief Samuel Taiwo Oredein* was not just a politician. He was politics personified. He was a kingmaker. He was a godfather. In fact, he was the Big Boss.

Oredein belonged to the exclusive club of the seven people who partnered with Chief Obafemi Awolowo to establish the Action Group which became the party that produced the first premier of the region. You don’t know the other founders? I will tell you. They are: Abiodun Akerele, Ade Akinsanya, J. O. Adigun, S. O. Shonibare, Ayo Akinsanya, and Olatunji Dosunmu.

ST did not hold a cabinet position. He was however more powerful than some Ministers of government. He was the Principal Organising Secretary of the Action Group in the First Republic. It is on record that ST had legal authority to issue query to Ministers and chairmen of government’s statutory corporations. It was Chief Oredein that broke the news of Segun's death to Chief Awolowo.

As an acclaimed authority on political moblisation, he also wrote a book. He was the author of A Manual on Action Group Party Organisation. It was published in 1955.

When the news broke in 1971 of his involvement in a case of armed robbery, it was greeted with shock and unbelief. It must have been a mistake, people thought. Or could it have been a political frame-up?

Today, Onigegewura brings you the story of a political godfather who became a robbery kingpin.

On April 13, 1971, Nigerians woke up to hear the news of an armed robbery attack on Bacita Road. Bacita is a small town in Kwara State. It used to be a very popular town in the past. It is the location of Nigerian Sugar Company. When the company was established in 1964, it was the first integrated sugar factory in Nigeria. The town even has an airstrip.

The armed robbery attack was as daring as it was audacious. It was carried out with military precision. Two officers of Barclays Bank and two policemen who were in the vehicles that were attacked by the armed robbers were seriously wounded. One of the wounded persons later died of his injuries at the hospital. (And in case you are wondering what happened to the then Barclays Bank, it is the bank that became our present day Union Bank of Nigeria Plc.)

At the end of the ‘operation’, the armed robbers went away with a box containing thirteen thousand pounds. That was a lot of money in 1971. Chief Awolowo was then the Finance Minister and with his prudent management of Nigerian economy, our pound was almost at par with the British pound.

Mr. Kam Salem was the Inspector General of Police at the time. The Kam Salem House on Moloney Street, Obalende, Lagos is named after him. He directed all police formations across the country to fish out those behind the attack. The police spread its dragnet and within days of the robbery, Felix Dumeh, the leader of the gang was arrested. Nigerians jubilated when they heard the news.

Felix did not make any attempt to deny being the ringleader. He promised to cooperate with the police. He told his interrogators that although he was the leader of the gang, he was not the real brain behind the daring raid. Felix must have at some point in his life aspired to be a musician. He began to sing like a canary. He started to mention names.

The investigators listened in shock as Felix began to mention one name after another. He was not mentioning names of common criminals that the police officers were familiar with. The names of people he mentioned as his backers, protectors and shareholders were names of people you only read about in newspapers.

The first person he mentioned was a Chief Superintendent of Police at the State Criminal Investigation Department in Ibadan, Patrick Njovens. The interrogators opened their mouth in wonder. Felix threw another bomb when he mentioned Mr. Yesufu Bello, an Assistant Superintendent of Police also of CID, Ibadan. The third person he listed as his backer was Amusa Abidogun, a Chief Inspector of Police stationed in Ibadan.

The investigators thought they had heard everything. They didn’t know that egun nla ni o n kehin igbale. It is the biggest masquerade that is the last to come out of the grove. Then Felix spoke again. The name came out in a whisper. It was the name they were all familiar with. I have already told you that there was no one in the Western Region that did not know High Chief Oredein.

Iya Agba, my grandmother, used to tell me that when a child’s net catches a tilapia, the child eats it alone. But when the net catches a shark, the child must run to his father. The investigators knew immediately that this was not a tilapia. The fish they were looking at was nothing but a shark. They went to brief their superior.

The Kwara State Commissioner of Police was Mr. Sunday Adewusi. He was later to serve as the Inspector General of Police between 1981 and 1983. Ha! You remember him? He was the IGP when Alhaji Shehu Shagari was the President.

Mr. Adewusi sent his officers to Ibadan Command to investigate the matter. On getting to Ibadan, Adewusi’s officers were arrested by the three senior police officers they were sent to arrest! You are saying “Haba!” The hunters became the hunted. The Ilorin officers were later thrown out of the station! They were warned never to come to Ibadan again.

The three senior officers however didn’t reckon with Adewusi’s tenacity. He came back and got the three of them arrested. He took them to Ilorin. He also invited Chief Oredein for a 'chat'.

