Buharism as Fascism: Engaging Balarabe Musa
By
Sanusi Lamido Sanusi
London, February 20, 2003
(All views personal)
lamidos@hotmail.com
In the fortnight so following Eid el-Adha, two incidents occurred that have compelled
me once more to write on Buharism, this time with a sense of urgency and near
desperation. The first was an interview that the former civilian Governor of Kaduna
State, Alhaji Abdukadir Balarabe Musa gave Tell magazine, in which he dismissed
General Muhammadu Buhari as a fascist who, by virtue of that fact, was incapable of
reforming Nigeria. In this piece I will analyze this categorization and expatiate on the
nature and implications of Buharism as fascism. I will for now only note that when
asked whom he would choose between Obasanjo and Buhari, the radical PRP
governor could only hope that “it does not come to that”. In a naïve, somewhat
amusing manner, he pretends away the reality that Nigerians today have only one
serious choice to make for all intents and purposes; and that choice is between
Obasanjo, who by Balarabe Musa’s own admission has betrayed his supporters and
been a complete failure and disappointment on the one hand, and Buhari, who
according to Musa is a fascist, on the other hand. We have to choose, like it or not,
between a failure and a fascist. What choice must the progressive politician or
analyst make? History, in throwing up the question, demands an answer. Balarabe
Musa’s refusal to make a choice was, as we shall see, telling in more than one
respect.
The second event was the receipt of a text message from my GSM provider breaking
the news that the PDP had conceded 10 ministerial posts and 30 ambassadorial
posts to the AD in return for the latter’s support for president Obasanjo’s second
term bid. The AD is an ethnic party with support in only one of the six geo-political
“zones” in the country. Its overt political agenda is one of promoting the interests of
the Yoruba elite and bourgeoisie at all costs, including if necessary the disintegration
of the nation and the unprincipled use of blackmail and cheap propaganda against
other constituent groups. The surprise to analysts is not that the AD, which had
been implacably opposed to the presidency of OBJ, (a “stooge” of “mallams”), is now
supporting him. Yoruba politics from the days of Awolowo has never transcended
ethnic identity. The real surprise, rather, is that Nigerians in the PDP can in their
right minds concede 10 ministries to a party controlling only one geo-political zone.
Even presuming that only with AD support can OBJ win the south-west, surely such
an agreement is an invitation to anarchy and chaos. The 2003 election has suddenly
become a struggle for the survival of Nigeria and its outcome will determine whether
or not Nigerians are to become subjects of colonialism by one ethnic group. It is no
longer possible to sit on the fence. Nigerians must ask themselves if this country
can afford an OBJ victory, and if the fascist alternative is not better than this alliance
with a narrow ethnocentric agenda. I will now turn to an analysis of Buharism as
fascism.
Fascism, a term with roots in the politics of Italy under Mussolini (and then Germany
under Hitler), refers to an ideology characterized by extreme nationalism, extreme
anti-communism, militarism and restrictions on personal liberty. I have elsewhere
made the point that Buharism, in its sense of being the ideology of the military
government headed by General Buhari after the overthrow of the second republic
1983, shared many common features with fascism. The government was a right
wing nationalist government that pursued bourgeois economic programs and
curtailed personal freedoms. I have also tried to explain the character of that
government as a necessary corollary to the conditions that necessitated its
emergence (see my “Buharism - Economic Theory & Political Economy”; and
“Buharism Beyond Buhari”, both published by the Daily Trust and available on the
web). In this sense, Buhari was the true successor to Murtala Mohammed. It
therefore follows that one can only raise mild objections to Balarabe’s description of
Buhari as a fascist and one must dismiss all attempts to reduce this opinion to the
vitriol of a politician who is yet to forgive his unjust incarceration by Buhari’s
administration. Yet a number of points must be made.
First, in a constitutional democracy, personal liberties are guaranteed, and protected,
by the courts of law. An elected president, (Buhari or any other), cannot change this
fact. Second, there are no communist groups in Nigeria today. In consequence,
what is left of Buharism is a fiercely nationalistic political ideology combined with
right wing social and economic policies. This is the alternative Nigerians have to a
regime which for the past four years has been characterized by sleaze and
corruption (as reported by its own auditor-general); a comical desperation to
impress America and the western world; a seeming rush to sell off national assets at
much less than fair value; an open-door policy of import liberalization that has
destroyed indigenous industry; an economic program lacking in fiscal and monetary
discipline that has led to high inflation, a heavy debt burden, diminished foreign
reserves, greater disparities in income distribution, and the consequent social
insecurity and poverty. Between 1999 and 2001 Obasanjo’s government spent over
two trillion naira. About 300 billion is said to have been spent by Chief Anenih on
roads. The naira has lost more than half its value against major currencies. The
national debt at one point in OBJ’s term exceeded the nominal GDP.Nigeria has
defaulted on its contracted obligations to creditors and both the IMF and the World
Bank have been most critical of economic management. The point here is not that
OBJ was the reason for all our problems. It is that he has since assuming office
simply compounded these problems and continued with business as usual. These
are the facts of PDP rule since 1999, and they are more important than the ethnicity
or faith of OBJ. Most of those who supported OBJ in 1999 did so not because of his
ethnic and religious background, but because they believed he would introduce
change for the better. Now he has failed and we must not allow his ethnicity to be
the decisive factor returning him to power.
What can we expect of Buharism, therefore, by extrapolating from its previous
policies and presuming Buhari’s faithful adherence to a coherent ideological
framework?
1. We would expect, given the record of Muhammadu Buhari in power, a policy of
zero tolerance for official sleaze and corruption in the Federal Government, as well
as a definite and transparent exercise aimed at stamping out corruption in other
tiers of government.We know for a fact that the Buhari government not only dealt
with corrupt politicians, it took steps to discipline military officers involved in
corruption. One of Buhari’s military governors was removed as a result of
business dealings his wife was involved in.
2. We would expect a review of the policy of unrestricted import liberalization, and
the selective use of tariffs and import bans (or restrictions on eligible foreign
exchange transactions) to protect domestic industries and restrict the profligate
spending of hard earned foreign currency. This was the policy pursued rigorously by
the Buhari government in 1984-85.
3. We would expect privatization to continue but with three major differences from
the present form: First, those who want to buy national assets must pay a fair
price for them. Second, no assets considered of vital national interest will be
sold. Finally, focus will be on empowering Nigerians and promoting the interests
of a domestic capitalist class rather than selling the nation’s assets to foreign
interest groups.
4. We would expect a shift in our foreign policy from the present lap-dog mentality
of seeking notice from the U.S. and G.7 countries to one of closer links to nations
in Africa (e.g. South Africa) and Asia (e.g. China, Malaysia, Pakistan and South
Korea) whose experience in development can serve as a model. Unlike OBJ who
has spent one year of his presidency in the air with no results, a nationalist leader
will stay home longer and travel less. Buhari’s government policy was
characterized by the popular TV advertisement of “Andrew” who, tired of Nigeria,
was going to “check out.” Andrew was convinced by his friend to stay. “We have
no other country. Let us stay and save it together.”
