₦airaland Forum

yarimo:
oya asked Fayemi what did he do as minister under late president buhari? Everyone now want to know the exact Obidients mumu bottom to be pressing button that is only known to few

Ogbeni, pls this your question is irritating. Can you tell us what you expected Fayemi to do as a minister and he didn’t do? Just because he was trying to say the obvious and you started asking a dum.b question.

seunmsg:
El-Rufai people in the kaduna state government are gradually leaving. They won’t be missed.

Oh yea, you’re right. That was the same way it didn’t matter when people started leaving the PDP to join the APC during Jonathan administration. E go shock you.

Abeg na skit be this, they no mean am. Can you imagine?

Ok noted! Your time starts now. We will remain you after 3 months

So this country is owning this much and this man has the audacity to budget N2.5Trillion naira for RDC salaries? No capital projects, just salaries.

Democracy is famously defined as “the government of the people, by the people, and for the people.” But under the All Progressives Congress (APC), that definition seems to have been rewritten: government of the selected, by selection, and for the selected few. Much like Orwell’s “Animal Farm”, where all animals were equal until “some became more equal than others,” APC's Nigeria has become a nation where the powerful thrive while the people struggle to survive.

Let’s go back to pre-2015, before APC took power:

Public university tuition averaged around N15,000–₦25,000 per session, making it affordable for children of civil servants and market traders alike.

A bag of rice sold for about N7,000–₦9,000, and half a bag was around N4,000–₦5,000 within reach for someone earning minimum wage.

Domestic flights from Lagos to Abuja could be booked for N10,000–N15,000.

Nigerians could still buy tokunbo (fairly used) cars and build modest homes with hard work and planning.

Businesses were growing, the middle class was expanding, and the youth had hope. In short, life was hard, but it worked.

Then came the APC with the promise of “change”.

Upon assuming office, they declared that Nigerians were “living fake lives” and began removing every form of comfort and support. One of the first major moves was the devaluation of the naira, triggering widespread inflation and collapsing purchasing power.

Fast forward to today:
Tuition in public universities now averages over N150,000 - N250,000 per session. More than twice the new monthly minimum wage (N70,000), forcing many parents into debt just to educate their children.

A 50kg bag of rice now costs N85,000–₦105,000, depending on location, about 121%–150% of the minimum wage.

Domestic flights average N85,000–₦120,000 for a one-way ticket, essentially unaffordable for the average worker.

Tokunbo cars have become luxury items, with even used 2006 Toyota Corollas now selling above N8 million.

Home construction has become a fantasy for most, with cement above N10,000 per bag.

Yet while the majority of Nigerians are sinking into multidimensional poverty) over 133 million people, according to the National Bureau of Statistics), a privileged few continue to feed fat on public resources.

This government has also been plagued by massive corruption scandals. A few examples include:

The N39billion ICC renovation project, an unnecessary vanity project at a time of economic crisis.

The Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway, reportedly costing over N15 trillion, with questionable procurement and prioritization.

The creation of Regional Development Commissions (RDCs) with a proposed budget of N2.5 trillion, not for roads, schools, or infrastructure, but just for salaries.

Let’s break that down:
If ₦2.5 trillion is allocated to salaries alone and 25,000 people are employed, each person would be earning approximately N100 million per year, or N8.3 million per month. That’s over 118 times the national minimum wage. (₦2.5 trillion ÷ 25,000 = ₦100,000,000).

Meanwhile, citizens are told there’s no money for fuel subsidies, education, healthcare, or wage increases.

The APC government claimed the country was bankrupt, yet they’re running one of the most expensive governments in Nigerian history with no corresponding productivity or accountability.

And now, some politicians, paid influencers, and sponsored commentators want to repackage this failed administration and sell it to Nigerians again in 2027. But Nigerians must ask themselves: how many more years of pain, hunger, and hopelessness can we afford?

Einstein once said, “Insanity is doing the same thing over and over and expecting different results.” After 10 years of failure, rising poverty, broken promises, and elite impunity, it's time for a new direction.