Chief Oredein arrived at the Police Command in a grand style. He came to Ilorin in his Mercedes car with its unique plate number: WR 6666. He expected it to be a brief meeting. He had engagements later that day in Ibadan and he had promised to be back at his base before nightfall.

Unknown to ST, the police had done their homework thoroughly. They had painstakingly investigated the case and gathered relevant evidence and related materials before inviting the political godfather. One of the people that the police met in the course of their investigation was Mustapha Adigun who was popularly called Balewa. He got the nickname from the abbreviation of his first name, Tafa! But he was never a Prime Minister. He was also called Tafa Igiripa by some people.

Adigun claimed that Oredein was his boss during the days of politics when he (Adigun) was the head of ST’s political boys. He informed the police that in the evening of the day of the armed robbery attack, he went with his boss to the house of Felix Dumeh. In addition to his boss, the three police officers mentioned by Felix were also present. I am not sure they were wearing police uniforms for that special assignment.

Felix was said to have brought out a bottle of schnapps and some pieces of alligator pepper. He opened the bottle and poured a little quantity on the floor and also threw some alligator pepper on the floor. Like a Chief Priest, Felix then raised the bottle of the alcoholic drink and said: “this thing wey tin we dey do, God make it no let it prove.” They all chorused amen to the solemn prayers. Felix then drank out of the bottle and chewed one alligator pepper. The four of them also drank out of the bottle and chewed alligator pepper.

Oath taking and prayers completed, Felix went to bring a brown paper bag. It was the size of a carton. He gave it to Oredein. ST was about to open the carton when Amusa Abidogun, the Chief Inspector of Police snatched it from him. Abidogun passed the carton to his superior officer Njovens, with a smart police salute. You know seniority is important in the Force. It was the Chief Superintendent of Police who finally opened the paper bag. It was full of currency.

Njovens looked suspiciously at the carton, his eyes made a mental calculation of the total sum. “How much?” He asked. Felix raised his spread left palm before saying “Five.” The senior police officer shook his head. “Is that the arrangement? Before, the arrangement was seven” Felix began to fidget. “The boys are too many on it.” Well, half a loaf of bread was still bread. Five or Seven, Njovens was not one to reject money. Akosapo la n ko owo. The proper way to reject money is to put it in your pocket, as Iya Agba used to say.

Oredein was stunned when he arrived at the police headquarters to meet both Adigun and Felix. Commissioner Adewusi asked them to repeat what they told the police. They did. In the presence of Oredein, Felix confirmed Adigun’s statement that it was Oredein that first received the carton of money from him before Abidogun snatched it from him.

The former Principal Organising Secretary of the Action Group looked blankly at Felix. With a straight face and a deadpan expression, he denied knowing Felix or ever visiting his house. Njovens, Bello and Abidogun also made feeble attempts to deny knowing Felix. Later they started to beg the future IGP to assist them because it was the devil that actually used them to collect the money. “Ise asetani ni. Mo fi Anabi ati Jesu Krisiti beyin!” That was from Alhaji Amusa Abidogun, the Chief Inspector. He offered to return part of his own share.

Chief Oredein, the master strategist, realized that the cards were stacked against him. He checked his sleeve to see whether he had an ace he could use. He found none. It was then he reluctantly admitted that all that Adigun who was also known as Tafa Igiripa said was correct. However, the Chief denied that the money was in one-pound denomination as stated by Adigun. Adigun maintained his stand. Finally, ST nodded his head that the money was actually in one-pound denomination.

It was over the radio that people heard the news. Chief Oredein had been arrested and would be arraigned in Court for armed robbery! Armed robbery! It must have been a case of mistaken identity. It could not have been the Chief S. T. Oredein that they knew. Armed robbery! Ki lo pa alaso funfun ati alaro po? What could have been the connection with the owner of a white cloth and a dyer?

In truth, Chief Oredein was not a poor man by any standard. Everybody knew he was a man of means. Ohun ti a ko mo ni a ko mo, eni ti o ba ti ri oyun oyinbo ti mo pe omo pupa ni o ma fi bi. It is a well-known fact that the product of a white woman's pregnancy would always be fair in complexion. Between 1942 and 1962, Chief Oredein had erected six buildings. And mind you, we are not talking of four-bedroom ‘boys quarters’ in a village o! We are talking of real buildings in strategic locations. Four of the houses were at Ibadan. He built one at Oshodi. The sixth building was in a prime area in Ikeja.

What of automobiles? ST had a total of nine vehicles, including cars and lorries for both his business and personal use. He was not only sagacious on the political field. He was also productive in the other room. He was blessed with more than 30 children.