5. We would expect a focus on an educational program that seeks transfer of skills
and technology and the development of indigenous human capital.
6. Buharism should confront oil exploration companies and ensure that they pay
for environmental damage and plough a substantial portion of their profits into
developing oil producing areas.
7. We would expect a trimming of government and a reduction in recurrent
expenditure and overheads, greater fiscal discipline and tighter monetary policy to
combat inflation.
8. We would expect a focus on paying off our foreign debt and reducing the debt
overhang through negotiations based on patriotic interests and compliance with
agreed terms. In particular, only bona fide and verified debts will be honoured and
paid. Buhari’s emphasis on verifying debts and his commitment to paying same
was a hallmark of his administration. Not to be ignored here is that the first
Nigerian Head of State to ask for an IMF standby facility was General Obasanjo
after he succeeded Murtala Muhammad.
9. We would expect a realistic acceptance of the precariousness of our position
and a prioritisation of our economic projects. Such white elephants as
extravagant stadia and the ill-advised quest to host soccer fiestas will take
secondary position to rebuilding our dilapidated national infrastructure.
10. We would expect a truly nationalist government that seeks to inculcate pride in
every Nigerian of his nationality and deals fairly with all ethnic and religious
groups.
These are ten points that flow logically from actual policies pursued by Muhammadu
Buhari when he was in power, which set in clear relief the bourgeois nationalist
character of his government. The policies will set Buhari against international finance
capital, against domestic criminals, sundry contractors, commission agents and drug
barons, in other words against those who are responsible for the woes of Nigeria.
Yet Buharism is not an ideal ideological construct from the perspective of left-wing
politics. The reason for this is to be found in the very nature of bourgeois
economics. As noted by the Nobel winning economist James Tobin in a 1970 essay,
“the most difficult issues of political economy are those where goals of efficiency,
freedom of choice, and equality compete. It is hard enough to propose an
intellectually defensible compromise among them, even harder to find a politically
viable compromise”. My sense is that Balarabe Musa’s opposition to Buhari is rooted
in socialist principles, and the sound knowledge that a bourgeois nationalist
government is not likely to pursue populist or petit-bourgeois policies of the NEPU/
PRP variety. This is a view I share. However I differ with Balarabe in three
fundamental respects.
First, I recognize that the nation needs to produce first, before the output can be
distributed. Today the nation’s very capacity to produce is at great risk due to
corruption, profligacy and irresponsible economic management. If we need to have a
bourgeois nationalist government to revive the economy and move us towards self-
sustaining growth and development, then we must support such a government in
spite of our reservations.
Secondly, Buhari, unlike Obasanjo, recognizes that the Americans and the British and
other foreign “advisers” always act first and foremost in their own national interests.
This makes him a capitalist in the mould of South Asian leaders like Malaysia’s
Mahathir Muhammad. Precisely when the likes of Kalu Kalu, Olu Falae and Chu
Okongwu were busy preaching to Nigerians the benefits of globalisation, Mahathir
was telling Malaysians and the world that “the fact that globalisation has come does
not mean we should just sit by and watch as the predators destroy us.” Again I have
elsewhere gone into concrete analysis of Buhari’s economic programs, which made
him the essential enfant terrible with the IMF and western capital. I believe Buhari
has what it takes for Nigeria to start moving towards the Asian model, given the right
complement of patriotic intellectuals.
Finally, I believe left-wing politics and civil society will exert pressure on Buhari and
moderate some of the sharp pains of bourgeois economic programs. Buhari’s closest
advisers will continue to be the right wing elements with whom he is known to be in
close association, but a democratic government of necessity and by definition makes
policy from a much broader opinion base than the kitchen cabinet if at all it intends
to last. If progressive elements support Buhari there influence in policy will be even
more pronounced. For these reasons I find that the shortcomings of Buharism are
not fatal, and consider the Buhari option in 2003, as in 1983, a necessary, if difficult,
step in the path to national progress and independence.
This intervention will be incomplete without a discussion of the likely position of
Buharism on the implementation of Shari’ah. Right wing politicians the world over,
from the Tory party in the UK and the Republicans in the US to the center-right
Christian Democratic parties of Europe tend to closely associate themselves with
institutional religion and promote conservative values. Buhari will be no different. The
logic of his ideology is such as to lead him towards supporting a vigorous role for
the state in establishing moral standards. Indeed when he was in power he pursued
a “War against Indiscipline” (popularly called WAI) and set up WAI brigades which set
out to compel Nigerians to adopt certain standards of public conduct. It is not
inconceivable that various hisbah groups may begin to operate like WAI brigades and
there must be vigilance to protect the citizenry from the excesses of zealots.
Having said this, a commitment to one’s religion and religious values is not
synonymous with intolerance or disrespect for other faiths. We have seen many right
wing governments in Europe who have shown great respect and tolerance for other
religious groups. Buhari’s famous speech for which he is labeled a fundamentalist is
one in which he called on Nigerian Muslims to vote into power good Muslims.
Clearly, the implication here is a sense of dissatisfaction with the conduct of those
Muslims who have not been good representatives of their faith while in office. No
reasonable person would quarrel with this. Nigeria needs good Muslims and good
Christians, good Nigerians to run its affairs. Perhaps this explains why one of the
most eloquent pieces written in defence of Buhari on this point came from the
Reverend Mathew Hassan Kukah. Father Kukah correctly understood that the point
Buhari made was that Muslims had a duty to elect into office those persons who
would uphold the political values for which Islam stood, such as honesty, justice and
a true commitment to the welfare of the people. These are values Islam shares with
Christianity and which are expected in good Christians, and indeed a Buhari
government is likely to be dominated by conservative elements of both religions.
As far as religion is concerned, therefore, it seems fairly evident that Buhari remains
a nationalist who will not compromise his commitment to national unity. Indeed his
critics easily forget that his most implacable opponents while in power were
Muslims. Buhari led a coup d’etat against a fellow Muslim. He was the first to curtail
the number of pilgrims going to Saudi Arabia to conserve foreign exchange and he
changed the national currency while Muslims were on pilgrimage. He also had well
advertised disputes with the late Sheikh Abubakar Gunmi and at one time it was
rumoured he had him arrested. When Buhari was overthrown many Nigerian Muslims
in Saudi Arabia celebrated, particularly those whose benefactors were either in
detention or exile as a result of his government’s corrective measures. The facts of
history refute the charges of bigotry leveled against Buhari. The genuine concern in
my view lies in the point alluded to above, the extent to which Buhari will tolerate
infringements on personal liberty by hisbah groups. As in all societies ruled by right
wing governments, defenders of freedom must be vigilant and ensure that the limits
of state authority are policed and personal freedoms preserved.
In the final analysis, progressives must make a choice between four more years of
Obasanjo/Atiku on the one hand, and Buhari on the other. History demands of us that
we make that choice and history will judge us appropriately. As for me, I have made
my choice. Buhari is not perfect, but he has my vote.

