₦airaland Forum

Softmirror:
In this game of politics your focus should be meeting your cut off mark. Obi's crowd amounted to ZERO in the scheme of things.

Kwankwaso's influence can't go beyond Kano of which APC will get their qualified share.

Point noted. But go and mark my words, by the time the same machinery that was used to boost Obi in strategic areas started working for Kwankwaso, I will refer you to this post again. Until then, enjoy your evening sire

Softmirror:
Kwankwaso doesn't so much matter because the simple fact is, APC will get their required 25% with or without Kwankwaso in Kano State. NNPP only serves as a spoiler for other parties. Kwankwaso's influence is only in Kano's state and it is 55%.

You think so? Who knew that Obi could pull such a massive crowd in 2023? The same man that was Atiku’s running mate and together they could not pull that massive crowd. The same element that backed and supported Obi are currently planning how to make Kwankwaso more popular across the north. This I have seen.

NOTE: If you’re not a strategist…
If you’re not a critical thinker…
If you’ve never studied power dynamics or played chess at a high level…
Then I don’t expect you to grasp the full depth of what you’re about to read.

But if you are—
Read slowly. Every move matters.


As Nigeria quietly begins its long march toward the 2027 general elections, familiar patterns are emerging once again in the nation’s high-stakes political chessboard. While public attention remains fixed on issues of governance, inflation, and national unity, the seasoned players behind the scenes appear to be plotting their next moves with precision and at the center of a growing theory sits Senator Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso.

Could he be Tinubu’s secret weapon?

The 2023 election was a masterclass in political fragmentation. Amid the scars of the #EndSARS movement and youth disillusionment, traditional political figures like Bola Ahmed Tinubu were largely rejected by a new generation of voters. Yet, against the odds and against the backlash, Tinubu emerged victorious.

Many political analysts believe this was no accident. The sudden rise of Peter Obi under the Labour Party, while often hailed as organic, appeared to work conveniently in Tinubu’s favor. Obi’s candidacy split the southern vote, weakening Atiku Abubakar’s chances in what had historically been PDP strongholds. Tinubu secured the South-West. Obi swept the South-East and parts of the South-South. Atiku’s grip on the South loosened.

Simultaneously in the North, Kwankwaso and his New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) staged a surprising showing particularly in Kano further eroding Atiku’s traditional northern advantage. Though Kwankwaso and Obi campaigned as anti-establishment candidates, some suggest they unintentionally (or strategically) helped Tinubu by fracturing the opposition vote just enough to tip the balance.

2027: The Return of a Familiar Playbook?

Fast forward to 2025, and early signs suggest the same playbook might be returning, albeit with a few key adjustments.

Recent developments show Kwankwaso receiving defectors from the APC with fanfare in Kano. Only days before, he met with President Tinubu behind closed doors at the Presidential Villa. Coincidence? Not everyone thinks so.

Some political watchers argue that Tinubu, now more confident in his southern base, is turning his attention to neutralizing Atiku in the North. And who better to do that than Kwankwaso, a man with deep grassroots influence in the North-West?

The theory? Kwankwaso isn’t being prepped to defeat Tinubu, but rather to drain Atiku’s northern votes, repeating the fragmentation strategy of 2023 and ensuring a fractured field that favors the incumbent.

Kwankwaso’s Role: Opposition in Form, Strategy in Function.

In public, Kwankwaso continues to criticize Tinubu and the APC. It’s a necessary stance to retain credibility among voters frustrated with the current administration. But beneath the surface, critics believe it’s all theater, a calculated performance masking a deeper alliance.

According to this theory, Kwankwaso’s real mission is to weaken Atiku just enough to prevent him from consolidating the North. Even if Kwankwaso captures just a third of the roughly 12 million votes Buhari once commanded in the region, that could be sufficient to fracture the northern vote again and deny Atiku a clear path to victory.

The Long Game: A Pawn or a Future Kingmaker?

But what does Kwankwaso stand to gain?

I believe 2027 may not be the endgame for him, but rather a stepping stone in a longer play. If he succeeds in disrupting Atiku’s dominance and helping Tinubu secure re-election, Kwankwaso may be positioning himself for a much bigger prize: Aso Rock in 2031.