It’s time for a leadership with proven experience, competence, and vision, not slogans, not media noise, and certainly not another round of “government of the few, by the few, and for the few.”

givedemwotowoto:
Even if Kwankwaso works with Tinubu, it’s very far from being enough.

Kwankwaso and Tinubu combined are 4 million votes at most. Add half of Buhari supporters who voted for Tinubu in 2023, you get 7 million votes total. Add mago mago, you may get up to 9 million votes max. Nothing more.

Atiku and Obi have 13 million votes already. Add half of Buhari supporters who voted for Tinubu in 2023, that’s 16 million votes.

That’s why Atiku and Obi must agree to work together, otherwise I don’t see them winning individually.

This is now getting clearer. I hope you can now understand my conspiracy theory.

When I said this in my previous post some of you were calling me names.

Predictor3:
OP, the obidients will disagree with your brilliant idea

It may interest you to know that most of the people that are parading themselves as obidients and advocating for Peter Obi candidacy for the opposition are not actually obidients. Most of them are APC e warriors. Most obidients that I know want whatever formula that can oust this calamity out of Aso rock.

Igbophobia:
Of what benefit is it to me if an Igbo from SE or even SS is president? The problem with most of you Nigerians is that your concept of progress and even nationhood differs a lot from the mind of an Igbo man. We Igbos want a functional country, not the cesspool of corruption and injustice Nigeria is.

Here's how we reason: If Igbo presidency is someone like Wike (yes he's Igbo) or Okorocha, it still doesn't make sense for us as Igbo. In like manner, if Atiku Abubakar is the best you guys can promote for 2027 instead of Obi, people like us do not really see him as capable of anything different from Tinubu. In which case, it is like what you refer to as Otto Cycle: a nullity which means that you guys have no vision for a country that makes progress.

This is why most of us believe that Igbo is better off in our own country. Nigeria has already wasted decades of Igbo existence with the clowns you guys refer as leaders just because they're from your tribes. Pray, of what benefit is Tinubu and his government to the average Yoruba man? Na my tribesman ba? That's classical African foolhardiness.



So you concede that only the Igbo (who you refer to as SE. Igbo 're actually in 13 states) and the youths of the country have good sense of judgment? The rest of you would rather choose incompetence for tribal and other reasons.

If you have been following my comments and opinions you would have know that I don’t care “where” but “who” becomes the president. To be candid, Nigeria is very complex to manage. If you don’t have the experience or consult with someone with experience, there is no way you wouldn’t make mistakes as a Nigerian president

Igbophobia:
Of what benefit is it to me if an Igbo from SE or even SS is president? The problem with most of you Nigerians is that your concept of progress and even nationhood differs a lot from the mind of an Igbo man. We Igbos want a functional country, not the cesspool of corruption and injustice Nigeria is.

Here's how we reason: If Igbo presidency is someone like Wike (yes he's Igbo) or Okorocha, it still doesn't make sense for us as Igbo. In like manner, if Atiku Abubakar is the best you guys can promote for 2027 instead of Obi, people like us do not really see him as capable of anything different from Tinubu. In which case, it is like what you refer to as Otto Cycle: a nullity which means that you guys have no vision for a country that makes progress.

This is why most of us believe that Igbo is better off in our own country. Nigeria has already wasted decades of Igbo existence with the clowns you guys refer as leaders just because they're from your tribes. Pray, of what benefit is Tinubu and his government to the average Yoruba man? Na my tribesman ba? That's classical African foolhardiness.



So you concede that only the Igbo (who you refer to as SE. Igbo 're actually in 13 states) and the youths of the country have good sense of judgment? The rest of you would rather choose incompetence for tribal and other reasons.

I agree with you that people like Wike or Okorocha may never appeal to well-meaning Nigerians, not because they aren’t influential, but because their pasts are littered with questionable decisions, political inconsistencies, and credibility issues.

But on Atiku Abubakar, I respectfully disagree. Your perception of him seems to be shaped more by what you’ve heard than what you may truly know. If we’re going to be honest, what Nigeria urgently needs is experience, not experiments. We've had enough of trial-and-error leadership. Tinubu’s government is a painful example of what happens when ambition is not matched with tested capacity.