Finally the day of the trial arrived. People had travelled all the way from Lagos, Ibadan and Ogere to Ilorin to confirm whether it was truly the Chief Oredein that was arrested. To the surprise of many of his supporters and friends, it was the author of the book on political organisation himself that was brought to court.

ST was arraigned alongside the three senior police officers. They were charged with abetting the commission of a robbery and of receiving stolen property as well as offence of harbouring known offenders. In other words, they were charged with receiving 5,000 pounds from the armed robbers in order to screen them from legal punishment for the offence.

It was a criminal trial like no other. It was a battle of giants. Chief Oredein and Patrick Njovens briefed Chief Rotimi Williams to appear for them. Bello and Abidogun retained the services of Mr. Richard Akinjide. The prosecution was led by the Director of Public Prosecutions for Kwara State, Mr. Anthony Ekundayo. The three senior lawyers proved their mettle.

The trial judge was a relatively young judge, having been appointed to the Bench only two years before the trial. However, what My Lord Justice Moradeyo Adesiyun lacked in age, His Lordship made up with uncommon brilliance and exemplary courage.

At the trial, Chief Oredein testified that on the day of the robbery he was at his hometown, Ogere having left Ibadan around 6.30pm on that day and only came back to Ibadan the following day. He admitted that it was true that Adewusi confronted him on May 26 with Felix Dumeh but he stated that he denied there and then the allegations of Dumeh. His principal witness was his solicitor who claimed that he was with Chief on April 13 from about 3pm to 11pm. Chief also called an Imam and a farmer as his witnesses. They all testified that he was at Ogere on the evening of April 13.

The trial was not only being conducted in the courtroom. From Ilorin to Ibadan, From Lagos to Enugu, From Port Harcourt to Ile-Ife, people were also busy conducting their own versions of the trial. Would the young judge be able to convict ST if he was found guilty? Would AG leaders allow their former colleague to go to prison for robbery?

When His Lordship adjourned the matter to December 28, 1971 for judgment, speculations began afresh. It was said that it was to enable the judge to release the accused before the end of the year. Some said that thanksgiving services had been planned to coincide with the New Year. All Nigerians waited with bated breath for the judgment day.

Finally, the day arrived. It was a Tuesday. It was three days after Christmas and three days before the New Year.

The four accused persons were brought to the Court in a Black Maria. If ST felt any apprehension, it was not apparent. As he was led to the court, Oredein gave the sign of victory to the crowd of spectators who had come from far and near to hear the verdict. It was a good sign. It was a sign of victory. His people became happy.

Hon. Justice Moradeyo Adesiyun began by reviewing the charges against the four of them. His Lordship extensively analysed and appraised the evidence. When His Lordship noted the fact that the accused were not at the scene of the crime, Oredein turned to smile at the people in the courtroom. He would soon be on his way home.

Then came the moment. His Lordship found that though the accused persons were not physically present at the scene of the armed robbery, they had prior knowledge of the robbery before it took place and that the three of them who were police officers did nothing to prevent the robbery. His Lordship also found that they all received proceeds of the robbery.

Justice Adesiyun therefore came to the conclusion that the accused persons were guilty of the charges against them.

Chief Oredein could not believe his ears. Guilty as charged? He was not going to be free? His native cap which he had been holding, in deference to the authority of the court, clattered to the floor with a thud. The High Chief from Ogere Remo stood still as if he was Opa Oranmiyan in Ile-Ife. It was Yesufu Bello who was standing beside him that nudged him back to reality. “Chief, 'they' are asking if you have anything to say.”

Oredein had not prepared any allocutus. He had not expected to be convicted. Ko si eni ti o gbe oju fifo le adiye ori aba. Who could have imagined that a mother hen would fly off from her hatchery? You don't know allocutus? It is another Latin word they taught us in Law School. It is a statement made by a defendant who has been found guilty before he is sentenced. It is like 'A beg, tamper justice with mercy' that a Lagos bus driver would tell you after breaking the side mirror of your Range Rover.

Allocutus or no allocutus, something must be said. The court had only convicted, His Lordship had not yet pronounced their sentences. Perhaps something could still be done. His eyes scanned the crowded courtroom. It appeared he was looking for someone or something. Whatever he was looking for was not in the court. He turned back to His Lordship.

Oredein pleaded for leniency. In a very moving voice, he informed the court of his past travails: “First it was the treasonable felony and conspiracy trial, but I was acquitted at the Supreme Court. Second, the Aberenla murder trial came, and I was in custody for 11 months before I was freed at Ijebu-Ode High Court. I humbly plead for Your Lordship’s forgiveness.”