It’s widely expected that after Tinubu’s second term, should he win, power will shift back to the North in the interest of political balance. In that context, Kwankwaso could emerge as a front-runner. His loyalty might be rewarded with a presidential endorsement, fulfilling a possible behind-the-scenes bargain: sacrifice 2027, claim 2031.

To some, this might look like betrayal. To others, it's a brilliant power calculation.

As 2027 approaches, Nigerians must remain vigilant, not just against ballot stuffing or vote buying, but against more sophisticated forms of electoral manipulation. In this era, power can be won not just through brute force, but through candidate engineering, narrative control, and strategic confusion.

If the emerging theories are true, Kwankwaso might not be the independent alternative he appears to be. He could be a crucial pawn in a deeper political game, one orchestrated to secure not just Tinubu’s re-election, but to crown a new northern king in the years to come.

In politics, as in chess, pawns can become queens. The question is: Whose queen will Kwankwaso become?

When a President Dies in Office: How Nigerians React and What It Says About Their Legacy

In Nigeria’s history, only three presidents or heads of state have died while still in office:

1. Major General Murtala Mohammed (1976)
2. General Sani Abacha (1998)
3. President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua (2010)

Each death triggered a very different kind of national reaction, ranging from deep sorrow to muted relief and these responses reflected how the people truly felt about the legacy of each leader. Below is a detailed look at each case:

1. Major General Murtala Mohammed – Assassinated in 1976

Date of Death: February 13, 1976
Cause: Assassinated in a failed coup attempt in Lagos.

Tenure: Just over 6 months (July 1975 – February 1976)

Public Reaction:
National Shock & Grief: Murtala was seen as a dynamic, decisive, and action-oriented leader. Despite his short time in office, he made bold moves to cleanse the civil service, fight corruption, and return Nigeria to civilian rule.

Mass Mourning: Nigerians from all regions, classes, and ethnicities were genuinely heartbroken. His assassination was met with widespread public outcry and national trauma.

Legacy: “Murtala, the people’s General" became a beloved figure. Even today, older Nigerians speak of him with deep respect, and his image remains iconic (e.g., on the ₦20 note).

Key Takeaway:
His death was mourned as the loss of a promising reformer, and he is remembered as one of Nigeria’s most respected leaders, even though his time was brief.

2. General Sani Abacha – Died Suddenly in 1998

Date of Death: June 8, 1998
Cause: Officially said to be a heart attack many Nigerians still believe it was more mysterious.

Tenure: Almost 5 years (November 1993 – June 1998)

Public Reaction:
Mixed Emotions: While official channels declared national mourning, many Nigerians privately rejoiced. Abacha’s regime was notorious for human rights abuses, press suppression, looting of national funds, and brutal crackdowns on dissenters.

Street Celebrations: In some cities (especially in the South), people were seen openly celebrating in the streets with music and dancing.

Jokes and Sarcasm: Comedic skits, jokes, and whispers of “God finally answered us” circulated widely. People took it as divine intervention.

No Tears: There was no genuine national sorrow, just official ceremonies. Even many in the North, where he hailed from, were more relieved than grieved.

Key Takeaway:
His death was seen as an unexpected liberation. It confirmed that legacy, not power, determines the tone of a nation's reaction.

3. President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua – Died After Prolonged Illness in 2010

Date of Death: May 5, 2010
Cause: Long-term illness (pericarditis and other complications)
Tenure: 2 years, 9 months (May 2007 – May 2010)

Public Reaction:
Widespread Sorrow: Yar’Adua was deeply respected for his humility, quiet integrity, and sense of justice. Despite being sick for most of his presidency, he initiated key reforms and admitted flaws in the election that brought him to power, a rare act of honesty in Nigerian politics.

Unity in Mourning: From North to South, Muslims and Christians, elites and commoners expressed grief. His death was seen as the loss of a good man who tried to change a corrupt system.

Legacy of Peace: He is still remembered for his amnesty programme in the Niger Delta and his rule of law agenda. His passing was emotional, with genuine tributes pouring in across the nation.

Key Takeaway:
Yar’Adua’s death inspired national mourning and respect. He died with his dignity intact, and the people’s reaction proved that Nigerians can honour a leader who puts their well-being first.