Buharism as Fascism: Engaging Balarabe Musa
By
Sanusi Lamido Sanusi
London, February 20, 2003
(All views personal)
lamidos@hotmail.com
In the fortnight so following Eid el-Adha, two
incidents occurred that have compelled me once
more to write on Buharism, this time with a sense
of urgency and near desperation. The first was an
interview that the former civilian Governor of
Kaduna State, Alhaji Abdukadir Balarabe Musa gave
Tell magazine, in which he dismissed General
Muhammadu Buhari as a fascist who, by virtue of
that fact, was incapable of reforming Nigeria. In
this piece I will analyze this categorization and
expatiate on the nature and implications of
Buharism as fascism. I will for now only note that
when asked whom he would choose between
Obasanjo and Buhari, the radical PRP governor
could only hope that “it does not come to that”. In
a naïve, somewhat amusing manner, he pretends
away the reality that Nigerians today have only one
serious choice to make for all intents and
purposes; and that choice is between Obasanjo,
who by Balarabe Musa’s own admission has
betrayed his supporters and been a complete
failure and disappointment on the one hand, and
Buhari, who according to Musa is a fascist, on the
other hand. We have to choose, like it or not,
between a failure and a fascist. What choice must
the progressive politician or analyst make?
History, in throwing up the question, demands an
answer. Balarabe Musa’s refusal to make a choice
was, as we shall see, telling in more than one
respect.
The second event was the receipt of a text
message from my GSM provider breaking the news
that the PDP had conceded 10 ministerial posts
and 30 ambassadorial posts to the AD in return for
the latter’s support for president Obasanjo’s
second term bid. The AD is an ethnic party with
support in only one of the six geo-political “zones”
in the country. Its overt political agenda is one of
promoting the interests of the Yoruba elite and
bourgeoisie at all costs, including if necessary the
disintegration of the nation and the unprincipled
use of blackmail and cheap propaganda against
other constituent groups. The surprise to analysts
is not that the AD, which had been implacably
opposed to the presidency of OBJ, (a “stooge” of
“mallams”), is now supporting him. Yoruba politics
from the days of Awolowo has never transcended
ethnic identity. The real surprise, rather, is that
Nigerians in the PDP can in their right minds
concede 10 ministries to a party controlling only
one geo-political zone. Even presuming that only
with AD support can OBJ win the south-west,
surely such an agreement is an invitation to
anarchy and chaos. The 2003 election has
suddenly become a struggle for the survival of
Nigeria and its outcome will determine whether or
not Nigerians are to become subjects of
colonialism by one ethnic group. It is no longer
possible to sit on the fence. Nigerians must ask
themselves if this country can afford an OBJ
victory, and if the fascist alternative is not better
than this alliance with a narrow ethnocentric
agenda. I will now turn to an analysis of Buharism
as fascism.
Fascism, a term with roots in the politics of Italy
under Mussolini (and then Germany under Hitler),
refers to an ideology characterized by extreme
nationalism, extreme anti-communism, militarism
and restrictions on personal liberty. I have
elsewhere made the point that Buharism, in its
sense of being the ideology of the military
government headed by General Buhari after the
overthrow of the second republic 1983, shared
many common features with fascism. The
government was a right wing nationalist
government that pursued bourgeois economic
programs and curtailed personal freedoms. I have
also tried to explain the character of that
government as a necessary corollary to the
conditions that necessitated its emergence (see
my “Buharism - Economic Theory & Political
Economy”; and “Buharism Beyond Buhari”, both
published by the Daily Trust and available on the
web). In this sense, Buhari was the true successor
to Murtala Mohammed. It therefore follows that
one can only raise mild objections to Balarabe’s
description of Buhari as a fascist and one must
dismiss all attempts to reduce this opinion to the
vitriol of a politician who is yet to forgive his
unjust incarceration by Buhari’s administration.
Yet a number of points must be made.
First, in a constitutional democracy, personal
liberties are guaranteed, and protected, by the
courts of law. An elected president, (Buhari or any
other), cannot change this fact. Second, there are
no communist groups in Nigeria today. In
consequence, what is left of Buharism is a fiercely
nationalistic political ideology combined with right
wing social and economic policies. This is the
alternative Nigerians have to a regime which for
the past four years has been characterized by
sleaze and corruption (as reported by its own
auditor-general); a comical desperation to impress
America and the western world; a seeming rush to
sell off national assets at much less than fair
value; an open-door policy of import liberalization
that has destroyed indigenous industry; an
economic program lacking in fiscal and monetary
discipline that has led to high inflation, a heavy
debt burden, diminished foreign reserves, greater
disparities in income distribution, and the
consequent social insecurity and poverty. Between
1999 and 2001 Obasanjo’s government spent over
two trillion naira. About 300 billion is said to have
been spent by Chief Anenih on roads. The naira
has lost more than half its value against major
currencies. The national debt at one point in OBJ’s
term exceeded the nominal GDP.Nigeria has
defaulted on its contracted obligations to creditors
and both the IMF and the World Bank have been
most critical of economic management. The point
here is not that OBJ was the reason for all our
problems. It is that he has since assuming office
simply compounded these problems and
continued with business as usual. These are the
facts of PDP rule since 1999, and they are more
important than the ethnicity or faith of OBJ. Most
of those who supported OBJ in 1999 did so not
because of his ethnic and religious background,
but because they believed he would introduce
change for the better. Now he has failed and we
must not allow his ethnicity to be the decisive
factor returning him to power.
What can we expect of Buharism, therefore, by
extrapolating from its previous policies and
presuming Buhari’s faithful adherence to a
coherent ideological framework?
1. We would expect, given the record of
Muhammadu Buhari in power, a policy of zero
tolerance for official sleaze and corruption in
the Federal Government, as well as a definite
and transparent exercise aimed at stamping
out corruption in other tiers of government.We
know for a fact that the Buhari government not
only dealt with corrupt politicians, it took
steps to discipline military officers involved in
corruption. One of Buhari’s military governors
was removed as a result of business dealings
his wife was involved in.
2. We would expect a review of the policy of
unrestricted import liberalization, and the selective
use of tariffs and import bans (or restrictions on
eligible foreign exchange transactions) to protect
domestic industries and restrict the profligate
spending of hard earned foreign currency. This
was the policy pursued rigorously by the Buhari
government in 1984-85.
3. We would expect privatization to continue
but with three major differences from the
present form: First, those who want to buy
national assets must pay a fair price for
them. Second, no assets considered of vital
national interest will be sold. Finally, focus
will be on empowering Nigerians and
promoting the interests of a domestic
capitalist class rather than selling the nation’s
assets to foreign interest groups.
4. We would expect a shift in our foreign policy
from the present lap-dog mentality of seeking
notice from the U.S. and G.7 countries to one
of closer links to nations in Africa (e.g. South
Africa) and Asia (e.g. China, Malaysia,
Pakistan and South Korea) whose experience
in development can serve as a model. Unlike
OBJ who has spent one year of his presidency
in the air with no results, a nationalist leader
will stay home longer and travel less. Buhari’s
government policy was characterized by the
popular TV advertisement of “Andrew” who,
tired of Nigeria, was going to “check out.”
Andrew was convinced by his friend to stay.
“We have no other country. Let us stay and