Between 1999 and 2007, Atiku served as Vice President under Olusegun Obasanjo and was the driving force behind many key economic reforms. Most of the technocrats that laid the foundation for Nigeria's post-military economic stability were sourced by Atiku himself, including Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Nasir El-Rufai, Nuhu Ribadu and Charles Soludo. These were not random hires, they were handpicked as part of a deliberate reform strategy and we saw what they were able to achieve for the country.

Under the Atiku-OBJ economic agenda:
Nigeria paid off $30 billion in external debt, including a 12 billion Paris Club deal. The banking consolidation policy created a more stable financial sector.

The Bureau of Public Enterprises (BPE), which Atiku supervised, privatized over 100 moribund public enterprises, saving the economy from bleeding further. The GDP grew at an average of 6% per year, one of the most stable periods since 1980.

Let’s compare that to what we’re witnessing today. Tinubu, within his first year:

Spent N11 trillion (over $7 billion) trying to “stabilize” the naira through FX interventions yet the naira collapsed from ₦460/$1 to over N1,500/$1 at its worst point.
Allocated over ₦200 billion to repair refineries (including N144 billion for Port Harcourt refinery alone) yet as of today, not a single drop of petrol has come out of those refineries.
Removed fuel subsidy overnight with no mitigation plans, leading to inflation above 33% and pushing over 133 million Nigerians into multidimensional poverty.

Atiku, having learned from his time with Obasanjo, wouldn’t have approached subsidy removal, naira flotation, or refinery resuscitation with such recklessness. He understood and still understands the economic consequences of rushed reforms without safety nets.

Yes, people have accused Atiku of corruption. But to date, no court Nigerian or international has convicted him of any crime. Meanwhile, those who once screamed the loudest about corruption are now presiding over one of the most brazenly corrupt administrations in modern Nigerian history. Even APC insiders have admitted this in hushed tones.

Atiku has always called for restructuring, decentralization and a return to production-based economics. His 2023 manifesto proposed:

Reducing federal control and increasing state autonomy in resource management

Boosting local production to reduce import dependency.

Immediate review of FX policy and coordinated monetary–fiscal strategy

I wasn’t a supporter of Atiku either. But facts are sacred. I took time to study his plans, compare them with others, and analyze what he did when he had the chance. If you truly care about this country, setting sentiment aside, Atiku remains one of the few viable options with the experience, network, and maturity to fix what’s broken.

Nigeria doesn’t need another trial. It needs someone who has been there, seen it, and knows what works.

Noerection:
if Ibo can present good candidate we will support him or her but not Peter Obi Pandora

Why are you afraid of Peter Obi? I think there should be something interesting about this man that is causing you guys so much pain. Why not come out openly and tell us.

Noerection:
are they not Biafrans anymore?

What’s the difference between Biafra, Odua and Arewa? What makes one superior to other?

Noerection:
Must Ibo become president of this country?
It seems these people have hidden agenda

Why can’t they? Are they not Nigerians? Perhaps you can explain your point better

Why an Atiku/Obi Ticket in 2027 Might Be the South-East’s Closest Path to the Presidency

As Nigeria approaches another election cycle in 2027, the political permutations around zoning, power rotation, and regional equity have once again taken center stage. For the South-East, a region that has yet to produce a democratically elected president since independence, 2027 presents a critical window, but also a narrowing one.

Current Power Distribution and Zoning Logic

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a Yoruba man from the South-West, is currently in power, having assumed office in May 2023. By 2027, he would have completed his first term. Traditionally, Nigeria's informal power rotation agreement, though unwritten, tends to alternate the presidency between the North and the South every eight years.

If Tinubu seeks and wins a second term (2027–2031), then by zoning logic, power would shift back to the North until at least 2039. After that, the cycle would logically return to the South.