Conclusion: A Death Is a Judgment Day
These reactions were not shaped by propaganda or state-controlled media. They were raw, sincere, and reflective of how each man used the power of the office. In Nigeria, the people’s reaction when a president dies is the final and most honest referendum on their leadership.

As the saying goes: “How a leader is mourned says more than how they ruled."

Now, imagine…. (Fill in the gap, how do you think people would react? Your guess is as good as mine.

CONSPIRACY THEORY OR POLITICAL STRATEGY? Peter Obi Might Be Blocked From the 2027 Race Before It Even Begins

In Nigerian politics, the real battle rarely happens on debate stages or campaign trails. It unfolds in silence, in boardrooms, at private dinners, and through whispered betrayals among so-called allies. Power here isn't just seized at the ballot; it's negotiated, manipulated, and often bought behind the scenes.

This brings us to one of the most compelling political conspiracy theories simmering today:

Peter Obi. the man who nearly cracked Nigeria’s two-party stronghold in 2023 might not even get the Labour Party’s or PDP’s presidential ticket in 2027.

And not because of the voters.
But because of the game.

Peter Obi’s 2023 presidential run shook Nigeria’s political foundations. He transformed the Labour Party from political obscurity into a national movement. He energized millions of young, urban, and disillusioned voters, cutting through APC and PDP strongholds with surprising momentum.

But therein lies the threat. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu knows Obi remains his most dangerous southern opponent. If Obi runs again, he could fracture Tinubu’s southern base and disrupt the regional equations Tinubu is counting on for 2027.

So what can a master strategist like Tinubu do? He might not wait for the fight. He will make sure his opponent never reaches the ring.

Obi’s Options Are Quietly Disappearing.

Let’s look at the landscape.

PDP? Out of reach. Tinubu’s silent hand continues to exploit the PDP’s internal power struggle. The party remains fractured, and any return by Obi would almost certainly be blocked or rendered meaningless.

Labour Party? Once his saving grace, now a possible trap. Obi isn’t the founder of the party, and Labour’s internal structures remain vulnerable. Rumors suggest that Tinubu’s influence has subtly infiltrated Labour’s top ranks through proxies, political deals, and strategic financing.

ADC? Technically out of bounds. Based on internal party policies, it’s unlikely Obi can even secure the African Democratic Congress presidential ticket. His chances there are blocked by rules, zoning, and factional interests.

So with PDP locked, Labour possibly compromised, and ADC unavailable, Obi may be headed for political homelessness, not by voter rejection, but by elite sabotage.

The Labour Party: A Trojan Horse?

Though Obi gave Labour its brightest moment in history, he wasn’t its founder and certainly not its sole power broker. In 2022, he joined as a matter of survival after being muscled out of PDP. But Labour is still fragile, its national presence still developing, and its internal machinery susceptible to external influence.

Here’s the theory: Tinubu’s camp might already be shaping Labour’s future from the inside.
Through quiet deals, loyal defectors, and planted operatives, it’s possible the 2027 primaries are being rigged, not in public, but through internal zoning laws, altered delegates, and party infighting.

Obi could be blindsided, outmaneuvered before he even officially declares.

The Judas Within: When Your Advisors Are Not Yours

Let’s add more chilling twist:

What if some of Obi’s closest allies are actually working for Tinubu?

This theory suggests that a few trusted voices around Obi may be quietly advancing the interests of Tinubu, planted or paid to advise him into political dead ends.

It wouldn’t be the first time.

Many still question the execution of Obi’s exit from PDP in 2022. Yes, it rallied millions and built a movement, but it also divided the opposition and paved the way for Tinubu’s 2023 victory. Some believe Obi was tactically nudged out of PDP to weaken the party in the South, all as part of a long-game strategy.

If those same “advisors” remain in his inner circle, they could again steer him toward options already rigged against him.

In this scenario, Obi isn’t just battling political enemies. He may be sleeping beside them.

Checkmate Before the Game Begins

With PDP off-limits, Labour infiltrated, and ADC blocked, Obi could become admired but powerless, a political symbol without a platform.