save it together.”
5. We would expect a focus on an educational
program that seeks transfer of skills and
technology and the development of indigenous
human capital.
6. Buharism should confront oil exploration
companies and ensure that they pay for
environmental damage and plough a
substantial portion of their profits into
developing oil producing areas.
7. We would expect a trimming of government
and a reduction in recurrent expenditure and
overheads, greater fiscal discipline and tighter
monetary policy to combat inflation.
8. We would expect a focus on paying off our
foreign debt and reducing the debt overhang
through negotiations based on patriotic
interests and compliance with agreed terms.
In particular, only bona fide and verified debts
will be honoured and paid. Buhari’s emphasis
on verifying debts and his commitment to
paying same was a hallmark of his
administration. Not to be ignored here is that
the first Nigerian Head of State to ask for an
IMF standby facility was General Obasanjo
after he succeeded Murtala Muhammad.
9. We would expect a realistic acceptance of
the precariousness of our position and a
prioritisation of our economic projects. Such
white elephants as extravagant stadia and the
ill-advised quest to host soccer fiestas will
take secondary position to rebuilding our
dilapidated national infrastructure.
10. We would expect a truly nationalist
government that seeks to inculcate pride in
every Nigerian of his nationality and deals
fairly with all ethnic and religious groups.
These are ten points that flow logically from actual
policies pursued by Muhammadu Buhari when he
was in power, which set in clear relief the
bourgeois nationalist character of his government.
The policies will set Buhari against international
finance capital, against domestic criminals, sundry
contractors, commission agents and drug barons,
in other words against those who are responsible
for the woes of Nigeria.
Yet Buharism is not an ideal ideological construct
from the perspective of left-wing politics. The
reason for this is to be found in the very nature of
bourgeois economics. As noted by the Nobel
winning economist James Tobin in a 1970 essay,
“the most difficult issues of political economy are
those where goals of efficiency, freedom of choice,
and equality compete. It is hard enough to
propose an intellectually defensible compromise
among them, even harder to find a politically viable
compromise”. My sense is that Balarabe Musa’s
opposition to Buhari is rooted in socialist
principles, and the sound knowledge that a
bourgeois nationalist government is not likely to
pursue populist or petit-bourgeois policies of the
NEPU/PRP variety. This is a view I share. However
I differ with Balarabe in three fundamental
respects.
First, I recognize that the nation needs to produce
first, before the output can be distributed. Today
the nation’s very capacity to produce is at great
risk due to corruption, profligacy and irresponsible
economic management. If we need to have a
bourgeois nationalist government to revive the
economy and move us towards self-sustaining
growth and development, then we must support
such a government in spite of our reservations.
Secondly, Buhari, unlike Obasanjo, recognizes that
the Americans and the British and other foreign
“advisers” always act first and foremost in their
own national interests. This makes him a capitalist
in the mould of South Asian leaders like
Malaysia’s Mahathir Muhammad. Precisely when
the likes of Kalu Kalu, Olu Falae and Chu Okongwu
were busy preaching to Nigerians the benefits of
globalisation, Mahathir was telling Malaysians and
the world that “the fact that globalisation has come
does not mean we should just sit by and watch as
the predators destroy us.” Again I have elsewhere
gone into concrete analysis of Buhari’s economic
programs, which made him the essential enfant
terrible with the IMF and western capital. I believe
Buhari has what it takes for Nigeria to start moving
towards the Asian model, given the right
complement of patriotic intellectuals.
Finally, I believe left-wing politics and civil society
will exert pressure on Buhari and moderate some
of the sharp pains of bourgeois economic
programs. Buhari’s closest advisers will continue
to be the right wing elements with whom he is
known to be in close association, but a democratic
government of necessity and by definition makes
policy from a much broader opinion base than the
kitchen cabinet if at all it intends to last. If
progressive elements support Buhari there
influence in policy will be even more pronounced.
For these reasons I find that the shortcomings of
Buharism are not fatal, and consider the Buhari
option in 2003, as in 1983, a necessary, if difficult,
step in the path to national progress and
independence.
This intervention will be incomplete without a
discussion of the likely position of Buharism on the
implementation of Shari’ah. Right wing politicians
the world over, from the Tory party in the UK and
the Republicans in the US to the center-right
Christian Democratic parties of Europe tend to
closely associate themselves with institutional
religion and promote conservative values. Buhari
will be no different. The logic of his ideology is
such as to lead him towards supporting a
vigorous role for the state in establishing moral
standards. Indeed when he was in power he
pursued a “War against Indiscipline” (popularly
called WAI) and set up WAI brigades which set out
to compel Nigerians to adopt certain standards of
public conduct. It is not inconceivable that various
hisbah groups may begin to operate like WAI
brigades and there must be vigilance to protect
the citizenry from the excesses of zealots.
Having said this, a commitment to one’s religion
and religious values is not synonymous with
intolerance or disrespect for other faiths. We have
seen many right wing governments in Europe who
have shown great respect and tolerance for other
religious groups. Buhari’s famous speech for
which he is labeled a fundamentalist is one in
which he called on Nigerian Muslims to vote into
power good Muslims. Clearly, the implication here
is a sense of dissatisfaction with the conduct of
those Muslims who have not been good
representatives of their faith while in office. No
reasonable person would quarrel with this. Nigeria
needs good Muslims and good Christians, good
Nigerians to run its affairs. Perhaps this explains
why one of the most eloquent pieces written in
defence of Buhari on this point came from the
Reverend Mathew Hassan Kukah. Father Kukah
correctly understood that the point Buhari made
was that Muslims had a duty to elect into office
those persons who would uphold the political
values for which Islam stood, such as honesty,
justice and a true commitment to the welfare of the
people. These are values Islam shares with
Christianity and which are expected in good
Christians, and indeed a Buhari government is
likely to be dominated by conservative elements of
both religions.
As far as religion is concerned, therefore, it seems
fairly evident that Buhari remains a nationalist who
will not compromise his commitment to national
unity. Indeed his critics easily forget that his most
implacable opponents while in power were
Muslims. Buhari led a coup d’etat against a fellow
Muslim. He was the first to curtail the number of
pilgrims going to Saudi Arabia to conserve foreign
exchange and he changed the national currency
while Muslims were on pilgrimage. He also had
well advertised disputes with the late Sheikh
Abubakar Gunmi and at one time it was rumoured
he had him arrested. When Buhari was overthrown
many Nigerian Muslims in Saudi Arabia celebrated,
particularly those whose benefactors were either in
detention or exile as a result of his government’s
corrective measures. The facts of history refute the
charges of bigotry leveled against Buhari. The
genuine concern in my view lies in the point
alluded to above, the extent to which Buhari will
tolerate infringements on personal liberty by
hisbah groups. As in all societies ruled by right
wing governments, defenders of freedom must be
vigilant and ensure that the limits of state authority
are policed and personal freedoms preserved.
In the final analysis, progressives must make a
choice between four more years of Obasanjo/Atiku
on the one hand, and Buhari on the other. History
demands of us that we make that choice and
history will judge us appropriately. As for me, I
have made my choice. Buhari is not perfect, but he
has my vote.