But here’s the catch: the South is not a monolith. The Southern region consists of three major zones:

South-West (Yoruba)
South-South (Ijaw, Itsekiri, Urhobo, etc.)
South-East (Igbo)

While the South-West (Obasanjo, 1999–2007, and now Tinubu) and the South-South (Jonathan, 2010–2015) have both had shots at the presidency, the South-East remains excluded.

If the power pendulum swings back to the North after 2027 or 2031, the next realistic opportunity for a Southern presidency could be as far as 2043, or even later, considering the likelihood of other zones wanting a turn. The South-South may argue they deserve a full 8-year tenure, having only done 5 years under Jonathan. The North Central may also push for a turn, having never produced a president.

Why an Atiku–Obi Pact Could Be a Game-Changer

Former Vice President Atiku Abubakar (North-East) and former Governor Peter Obi (South-East) are two of the most prominent opposition figures from the 2023 election. In 2023, Atiku ran under the PDP and came second with about 6.9 million votes, while Obi, under the Labour Party, shocked the nation by pulling over 6.1 million votes, coming third but dominating the South-East and making inroads in Lagos, Abuja, and parts of the Middle Belt.

Both men command massive followings:

Atiku has the North-East and part of the North-West as his base.

Obi has become the political hope of the South-East and parts of the youth population nationwide.

If these two leaders could strike a clear, written and publicly endorsed agreement, where:

Atiku runs for only one term (2027–2031)
Obi is his running mate and guaranteed support for 2031 presidential ticket

Then the South-East would be strategically positioned for its best and closest shot at the presidency.

Such a deal would:

Reunify the opposition votes that were split in 2023.

Reassure the South-East electorate that their turn is not being postponed indefinitely.

Offer a win-win for both men, allowing Atiku to fulfill his long-standing ambition and retire with a legacy of facilitating regional inclusion.

Why the Ruling Party Fears a United Atiku–Obi Front


It appears that the ruling APC and President Tinubu understand the strategic threat posed by a united Atiku–Obi ticket and they are already working to prevent it. This is why there is a noticeable push by APC-aligned voices for the opposition to field a Southern candidate, especially Peter Obi. Their logic is simple: if the main opposition candidate is from the South, the North's massive voting bloc will stay loyal to Tinubu, making re-election easier.

But if Atiku, a Northern heavyweight, runs with the full support of Peter Obi and the South-East, such a ticket becomes formidable, perhaps unbeatable. That’s why APC loyalists, including figures like Nyesom Wike, Reno Omokri, and other e-warriors, are loudly opposing this potential alliance. Some even pose as “Obidients” online while subtly pushing narratives that pit Obi against Atiku, all in a bid to prevent the merger. Their goal is simple: divide the opposition and conquer again in 2027.

Electoral Arithmetic Supports It

Let’s look at 2023 figures for context:
Combined Atiku and Obi votes in 2023 = 13 million.

Tinubu won with 8.7 million votes

If they had run together with a united platform and party, they likely would have overtaken Tinubu comfortably. This makes the alliance not just morally appealing for justice and equity, but also mathematically feasible.

Why Time is Running Out for the South-East.

If this window is missed, and Tinubu wins again in 2027:

The North will likely produce the next president (2031–2039).

The South-South or North-Central may also seek their turn (2039–2047).

This could delay the South-East’s chances until 2051 or beyond, nearly three decades from now.

In Nigeria's fast-changing political terrain, nothing is guaranteed, especially that far into the future.

Conclusion: The Strategic Path Forward

The 2027 Atiku–Obi ticket built on a single-term agreement and a handover plan to the South-East may be the most realistic and closest path for the Igbo presidency. Not just for symbolism, but for historical justice and national unity.

Whether the political elite in both camps will be humble and wise enough to see this rare alignment of stars remains to be seen.

Do you think these people look like someone that can raise 10million naira?

Another set of fake bishops? Kontinu

N2.5 Trillion Can Buy Iyalaya Anybody — Even Their Conscience

If you’ve been wondering why some of the loudest voices have suddenly gone silent, or worse, turned into cheerleaders for a government presiding over hunger, hardship, and deepening poverty, here’s your answer: M2.5 trillion.