Of course you know the treasonable felony trial the Chief referred to. The Aberenla trial he mentioned was the case over the murder of Ogunkoya Aberenla who was the Leader of Ogere Remo's branch of Nigerian National Democratic Party of Chief Ladoke Akintola (Not to be confused with the party of the same name established by Herbert Macaulay in 1922). Aberenla's body was never found. Onigegewura will write about his mysterious disappearance soon.

Justice Adesiyun looked at the accused persons. “If you had any conscience, you should drop your heads in shame.” His Lordship observed that they were lucky not to have been caught by the amendment to the Robbery and Firearms Decree which provided death by public execution for convicted armed robbers and those found to have aided and abetted armed robbery.

His Lordship therefore sentenced each of them to life imprisonment. There was no Federal Court of Appeal in those days. It was only Western State that had a Court of Appeal and Kwara was not part of Western State.

The four of them ran all the way to the Supreme Court.

On May 3, 1973, the Supreme Court delivered its judgment. My Lord Justice Coker who delivered the judgment of the apex court dismissed the appeal of all the convicted persons and affirmed the life sentences imposed on them by the trial court.

Chief Rotimi Williams later became a Senior Advocate of Nigeria. Mr. Richard Akinjide became a Chief, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, and Attorney General of the Federation. Mr. Anthony Ekundayo, the DPP, was elevated to the Bench as a Justice of the High Court of Kwara State. The trial Judge, My Lord Adesiyun was also elevated. His Lordship served as the Chief Judge of Benue State from 1976 until his retirement in 1985.

History Does Not Forget! Historian is not a judge, History is.

Hmmm, the actual reason was that, there was an indigenous airline privately owned by Chief Igbinedion, named after his home town called Okada. When bike was introduced as a commercial transport medium, people started seeing it as a fast means like Okada plane.
So, the name stuck on the bike as a means to convey passengers quick.

Dilijingsly:
Whats the origin of the word okada?

IPIGSRHYPO:
Two SCAMMERS.
Best scamming business in Nigeria.

And they are both from d same town.

Women and wahala, they are 5&6, haba!!!

JESHAL:
Women are not as intelligent as men, they are infact not intelligent at all, the ones that possess high IQ are dogmatic to indoctrinations and have the capacity to rationalize their delusions , they are good at cramming ( memorizing) , they lack intellectual curiosity like men and can't come up with inventions and innovations, women are Emotional in their innate core, prone to groupthink and herd consensus like religion and Feminism

@OP, I can’t believe it that I followed all through the pages looking out for your submissions. A big kudos to you for the rare intellectual prowess!
My observation now is that, so far you have not offered any mechanism to mitigate the effect of unbalanced system that we experienced as a result of emotional tendencies of the female folks.
The reality is that we are here bound together, how do we improve on mutual understanding and respect for one another for a beneficial arrangement

Thanks a million times for keeping up with us on ur journey so far. I doff my hat to ur resilience and d never say never spirit, and most importantly, d mutual understanding between urself and hubby. In my case, I’m doing everything all alone as my wife is not interested at all...
With what u have put in place, do u know u have a kind of bargaining power with financial houses to be of collaborative partnerships in ur project

There are so many government interventions too that you can access.
All d best sis...

gadegunle:
Thank you for your contribution and prayers we sold a property and later added the capital for cars importation into the business as there was lockdown in Nigeria importation of cars wasn't so lucrative again.
We fixed #10 million first as a budget for the land and construction but due to the mistakes of the architect and the money loving engineer we spent times 2 of that budget and infact we nearly spent all our savings on the investment.
We spent too much money on the structure honestly.
Even the design of the pen would have just been the normal straight and open design.



*For business plan we didn't have something professional at did it ourselves but we did alot of feasibility studies.
I personally love to do research still covid-19, lockdown and all changed alot in the agricultural sector.

I will also advise anyone who wants to venture into agriculture to have multiple streams of income as return on investment in agric is not immediate and one would still need money to fund it as unforseen expenses would always come up. Many times you see threads like become a millionaire in one month in cat fish farming etc.

* We did bore hole twice
* fish concrete pond failed got a plan B
* first set of fingerlings all died
* Made a loss in the broilers section(story for another day)
*budget for feeding for layers couldn't work again as the cost of feeding them increased seriously.

You are indeed a source of inspiration to so many. I like your step-by-step approach in giving us your experience.

What I think is left out is the source of funding and the initial capital.

Also, I will like to know is there any formal business plan ahead of the commencement...?


I wish you more blessings in your future endeavours.

gadegunle:
Wow,I am happy your poultry is doing well sir.

Its encouraging when one hears feedbacks from other people as well.

This is an apt description of Nigeria situation, I can’t agree less...