Apc won Igueben local government.
Dr. Okonoboh is member elect edo state house of assembly representing Igueben local government.
Apc won 15 of 18 local governments in edo state.

Apc won Igueben local government.
Dr. Okonoboh is member edo state house of assembly representing Igueben local government.
Apc won 15 of 18 local governments in edo state.

Good guys, good babes, goodluck my brothers and one love. Had fun in Cotonou. be safe

and Gani took that info about Tinubu to his grave

she gave you more than $2000. where is the rest?
her cv reads like she is supposed to be minister of petroleum and madueke minister of aviation.GEJ all backwards.

bigot

this kind story must get pics.u urself know so

who tell him to talk about the N50 billion wey jonathan and patience share?

the woman looks qualified. who cares if sanusi is tickling her beans.no news move on

She is covering it up instead of coming forward with a degree to show the Nigerian people to squench this story, here is what she and her crew are doing, see link
https://www.nairaland.com/1584108/stella-oduah-scrambles-cover-up

How do you even accept a nomination as minister of aviation knowing you lack the qualifications. Aviation eh.this is serious. the woman should be prosecuted for deceiving the Nigerian president, legislators and people.

THIS IS A CRIME

from today i unfollow.you completely lost me. review some of the great comments i've made regarding some of your posts. I had an impression you were a courageous person and leader of men. I started wondering about you when i read the story where your friend's wife wanted to f$ck you.I didn't see the purpose of such a post, except sublimal vanity.

Now you are venting Northerner this, yoruba that, and Ijaw what? I thought the 'down with PDP' war cry was to rid Nigeria of all these categorisations.
Its supposed to be a 'ONE NIGERIA' philosophy for who ever will lead this country in the future irrespective of their region, a president who will develop this whole Nigeria and take care of all Nigerians irrespective of what region. The presidency, the executive, their powers, their priviledges, the legislators, their powers, their priviledges, should be drastically reduced to render so unattractive to encourage service to the people. The judiciary, law enforcement agencies, their powers, their priviledges should be drastically increased to encourage intergrity.
Instruments set in place to check the judiciary and law enfocement.
Time frame for at least 12 years, Nigeria will stand up right within this duration.

Back to you FFK,after reading this your post i find out i have been following a bigot, and now i understand why many people hate you

where di shun?

I am a dealer with access to all major auctions in north america and europe, how can you know the landing costs when u have not even bid nor bought the cars yet? the cars are still at the auction lots scheduled for auction dates.what if you receive the money from nigeria and the car sells at the auction for more than you envisaged.
do you start asking for more? or send the money back?
auctions cars especially for iaai are advertised a week or sometimes 2 weeks before the sale, what if the sale has passed for a specific car and i send you money.
these salvage cars cannot be driven on US roads, how can you calculate the towing transportation to your yard and later to the port into the landing costs. because apart from baltimore, miami, jacksonville or houston auctions, other auctions are way inland.



fellow nairalanders be aware, ask some questions before engaging.
Priority,this seller must buy the cars first before able to do most calculations on the landing cost to lagos.they must have photos of the respective cars in their possession. photos should not be from the iaai auction website.
sorry pesozuk, i no mean to fall ur guy but these nairalanders na my people,i just got their back.