When that kind of money is on the table, even the fiercest critics can mysteriously find their voices… only to use them in praise.

But here’s the real tragedy: if you haven’t received a kobo of that “praise budget,” and you’re still clapping and shouting “God bless our leaders!” Or “on your manhood (abi na mandate) we shall stand!” alongside those who have, then maybe you need deliverance. Because at that point, you’re no longer just poor, you’re bewitched.

gidgiddy:
These developmental commissions are scams. They are there to mask the fact that Nigeria is not practising federalism. Nigeria pretends that there 6 geopolitical zones, but the constitution does not recognise them. So how are creating development commissions for Regions not recognised by your own constitution?

What should have been done is hold referendum that will create Regions recognised by the constitution. After that, each Region controls their resources and pay tax to the centre. Whatever each Region retains after taxes, expenses and deductions are made, they use it to develop their Region

They can do that, so they create useless development commissions that may be a conduit for corruption

I agree with you 100%. Unfortunately most Nigerians are just too biased to understand the truth.

When the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC) was established in 2000 by the Obasanjo administration, it had a clear, justifiable, and urgent purpose: to correct decades of environmental degradation, poverty, and infrastructural neglect in the oil-producing region that generates the bulk of Nigeria’s revenue.

The NDDC was funded from derivations on petroleum income, a natural and logical flow from where the wealth came from to where the suffering was deepest.

Fast forward to 2025, and Nigeria is witnessing the establishment of five new Regional Development Commissions (RDCs).

North-East Development Commission (NEDC)
North-West Development Commission (NWDC)
South-West Development Commission (SWDC)
South-East Development Commission (SEDC)
North-Central Development Commission (NCDC) (awaiting presidential assent).

While many cheer these moves as efforts to balance development across regions, others raise eyebrows:

Where will the funds come from?
Why is ₦2.5 trillion allocated for salaries, not projects?
And is this truly for regional growth or just a new political money pit?

NDDC: A Case Study in Contextual Justification

The Niger Delta, which includes oil-rich states like Rivers, Bayelsa, and Delta, has long borne the brunt of Nigeria’s wealth extraction: suffered extreme environmental damage, poverty, and underdevelopment despite accounting for 90% of Nigeria’s export earnings and up to 70% of government revenue.

Why Was NDDC Justified?

Funding Source: 15% of monthly oil revenue + 3% of oil company budgets + federal subvention.

Mandate: Infrastructural development, environmental remediation, youth empowerment.

Problem Solving Logic: Those whose resources feed the nation must benefit from its wealth

The ₦2.5 Trillion Question: What About the New RDCs?

The 2025 Budget signed by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu allocated a staggering ₦2.493 trillion to the five new RDCs:

NDDC: 776.53
NWDC: 585.93
SWDC: 498.40
SEDC: 341.27
NEDC: 290.99
Total: 2,493.12

However, there is a massive red flag:

Over 99.7% of this budget was allocated solely to salaries and recurrent expenditure.

There is no line item for regional physical development, infrastructure, or capital projects.

In a country with over 130 million multidimensionally poor people and an inflation rate hovering near 34%, this move has sparked outrage.

Let’s Break Down the Scale

To appreciate the magnitude of ₦2.5 trillion, consider:

Nigeria’s entire education budget in 2025: N1.23 trillion.

Health sector budget N1.05 trillion

Combined federal allocations to the police and defence M2.1 trillion

Yet, more money is being set aside for salaries of commissions that have no physical project plans than for all schools and hospitals combined.

If ₦2.5 Trillion Were Shared with the People Instead

Let’s do a simple math exercise:
If ₦10,000 were shared per person from the ₦2.5 trillion budget, 250 million Nigerians could receive a payment.

That’s enough to give N10,000 to every single Nigerian and still have change.
Yet, the same amount is being spent on unnamed "salaries" in commissions with no visible project plan.

Can we then assume that some recent praise singers of this administration have begun to receive their share of these “imaginary salaries"?

Well, perhaps they’re simply being paid for the real job of praise.