Built2last:
Yoruba elder, Dr. Amos Akingba posted this on a forum I'm on. It carries no attribution. But its message is so stark and troubling:

"Nigeria has a smaller national budget than Algeria, Angola, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and South Africa. All these countries have fewer citizens, yet significantly more money to spend on them. While Nigeria’s 2019 budget amounts to $29 billion, South Africa, with a population almost 4 times smaller, will spend $130 billion. Egypt has a $90 billion budget with 100 million people. Elsewhere, countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh and Vietnam have larger budgets than Nigeria. No one considers these nations “rich”. Yet, among Nigerians, there persists a stubborn myth that Nigeria is a wealthy country. Who planted this idea and why does it survive?

It started with Nigeria’s 1950s pro-independence leaders who needed to mobilize popular opinion against colonialism to push the British out. So, they regularly emphasized Nigeria possessed abundant economic resources being carted away by the British. “Help us drive them out and we will use these vast resources to transform your lives”, was their essential message.

Many Nigerians believed these often exaggerated claims of abundant wealth awaiting distribution and duly mobilized for independence. By 1960, then Governor-General Nnamdi Azikiwe was constructing national pride on the idea that thanks to her resources and population size, Nigeria was already an “African power.” And this was before crude-oil exports really took off in the mid-1960s. By the 1970s, General Yakubu Gowon was telling Nigerians their country’s problem was not money, but “how to spend it”.

Whatever Gowon’s intentions, his words were interpreted by many Nigerians to mean theirs was a rich country, period. Over 20 years later, during my secondary school days, we would often recall Gowon’s famous statement. Anytime someone brought it up, we would all laugh with some delight. It made us feel like part of an exclusive members-only club; the club of rich nations. Sorry, no poor countries allowed.

It also gave us a sense of hope and relief because it meant that all the problems we observed around us – no water, no light, new slums everyday – these were all easily solvable. Nigeria had the money to make all these disappear fast. The minute an honest government took over, it would be farewell problems, hello prosperity. There is great comfort in believing solutions to your problems are within arm’s reach. That all it takes is for X to happen. That’s why demagogues and charlatans will always have followers.

The first time someone challenged my belief I was from a rich country I became agitated. It was a girlfriend of mine who wasn’t Nigerian, one of those annoying types who know things they have no business knowing. I mentioned Nigeria was rich. “No, it isn’t. I checked. It has a smaller economy than some countries with just 5-10 million people like Sweden or Norway and a lower GDP per capita than the likes of Albania, Guatemala or Mongolia which are all considered poor countries,” she retorted. I struggled to contain my anger. What kind of rubbish was this girl telling me? That my entire national self-concept was wrong? Impossible!

I think many Nigerians are still psychologically reluctant to accept Nigeria’s true position in the global pecking order today. Our sense of national self is largely built around the notion that we are a country very rich in natural and human resources, just one good government away from greatness. Some optic illusions further render this belief hard to shake.

In every state, there are a few dozen people (usually involved in politics) who possess such visibly stupendous wealth, we can be forgiven for assuming there is a lot more where that came from. Thing is, there isn’t. If you shared Nigeria’s 8.83 trillion naira national budget equally among Nigerians, each citizen would receive a paltry 45,000 naira or so; hardly enough to keep you in Panadol for the year.
Of course, states have budgets too, but even Lagos, by far Nigeria’s richest city, has a modest 852 billion naira ($2.4 billion) to spend on 15 to 20 million residents this year. For comparison, Johannesburg has double that budget for fewer than 5 million people. And it still struggles to provide basic social services. What we have in Nigeria is a few hundred people looting and squandering such a disproportionate amount of Nigeria’s modest resources that an illusion of plenty is sustained among the populace.

Another factor fuelling this “there is money in Nigeria” belief is that many people pretend to have more of it than they actually do. My friend who runs a crèche in one of the most expensive neighbourhoods in Lagos says she has lost count of the number of parents who drive the most expensive Range Rovers yet struggle to pay their children’s nursery fees on time. Of course, aspirational Nigerians don’t live above their means just because, they do so in response to societal pressure for them to prove they are “somebodies”; worth talking business to, hanging out with and treating respectfully. Raise your hand if you have ever pretended to have more money than you really do so as to be treated respectfully somewhere in Nigeria (my hand is raised high).

But the end result is that when you combine the authentic and visible wealth of a few hundred Nigerians living off the state with the lifestyles of all those trying hard to appear rich, the rest of society can be forgiven for believing there must be a lot of money in Nigeria.

This is bad because it encourages many intelligent people to focus not on thinking of how to create wealth, but on how to corner their own “share” of this fabulous national cake. Either by getting into government or by winning a government contract and then behaving as though the pockets of the state are bottomless.
Another consequence of this illusion is that it diminishes the sense of urgency required to tackle the existential threats Nigeria faces, ranging from mass poverty and unemployment to uncontrolled population growth and growing insecurity. At the back of many minds seems to be the implicit assumption one needn’t worry too much. Things will sort themselves out. There is money in Nigeria.