I need a car.
requirement:
Japanese
2 or 4 door
good engine
clean inside and out
this ad is directed at private owners (somebody who for whatever reason want to sell their car).
budget N500 000 cash (is all i have)
pls the car must ve value more than N500k to even be considered
reply dbwresources@gmail.com

in the future, pls summarize.you are absolutely accurate.ibb has been saying and nobody is listening.the majority want to transform boko haram into a north/south and christian/moslem phonomena, yes because thats what it is 'a phonomena'.can u imagine what and how much it will take to wreak havoc to a great militarised nation like nigeria without the help of western powers?
People wake up and stop the paranoia, these uprisings don't pop up on the globe unless yankee gives its blessing.the CIA with help from labs in all branches of the US military and private R& institutions have the most sophisticated surveillance and deterrence equipment to aid any nation especially nigeria with massive US economic interests.
Who are these guys?they can be crushed like ants by the nigerian army in collabo
An insight will clarify that Boko haram was created in Nigeria as a destabilization tool.Nigeria can never appease nor negotiate with them. they are composed of highly paid armed foreigners who believe its a jihad, others amongst them think its a fatuah so for whatever reason unlike the Niger delta cause, boko haram demands are unacceptable even to the most fundamentalist islamic republics which makes it impossible for our government and public opinion to rationalize.

For those of you who concentrate on insulting cramjones instead of countering with intelligent discourse are really at a loss.this guy is making some ground with his arguments for an alternative to PDP whether you like him as a person or not.
In war you can be totally outwitted if your opponent knows all about your strategy so GEJ should either tighten his clique or start feeding the mole in his inner circle with disinformation.
We are 17 months away from the ultimate power tussle in present Nigeria and i don't see PDP gaining more or even able to hold on to what they had all because fellas like cramjones in other circles are winning over the undecided vote like mine.

keep feeding us with the infos bros or sis( whoever u r FFK or not important)

By Urhobo Studies Association (USA)
President Jonathan and the Urhobo nation
By Victor A. Ese

The exclusion of Urhobo people from the cabinet of President Goodluck Jonathan is a clear sign that he has an axe to grind against them.

This is so because immediately he assumed office on May 6, 2010, he removed from office the few Urhobo people that were in the administration of late President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua. For instance, Mr. David Edevwie who was the Principal Secretary to late President Yar’Adua and Mrs. Grace Ekpewrhe who was Minister of Science and Technology were sacked.

The Urhobo leaders worked assiduously to mobilise the entire Urhobo nation to garner support for President Jonathan as the first Niger Delta person to contest the presidency of this country. The mobilisation of the Urhobo leaders was positive as the Urhobo people voted massively for President Jonathan in the 2011 presidential election which led to his victory. The PDP won in Delta State with a landslide because of the votes of Urhobo people as the largest ethnic group in the state.

Nevertheless, the Urhobo people were shocked when President Jonathan constituted his new cabinet after the 2011 general election as no Urhobo person was appointed into the cabinet! The Urhobo people are bothered by their marginalization in the current administration led by an Ijaw man because the Ijaws are the closest ally to the Urhobo as many Urhobos are related to them. This is why the Urhobo and the Ijaw do not go to war. The marginalization of the Urhobo in this administration is painful because they worked tirelessly for the success of President Jonathan. What is the sin of the Urhobos that made President Jonathan to subject them to this unfair treatment?

The Urhobo people are the most peaceful people in the country. This is why they are hosts to people from all parts of the world. It is only the Urhobo nation that has not engaged in insurrection in this country. That the Urhobo nation has not risen against any government does not mean she has not been pushed to the wall by the various governments that have led this country so far. This is so because Urhobo land as the major oil producing area of Delta State has been experiencing pollutions from oil spills and gas flaring since the discovery of crude oil in 1956. Their rubber trees, palm trees, farms and fish pons have all been destroyed by spilled oil which has made life very difficult for them. Urhobo land as a major oil producing area has never produced the Group Managing Director of the NNPC while Northerners who don’t have a drop of crude oil in their land have occupied that position many times. The Urhobo nation is the only major tribe without a state of her own. Despite all the oppressions the Urhobo people have suffered over the years, they have refused to take to militancy as some other tribes have done. That the Urhobo people refused to take to militancy is not a sign of weakness but because they love this country. We all know that militancy is not an exclusive preserve of one particular tribe or group of tribes as any tribe can take to militancy just as other tribes have done and are still doing. But militancy is not the solution to any problem because every insurrection usually ends with dialogue and negotiation. This is the main reason why the Urhobo people have always taken the part of peace.

The Ijaw started militancy in the First Republic with Isaac Adaka Boro, who forseeing the devastation oil exploitation and exploration would cause the Ijaw nation, on February 14, 1966, declared the Niger Delta Peoples’ Republic. The republic lasted for 12 days before Adaka Boro was arrested by General Aguiyi Ironsi. The Ijaw militancy lingered for many years but came to its height during the administrations of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua before amnesty was granted to the militants. Presently, the Ijaw nation is enjoying the benefits of their struggle as they now have their son as the president of this country and many Ijaw ex-militants receive salaries under the amnesty programme while others were awarded mouth-watering contracts by the Federal Government.

After the annulment of the 1993 presidential election which was won by late Chief M.K.O. Abiola, the Yoruba founded the Odua Peoples’ Congress (OPC) with which they fought for the actualisation of the 1993 mandate which Nigerians gave to their son. The country almost broke up due to the annulment. The outcome of that struggle was the second coming of General Olusegun Obasanjo (rtd) as the president in 1999.

The northern part of the country has also engaged in militant activities. Immediately President Goodluck Jonathan signified his intention to contest the 2011 presidential election, some northerners vowed to make the country ungovernable for him. For instance, Alhaji Lawal Kaita said, “The North is determined, if it happens, to make the country ungovernable for President Jonathan or any other Southerner who finds his way to the seat of power on the platform of the PDP against the principle of the party’s zoning policy. Anything short of a Northern president is tantamount to stealing our presidency. Jonathan has to go and he will go. Even if he uses incumbency power to get his nomination on the platform of the PDP, he would be frustrated out”. The north has fulfilled this threat by making the country ungovernable for President Jonathan through the Boko Haram insurgency.