Questions of Transparency and Political Manipulation

The lack of development-focused expenditure raises serious questions:

1. Why fund salaries without commissioning projects?
Civil servants in these agencies will be paid without delivering on roads, power, water, or education?

2. Where will this money come from?Unlike the NDDC (which gets oil-derived funding), the new RDCs draw directly from Nigeria’s federal account, meaning, all Nigerians are paying, even for commissions that may never benefit them.

3. Political Weaponization?
In an election season (2027 approaches), ₦2.5 trillion could serve as a political war chest.

Jobs in RDCs can be handed out to party loyalists as patronage.

Funds can be redirected or laundered through ghost salaries, inflated contracts, or shell firms.

In a country where poverty is so high that a ₦10,000 cash gift can buy loyalty, ₦2.5 trillion is more than enough to buy the whole country.

Example of Possible Misuse: A Hypothetical Scenario

Assume each commission employs 5,000 personnel (an optimistic cap). That’s 25,000 total.

If ₦2.49 trillion is spent on salaries for 25,000 people, that equates to:

N99.6 million per staff member annually, or ₦8.3 million per month

This is mathematically impossible under a legitimate payroll system. It either means:

The actual number of staff is inflated (ghost workers).

There is a leakage of over 80% into corrupt hands.

Funds are being diverted to fund political structures (as alleged during previous administrations with fuel subsidy fraud)

What the Regions Actually Need

What Nigeria’s regions urgently need is not another layer of bureaucrats collecting salaries, but tangible, physical development that can transform lives: roads, schools, hospitals, power and clean water.

A Better Use of ₦2.5 Trillion
If the ₦2.5 trillion currently allocated to salaries were instead channeled into real capital projects, the impact could be nation-shifting:

15,000 kilometers of roads could be constructed, opening up trade and reducing transportation costs.

5 million homes could be powered with solar electricity, easing Nigeria’s energy crisis.

5,000 new schools or 1,000 hospitals could be built, dramatically improving access to education and healthcare.

Millions of Nigerians could be empowered through targeted entrepreneurship and skills development programs, creating jobs and reducing poverty sustainably.

Conclusion: Development or Deception?

The idea of regional development commissions is not inherently bad. In fact, if anchored in genuine need and driven by transparency, accountability, and measurable outcomes, they could be powerful tools for inclusive growth.

But without:
Clear project plans
Capital infrastructure investment
Independent oversight and citizen engagement

these new commissions risk becoming cash siphons, vote-buying tools, and bureaucratic traps that worsen Nigeria’s fiscal bleeding rather than healing its developmental wounds.

It’s time Nigerians asked:
Is this about our future, or about their power?

Recommendations:

1. Immediate audit of RDC staffing and salaries.
2. FOI requests by civil society for budget breakdown and execution plans.
3. National Assembly hearings on why no capital projects exist in the ₦2.5T allocation.
4. Transparency mandates: Quarterly reports, digital dashboards, and citizen tracking.

Softmirror:
In this game of politics your focus should be meeting your cut off mark. Obi's crowd amounted to ZERO in the scheme of things.

Kwankwaso's influence can't go beyond Kano of which APC will get their qualified share.

Can you see the hand writing on the wall or you still want me to explain this to you?

helinues:
You guys just like to be making noise always. Bring your Atiku/Obi in 2027. The beating is patiently waiting for them

Let’s engage in intellectual discussion, if you have the capability. Why is everyone in APC fighting for the southern candidate? Wike and the likes of Reno have repeatedly kicked against the combo of Atiku and Obi. What are they afraid of? Why are they more concerned with who the opposition picked than how to solve the national crisis?

Lifestone:
Did I just hear Atiku. By 2027 Atiki will be 81years old. To do what?

Old age is not a disease. He’s not running for a sprint. Unless you can prove that his mental capacity can not handle post.

Statistics don’t lie and sometimes, na statistics we go chop.

When you examine the numbers closely, it becomes immediately clear why the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) and President Bola Tinubu’s political handlers will do everything and anything possible to ensure that a political reunion between Atiku Abubakar and Peter Obi never sees the light of day.