But Nigeria is not rich. And with its rapidly-expanding population leading to ever scarcer resources, *only a furious national focus on wealth-creation can save the country*. The Nigerian state, currently viewed by many as a fat cash-cow, is actually a very skinny cow in desperate need of some serious grass in order to stay alive. Else, one day, it will simply stop breathing."

Hmmm...

skolab4:
An Islamic human rights organization, the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), has called on the governor of Ekiti State, Kayode Fayemi, to respect the rule of law. According to the rights group, the governor has set up a committee to review the decision of the appeal court on the installation of the Alawo of Awo, Oba Azeez Sulaiman Aladejuyigbe.


MURIC described the governor’s attempt to review the decision of the court as unlawful, illegal, illegitimate, unconstitutional, extra-judicial, undemocratic, and a rape on the rule of law. The group’s position was made known in a press statement issued on Tuesday, 15th September, 2020 by its Director, Professor Ishaq Akintola.


“We are calling on Governor Kayode Fayemi of Ekiti State to dissolve the committee set up by him to review the decision of the appeal court on the Alawo of Awo stool. It is alien to the law for a state governor to subject the pronouncement of a competent court of law to his personal whim and caprice in the name of a review committee. Such action is unlawful, illegal, illegitimate, unconstitutional, extra-judicial, undemocratic and a rape on the rule of law.



“The High Court of Ado Ekiti delivered judgement in favour of Oba Azeez Sulaiman Olaleye Aladejuyigbe on 7th October, 2015. Not satisfied, the complainants took the matter to the Appeal Court and the latter delivered judgement in the Oba’s favour again on 3rd December, 2019. Instead of heading straight to the highest court in the land, the appellants resorted to backdoor manipulations relying on religious sentiment. It is unfortunate that the governor willingly became complicit in an anti-Muslim conspiracy headed by a learned SAN.

“We are asking Governor Fayemi to tell Nigerians when the faith of a candidate for the royal stool became an issue. Why must an Oba-elect be denied access to the palace because he is a Muslim? Fayemi’s government will be laying a very bad precedent if this is allowed. Instead of allowing the court’s ruling to stand, the governor has thrown his weight behind an anti-Muslim group in the town by ordering the review of the decision of the Appeal Court through the Chieftaincy Committee of Ekiti State Traditional Council.

“This process is unknown to law. The traditional Council cannot set aside the decision of a higher court. Fayemi’s action is therefore ultra vires, null and void and of no effect whatsoever. We ask the governor to take the honourable path of stopping the review exercise before it is too late.

“Oba Azeez should be allowed to move into the palace. There is no doubt that he enjoys the support of the good people of Awo Ekiti who have risen to his defence on many occasions when the political charlatans and religious demagogues launched ferocious attacks on him and his family.

“In the same vein, we appeal to community leaders and all men of conscience to intervene in this matter in order to forestall a peculiar mess in Ekiti State. The impression is being created that Oba Azeez is being persecuted because he is a Muslim. It is becoming more glaring daily that the age-long belief of the existence of religious tolerance among the Yoruba is sheer myth, a mirage and a nonexistent phantom. The facts today as we have it is that Muslims are being denied political appointments, traditional stools and job opportunities in Yorubaland.

“Take Ikire and Eruwa for example. A Muslim Prince secured Supreme Court judgment since 2014, yet he has not been able to benefit from the judgment because of a powerful anti-Muslim clique in the town which has vowed not to see a Muslim as their king. In Eruwa, Oyo State Governor, Seyi Makinde, has ignored a Supreme Court judgement of 2019 in favour of a Muslim Oba.

“Governor Fayemi has not helped matters by seeking to disallow a Muslim Oba-elect from moving into the palace despite a court judgement. Like his predecessor, Ayodele Fayose who ran an all-Christian administration, Fayemi also marginalized Ekiti Muslims in political appointments.
judiciary has spoken. The ideal thing in true practice of separation of power in a democracy is for the governor to give the court pronouncement some flesh by installing the Oba who won in court. Unfortunately Fayemi has elected to ridicule the theory of the separation of power.

“We find it pertinent to correct the impression being given in certain quarters that MURIC is supporting a particular political party. On the contrary, our focus is the promotion of Allah-given fundamental rights of Muslims anywhere in Nigeria while ensuring at the same time that Christians and traditionalists enjoy equal rights as well. Besides, we have always supported good governance, integrity and transparency and we will continue to do that no matter the political party in power at federal and state levels.