Thus, the north is already benefitting from the Boko Haram struggles because a Northerner has been appointed National Security Adviser (NSA). Not only that, the Federal Government is also negotiating with the members of the Boko Haram sect to embrace peace. But the Boko Haram members will not disarm with mere talks and promises. As the Ijaw militants embraced the Amnesty Programme with juicy contracts and salaries, the Boko Haram members will also demand for juicy contrasts and monetary rewards.

Moreover, one is troubled by this trend because it sends a dangerous signal to the entire country that it is only those who take up arms against the Federal Government that get attention and appointments. The question Nigerians are asking is, should the Federal Government wait until people take up arms against it before it does the right thing?

Before the advent of colonialism, the Urhobo nation was an independent country with her robust traditional system of government. The Urhobo people had an early contact with the Europeans through the Royal Niger Company that had treaties with her and recognized the Urhobo nation as a country. One of such treaties; Article V of the Agbarha Treaty states as follows: “The chiefs of Agbassa hereby engage to assist the British consular or other officers in the execution of such duties as may be assigned to them; and further to act upon their advice in matters relating to the administration of justice, the development of the resources of the country, the interest of commerce, or in any other matter in relation to peace, order, and good government, and the general progress of civilisation”. Thus, the British Government recognized the Urhobo nation as a country before colonialism began but the Urhobo nation was forced into Nigeria through the amalgamation of the Southern and Northern Protectorates in 1914 by Lord Lugard.

Meanwhile, the Urhobo nation with a population of about 10 million in the country, qualified human resources, many natural resources and agricultural resources etc, is qualified to be an independent country. What are the populations of Bahamas and Sao Tome & Principe as independent nations? They are 307, 451 and 205,901 respectively. So, if every government will marginalize the Urhobo because they are peaceful, they should be allowed to become an independent nation!

Please please please don't give up at all. Femi or not keep the debate alive and lets know the truth.Am following

Need a duplex close to a major road in lagos. budget is N1000 000 per annum
respond to dbwresources@gmail.com

liked the original story, more liked the follow up keep it up and no fear. screw the haters, truth must be told.it encourages debate

osystein: Here's the full view.

thank you very much. we are amongst the worst

na mumu them bi there.and they go vote em again

Located in the centre of Cotonou, the economic capital of the republic of Benin is situated "La prison civile de Cotonou" or 'PCC' as its fondly known,24 hours a day/365 days a year, the home of Ifeanyi Ofoukwu and Elendu Chukwu, Nigerian citizens of Igbo descent for the past nine years.If you haven't figured it out yet we are refering ...to the main prison for the city of Cotonou where these aforementioned Nigerians have been incarcerated since 2004 for an armed robbery alledged perpetrated in 2001 by some Nigerians and Beninois citizens.
The condition of their incarceration is an issue for the Nigerian government through their diplomatic mission in Benin, the Benin government and the human rights community to investigate.
Upon entering the main gates of the prison, there is a gendarmes(prison authorities) post comprising of one table,two wooden chairs and a rickety tv set.To the left is the entrance to the warden's office and to the right is where Messrs Ofoukwu and Chukwu have spent 24 hours a day for the last nine years of their lives.Mr Ifeanyi Ofoukou, fair skinned, muscularly built, approximately 35 years spends his time doing physical execises while his cell mate Mr Elendu Chukwu, pale darker greyish complexion, fortyish sits in his corner looking dazedly at the ceiling. This section of the prison commonly referred to as "condamne a mort" literally translated as 'condemned to death' is an approximately 6X8 room with a metal gate at the entrance, no windows and a tiny bathroom area located next to the military guards barracks.There is a small tv on the floor, two fans, a bucket of water and some mats on the floor.There is one light bulb to brighten up the room and the walls are littered with hung plastic bags containing their few belongings because there is no space on the floor for storage.This is a 'no go' area of the prison randomly used by prison authorities to punish other inmates for indiscipline and dreaded by the whole prison.For the most serious major indisciplinary actions, other inmates are sent to 'comdamne a mort' section for five days, so Mr Ofoukwu demanded me in his strained voice 'Oga imagine staying in this environment for nine years'. He continued by telling me that for the first three years after they newly arrived at the prison, they and 16 other inmates were guarded in another prison cell within the general population much smaller with no toilet facilities and because they had to come out every evening to throw the human waste, the prison authorities decided to move them to their present cell away from general population to assure they are locked up 24 hours a day.
I had the opportunity to meet with the assistant warden to inquire why the Nigerians were incarcerated in such conditions,he listened to my concerns and blatantly told me in french 's'il vous plait il faut laisser l'affaire la, nous meme, on les a trouve labas comme ca' loosely translated as 'please forget, we also found them there like that'. Mr Chukwu in eloquent english explained to me that upon their arrival, they were considered dangerous and a flight risk so they were never allowed to join the general population and every other new prison authority staff since 2004(changed after every 3 years) where briefed by the outgoing administration that they should be put in isolation.
Getting no resolution from the prison authorities, I went to the courthouse to find out from the judges who are solely responsible for the inmates at the prison,if they were aware, or if they instructed the prison authorities to incarcerate these Nigerians in isolation and under such conditions. I was told that the decision of the welfare of the prisoners were the affairs of the gendarmerie( prison guards) and DAPAS(prison administrators).
Messrs Ofoukwu and Chukwu were arrested in Nigeria in 2004 three years after the armed robbery incident in Cotonou,Benin.They were handed over by the interpol services in Nigeria to the benin authorities and eventually ended up at the infamous PCC.Their case is handled by the prosecution which in the Benin Court of first instance comprise of seven(7) 'cabinet de juges'(judge's offices) who do the preliminary interviews of defendants/plaintiff, investigations,confrontations between defendants/plaintiffs and in this case they represent the state who is the plaintiff.
Defendants are regularly brought in from PCC to the courthouse for further investigations,sign a financial bail, or get release documents from the prison and once within a six month period all inmates are presented to their assigned judge to sign and document each consecutive six months of incarceration(for which its reported the judges make 75000cfa per inmate every six months, an incentive to keep people longer in prison).
All the other co- defendants of messrs Ofoukwu and Chukwu in this case of Benin nationality have all been released except for the two Nigerians who in nine years have not been convicted for any crimes but locked up in such inhumane conditions. No decisions have been made in their case and for all its worth abandoned and forgotten.Mr Chukwu said they have not once been to court to meet their judge and discuss their case in five(5) years ' we go to court and sign six months with the greffier(secretary to the judge) and they return us to prison' so they sit in their room without knowledge of daylight or darkness and in case of electricity blackouts in the prison, 'we just stay in perpetual darkness and heat' he says. When i asked about food, they just eat now what and whenever the prison authorities give to them,they had a helper in general population who cooked food for them but that inmate was released so they say the extra voice who talked to them once a day when he brought them food is gone. 'We are not allowed any visitors,no contact with the world,its been only the two of us so we depend on each other' says Mr Chukwu. 'They will not even allow us to go to church within the prison' he says. 'There was an inmate pastor of the evangilical church who volunteered once in a while to live and pray with us in here for a couple of days but he also has been released from prison' says Chukwu.