In the 2019 general election, when Atiku Abubakar ran under the PDP with Peter Obi as his running mate:

PDP (Atiku/Obi) secured 11,262,978 votes. But APC (Buhari/Osinbajo) won with 15,191,847 votes

Now compare that with Tinubu’s 2023 victory.

APC (Tinubu/Shettima) won with just 8,794,726 votes. That’s 6.4 million fewer than Buhari's tally in 2019

Meanwhile, Atiku (PDP, 2023) still managed 6,984,520 votes amd Peter Obi (Labour Party) secured 6,101,533 votes.

That’s a combined total of over 13 million votes, nearly 5 million more than Tinubu, even while Atiku and Obi ran on separate platforms.

Let’s be honest: Tinubu didn’t win with a mandate, he won with mathematics.

He won simply because the opposition was fragmented between Atiku, Obi, and Kwankwaso.

Tinubu knew in 2023 that he could never cross 12 million votes, not in a post-#EndSARS Nigeria where the youth were still reeling from pain, anger, and distrust. He knew that a united Atiku–Obi ticket of likely over 12million votes could crush his chances.

So he split them.

That division was not by accident, it was a political necessity for survival.

Now add the fact that:

The North is disillusioned with Tinubu’s administration: Inflation, insecurity and lopsided appointments have left many northerners feeling betrayed and excluded. Buhari’s legacy vote bank of over 12 million is now up for grabs.

If Atiku can reclaim even half of that northern base and Obi mobilizes the southern youth, they’re looking at 12 to 15 million votes in 2027. The number Tinubu can never reach, considering his performance.

That number would obliterate Tinubu’s 2023 scoreline and turn the next election into a referendum against a failed presidency.

Now that the North is murmuring and agitating, Tinubu’s 2023 formula won’t work in 2027. His voting power in the North has dramatically dropped and he knows it.

So what’s the new plan?
Enter Rabiu Kwankwaso, the “anointed pawn”.

All signs suggest Tinubu’s camp may try to push Kwankwaso as a northern counterweight, a spoiler to split votes from Atiku and minimize the northern swing against APC.

But it’s a dangerous gamble.

If the North senses it’s being played, and the South regroups behind Obi, the result could be a historic backlash at the polls.

This is why there's a quiet but strategic effort to lure Peter Obi back into the PDP not to empower him, but to neutralize him.

A Peter Obi + Atiku Abubakar ticket isn’t just a political comeback, it’s a revolution of numbers, energy, and regional balance.

The numbers prove one thing:
They didn’t win because they were strong. They won because the opposition was divided.

And if the Atiku–Obi combo reemerges with better strategy, a stronger ground game, and national discontent on their side, APC’s worst nightmare may finally come true.

Tinubumustgo:
Tribalism is the major challenges amongst us in Nigeria. Obi cannot become Nigeria president because he is an Igbo man.

I agree with you 100%. Most of these people shouting Peter Obi are actually Tinubu’s Allie’s trying to mount pressure on the opposition to pick Peter Obi because they know he’s a seeker opposition to Tinubu.

Demolaeby:
Kwankwaso, Rauf Aregbesola and a lot of them claiming opposition are secretly working for Tinubu re election

I may not agree with that of Aregbe, strategically, I don’t expect Tinubu or any of his allies to purposely work against him in the south west. If you observe closely, all the south west governors are currently working for him. He needs every vote possible from the south west, get a good number of votes from south south and south east. Ensures Atiku does not dominate the north.

helinues:
Be realistic instead of being optimistic. Peter Obi is not popular in core north.

And please dont tell me about his borehole and money donations. Peter Obi has been fetching water with basket on that as the people he has been doing donations for would need to wait for their religious leaders, political leaders to tell them which direction to go

Peter Obi only became popular in areas where Tinubu wanted him to be popular. And these were PDP core states in the south. The idea was to split the votes. And that strategy worked. The same is being planned for 2027, but this time around, north is the target and Kwankwaso is the anointed pawn.

Why didn’t Tinubu play a father figure and support Osinbajo?