“As we drop the anchor, we charge Governor Kayode Fayemi to dismiss the committee reviewing the decision of the Court of Appeal on the ascendance of Oba Azeez to the throne of the Alawo of Awo. Anything else smirks of religious bias and executive impunity.”https://thenigerialawyer.com/muric-to-fayemi-dont-review-appeal-court-decision/

They are not serious!!!

Point of correction , JARA is a word from the Hausa language not Yoruba. It has d exact meaning you pointed out.

prof2007:
With over 520 languages including dialects, Nigeria is a country of many tongues. While English is regarded as the first language due to the influence of British colonial rule, there are several other derivatives of it including pidgin (also known as broken English or slang). Here’s your need-to-know guide...

1. AMEBO
This is used to refer to a person who likes to gossip or likes spreading gossip e.g. ‘you too like amebo’ means ‘you love gossip’, whereas ‘she’s an amebo’ means ‘she’s a gossip’.

2. AJEBUTTER
In Nigeria this term is used to refer to people who are well off or brought up with a silver spoon. It can also be simply termed ‘butter’ for short.
3. CONTROL (Ctrl) P
A recent slang in the Nigerian slang lexicon, ‘control P’ is a term used when someone is taking a situation too personally. For example, ‘na control P dey worry am’ means the person is taking things too personally.

4. FALL MY HAND
This is another popular slang that is used when someone is disappointed by a person or something that happened. For example, ‘no fall my hand’ means ‘don’t disappoint me’, while ‘na so dem fall my hand for there’ means ‘that’s how I was disappointed over there’.

5. GBOSA
This slang is an action word which means to punch or slap, but can be as well used to refer to the sound made when someone or something is being punched. For example, ‘I go give you gbosa for head!’ means ‘I will punch/slap your head!’ The word can also be used when describing the sound of a punch, as in ‘Pow!’.

6. JACK
This slang is commonly used by students and shouldn’t be confused with the English name of the same spelling. To ‘jack’ means to study or revise effectively. ‘I dey go jack for my exam’ means ‘I’m going to study for my exam’.

7. SOJI
This word is an abbreviation of the Yoruba name Adesoji, which means ‘the crown is revived’. However, when used in everyday vernacular, it means to be knowledgeable about something or street smart. For example, ‘she too soji’ means ‘she’s very smart’.

8. JARA
Jara is derived from the Yoruba language and it means to add extra or give a freebie after something has already been bought or paid for. For example, when serving a dish at a restaurant, customers can usually be found asking for ‘jara’, at which point the seller might add an extra piece of meat or scoop of rice at his or her discretion.

9. KOLO
This means to go crazy or mad. This can mean literally or metaphorically depending on the context.

10. MAGA/MUGU
This is used to describe someone regarded as a fool or someone who is very gullible or being conned e.g. ‘you be maga’ means ‘you’re a fool’. But in this context – ‘my maga promise me hundred thousand Naira’, it shows that the person who’s being referred to as the maga is being conned.

11. YAB
This is another slang mostly used by younger people, as it’s usually in a playful yet insulting manner. It means to diss or make fun of someone. For example, ‘he loves to yab people’ means ‘he loves to diss people’.

SOURCE: https://theculturetrip.com/africa/nigeria/articles/11-untranslatable-nigerian-slang-words-we-need-in-english/

Do you know any other Naija slangs that deserve formal entry into the English lexicon? Do post it here, for discussion...

Did Lee achieve the Singapore of his dream within the same framework as Obj Lee was in charge of the country for not less than 30 years. More importantly, every Singaporean was queueing behind his policy religiously. Take it or leave it, Obj did his best for the interest of the nation without any sentimental coloration. And as we can see today, with the circumstances at hand, Obj still remains the President to beat in the history of Nigeria.

SmartProf:
How about your third term failed interest? Saint OBJ we salute you o...if u had done exactly like you are saying, why didn't we become like Singapore under Lee Kwan Yew. You think you are talking to children who wear pampers? Nonesense.

Pls, do not forget to share the link when it’s available. There are lots of people that will love to be part of this...

Sammy07:
yes, they will provide the link / code
I will quote you when they do that.

cc: illicit

Try and do a thorough research before you do this next time. You are contributing to a public forum. Abiola received Susan Rice, Kofi Annan and Emeka Anyaoku while in detention and not the Condolezza Rice you mentioned.

pls take note....

techmo:
Without Abiola we would had being stucked with crazy looting Shagari IMF Regime, without him Buhari wouldnt had being kicked out

If Abiola was around now, with what is going on in Aso Rock he would had sponsored another coup to kick Buhari out a second time and nothing would happen

as for Awolowo, not everybody needed to bow to him or kiss his ass, Abiola had money had fame and had military boys so Awolowo was nothing to him

the only people more powerful than Abiola are the IMF, CIA and America, and that was why they never wanted him to rule and even assasinated him with a cup of poisoned offered by [b]Condolezza Rice [/b]Clinton's former secetary of state

Thanks, I got the link and I have downloaded a copy.
Thanks a million once again.