Before my departure, Mr Ofoukwu in despair that i may forget about them like the others, wrote on a small piece of torn paper verbatim 'Our condition very bad here, we have eyes problem We cannot see any more.And body pains and weakness'
1) IFEANYI OFOUKWU
2) ELENDU CHUKWU'
A cry for help

I went to the Nigerian embassy and nobody seemed concerned.After sitting for two hours at the embassy reception it was closing time i was told. The diplomats who were standing at the recepiton area were busy verifying documents concerning payment of travel expenses for a trip they recently returned from. Nobody seemed shocked and i was even interrupted, its friday and the ambassador already left the office for lagos.
There are approximately 200 Nigerian citizens locked up and abandon in these Cotonou prison, no notice is given to their embassy,their families, nobody knows where they are. If a low level diplomatic mission like the Nigerian consular in Cotonou cannot resolves serious cases like this for nine years involving Nigerians, then what are they doing in Benin republic? what would high level missions like the U.S and EU embassies do? just abandon and neglect the welfare of Nigerians citizens in foreign lands?

This article was compiled after several visits and attempts to help these fellow Nigerians so 2014 is not their tenth anniversary under such conditions. I am just a concerned Nigerian who heard about these brothers, and this is not about innocent or guilty.I am a 'nobody' not Igbo with relations to these inmates but a Deltan, please don't justify these actions in any manner and do nothing. Once i heard, I have been to the prison, dealt with prison officials, guards and administrators, dealt with the Justice department and courts, dealt with the Nigerian embassy and like i said, am a nobody.
If you are a somebody please help these young sons and brothers and do something.
If we could do it for Alhaji Asari Dokubo, we can do it for Ifeanyi Ofoukwu and Elendu Chukwu.

If you don't know where or how to start helping. email me at : dbwresources@gmail.com

Happy New Year in advance

i dewy ooo. i just dey read post about the 2 naija guys in prison....
8:14pm
Hamza Abu
hahahahahhaahah....
8:15pm
Kingsley Ughe
I dey provoke....

Hamza Abu
ol boy na waho
you know say i hate injustice....
8:15pm
Kingsley Ughe
i am doing a petition to the human right commission here in naija....
8:15pm
Hamza Abu
i know....
8:15pm
Kingsley Ughe
i will submit it it on the 6th....
8:15pm
Hamza Abu
ooohh may god bless you....
8:16pm
Kingsley Ughe
what is there offences....
8:17pm
Hamza Abu
alledged armed robbery....
8:17pm
Kingsley Ughe
have they been convicted in a court of law?....
8:17pm
Hamza Abu
arrested 3 years later,they claimed they knew nothing about. some beninois give their names....
8:17pm
Kingsley Ughe
ok.i will use vthe substance of your writ up to prepare my petition....
8:18pm
Hamza Abu
no not at all.not convicted....
8:19pm
Kingsley Ughe
ok.Its really crazy. In little Benin!.That is an affront....
8:19pm
Hamza Abu
benin authorities are doing investigations for nine years mean while co defendants ve all been released on bail....
8:19pm
Kingsley Ughe
i will sensitize the entire human right communities....
8:20pm
Hamza Abu
they are over doing it to nigerians here bro....
8:20pm
Kingsley Ughe
really?....

read entire story link

https://www.nairaland.com/1574469/two-nigerians-locked-hole-benin

we wish to thank you. somebody already doing something.Pls don't let this story fade

aha this time we don over do am. gej man gotta hav conscience. the truth, the whole truth so help me God. tell em rotimi.

i dewy ooo. i just dey read post about the 2 naija guys in prison....
8:14pm
Hamza Abu
hahahahahhaahah....
8:15pm
Kingsley Ughe
I dey provoke....

Hamza Abu
ol boy na waho
you know say i hate injustice....
8:15pm
Kingsley Ughe
i am doing a petition to the human right commission here in naija....
8:15pm
Hamza Abu
i know....
8:15pm
Kingsley Ughe
i will submit it it on the 6th....
8:15pm
Hamza Abu
ooohh may god bless you....
8:16pm
Kingsley Ughe
what is there offences....
8:17pm
Hamza Abu
alledged armed robbery....
8:17pm
Kingsley Ughe
have they been convicted in a court of law?....
8:17pm
Hamza Abu
arrested 3 years later,they claimed they knew nothing about. some beninois give their names....
8:17pm
Kingsley Ughe
ok.i will use vthe substance of your writ up to prepare my petition....
8:18pm
Hamza Abu
no not at all.not convicted....
8:19pm
Kingsley Ughe
ok.Its really crazy. In little Benin!.That is an affront....
8:19pm
Hamza Abu
benin authorities are doing investigations for nine years mean while co defendants ve all been released on bail....
8:19pm
Kingsley Ughe
i will sensitize the entire human right communities....
8:20pm
Hamza Abu
they are over doing it to nigerians here bro....
8:20pm
Kingsley Ughe
really?....

read entire story link
https://www.nairaland.com/modifypost?redirect=%2F1573390%2Ftwo-nigerian-citizens-locked-up%2320547615&post=20547615

[font=Lucida Sans Unicode][/font]Power Of OBJ - PDP Makes U-turn On Oyinlola / Crisis Hits Senate, Reps Over Sharing Of Posts •pdp Makes U-turn, Accepts Tambuw / Threat Over Zoning: Pdp Makes U-turn, Plans To Send Emissaries To Ibb (1) (2) (3) (4)


If you reading this thread,look at the the top, pdp makes u-turn,u-turn and u-turn again
how many more u-turns you guys need after 2015?