Femiblacky:
Call for Fighting Corruption Is Dangerous: The Story Behind the Headlines

First 20 are free.

Come browse the shelf for more books.
https://www.nairaland.com/4658013/read-book-today/31#89867822

If the the submission of d new C of S at the last confab 2014, is anything to go by, I believe he has the template to work with at his disposals. I can only pray to God to give him the political will to walk the talk, he already had the experience, the exposure, the connections and everything that is required for him to succeed and contribute meaningfully to d building of a nation that we can all be proud of.

Golan007:
Look up Donald Regan who was COS under Ronald Reagan.

James Baker, d man that helped 3 US Presidents into office. The man that truly understands d workings of d white house.

TheAutoReporter:
It was reported in the news that the Ikorodu - Mile 12 Road was on total lockdown due to the road construction on this axis. Yesterday was worse for worshippers as they are stuck up in traffic for hours.

So as not to see a repeat of what happened yesterday, many thought if Sunday can be this hellish despite few vehicular movements, what will happen on a working day? Many have therefore stormed the Ikorodu Ferry Terminal. The terminal was re-constructed under the Ambode-led administration but Lagosians have refused to use it despite the trip from Ikorodu to Island takes on 30mins, unlike the road that takes 2-3hours all thanks to 3rd Mainland Bridge, traffic among others.

Early today, the Ikorodu Ferry Terminal was filled to the brim as people seem to be slowly embracing the water transportation in Lagos. We hope LASWA will step up their game in terms of safety and providing new, fast and affordable boats. Ikorodu to Lagos Island costs 700 naira which we believe is too expensive, this is calling on the Lagos State Government to look into this and half the price if they want people to be using this service. 350-400 naira won't be a bad idea as it takes only 25mins to get to their location.

These are pictures from the terminal early this morning as obtained by AutoReportNG

[img]https://1.bp..com/-8egeVCERfdw/XUgIv5DSDJI/AAAAAAAAepg/lx5HwmJnI1Q4A1ThIRziSVO5L9vHM-9owCLcBGAs/s1600/IK3.jpg[/img]

[img]https://1.bp..com/-5snv_sMGZ9g/XUgIvzrTG1I/AAAAAAAAepk/ZQdsIMMoNKIU-ksL1CetL9BbKyGkLUKQwCLcBGAs/s1600/IK2.jpg[/img]

[img]https://1.bp..com/-8egeVCERfdw/XUgIv5DSDJI/AAAAAAAAepg/lx5HwmJnI1Q4A1ThIRziSVO5L9vHM-9owCLcBGAs/s1600/IK3.jpg[/img]

[img]https://1.bp..com/-VExelPqbaCs/XUgIzWZYfhI/AAAAAAAAep0/w_zONkwaGHwe-meTrQjP3cnRr9zywUZzACLcBGAs/s1600/IK7.jpg[/img]

[img]https://1.bp..com/-H5LPNmZkxQ0/XUgIxNZihxI/AAAAAAAAepo/lgDxYD-UjWU17ehnWZmd5xRHw_KKut4wACLcBGAs/s1600/IK4.jpg[/img]


Source:
https://www.autoreportng.com/2019/08/ikorodu-mile-12-road-see-mammoth-crowd.html

There are lots of mix up in the submission of d OP,....
1, d terminal isn’t Ambode’s project, it has been there since Fashola days, great edifice.
2, by ferry, d journey from ebute-Ikorodu to ebute-ero is on average of 21 to 22 minutes.
3, d population here is not much going by d usual crowd that using d route until recent time.
4, I will advise d op to consider d overhead cost of running d business and even maintenance before coming with a price reduction argument.

Thank you.

samcus:
yes the Prince is back

Occiput

bankyman:
The write up is very nice and thought provoking... But OP kindly desist from name calling and sorts... please pass the message and that should do. Like in the sermon I listened to today, Muslims have a whole lot in common to share and be happy with rather than disagree over miniature ones. Some of the messages in the write up indicate things that may lead us out of Islam and walk one to Jahanama but make reference to the point and let those who it affects change their heart.... As nice as the write-up it could lead to war of words and if anyone should say something offensive to Allah, OP kindly exercise caution.

Jazak' Allahu Khaeran

did you observe d juma'h at d workers mosque on the Lagos island?

true talk...!