If Obi is locked out, millions of young Nigerians may simply give up. Many of them supported him not because of party loyalty, but because he offered hope. They voted, tweeted, marched and believed. Remove him from the ballot in 2027, and they may retreat into silence. That’s exactly what the political elite wants.

All of this, of course, is still in the realm of speculation. But if you understand Nigeria, you know this:

Today’s conspiracy theory is tomorrow’s front-page story.

We’ve seen it before.
Third-term agendas. Judicial gymnastics. Party switches in the dead of night. Manufactured chaos that benefits the few while the nation watches helplessly.

This I have seen.

KeyStakeHolder:
Honestly, Tinubu's team is doing their best in these hard times , defending the naira like this isn't unusual; even advanced economies like japan and china actively intervene to stabilise their currencies. It's all about buying time while deeper economic reforms kick in.

We are getting there...

Keep defending nonsense. I thought they said the policy was working? And why waited till Naira dropped to this low before you woke up.

Pls keep counting. You go explain tire without evidence

Elusive001:
Why bother yourself about Peter Obi? I thought that you guys said that he was working for Tinubu then.

Make una leave PO abeg.

Noted sir

edochie12:
Tinubu failed to unit the entire south,he completely sidelines the entire south east,now you people want us to support a president because he is from the south,it will never work,we are going into coalition.

Contrary to most people opinions, especially the camp of APC, it might be far more difficult for Tinubu to win the forthcoming election. Either Obi joins the coalition or decides to work independently, he might be another pawn but this time around to split APC votes. Tinubu’s banker’s strategy right now is the south. If Obi comes out from any party, that block votes will be divided evenly. However, with the Buhari’s demise, any opposition candidate stands a better chance to clear the majority of the northern vote.

In Nigerian politics, perception is power and strategy, everything. The 2023 general elections revealed not just a clash of manifestos or personalities, but the unfolding of a grand, well-executed political chess game. And sadly, it appears Peter Obi, the candidate many believed to be the face of a "new Nigeria," may have unknowingly been the perfect pawn on someone else's board.

Let’s break it down.

In the South, Peter Obi rode a wave of youth-driven momentum, winning over hearts with powerful rhetoric, clean image, and emotional resonance, especially after the trauma of the EndSARS protests. But while many voted for him with the hope of defeating the old political order, the outcome was quite the opposite: his emergence deeply fractured the PDP’s vote base, especially in the South where the party traditionally held sway.

Take a closer look at the 2023 results. These are core PDP states where Peter Obi won:

Delta State – PDP stronghold, yet Obi took it convincingly.

Edo State – Traditionally PDP, but swung in favor of Obi.

Enugu State – PDP-controlled, yet Obi secured a landslide.

Anambra State – A given for Obi, but also a historic PDP stronghold.

Abia, Imo, and Ebonyi States – All former PDP bastions that turned to Labour in 2023.

FCT Abuja – A critical PDP base, yet Obi clinched it too.

In these states alone, Atiku lost hundreds of thousands of potential votes; votes he would have needed to mount a strong national challenge. And these weren’t marginal losses. In places like Enugu and Anambra, Obi didn’t just win, he obliterated the competition, leaving PDP with crumbs.

Meanwhile, in the North, another figure, Rabiu Kwankwaso played a similar role. Though not as electorally successful, his presence chipped away at Atiku’s northern Muslim base, especially in Kano, a key northern power center.

So who benefited from all this division? Bola Ahmed Tinubu.

Let’s not forget: after the EndSARS movement, Tinubu’s image was badly damaged, particularly in Lagos and across southern Nigeria. He understood something critical, he had lost the emotional vote of the South. In fact, he knew that if Nigerians had to choose between him and the devil, many southern youths would have gladly voted for the devil just to get back at him.

So he pivoted.

The strategy? If I can’t win their vote, I’ll make sure my biggest opponent, Atiku doesn’t get it either.

The solution? Promote an alternative. Fund a neutral force. Divide the enemy’s house from within.

Rumors still swirl, some credible, some speculative that parts of the Labour Party campaign and mobilization received discreet support from Tinubu-linked figures. Why? Because a strong Obi candidacy was the most effective way to neutralize the PDP in its own territory. And it worked.

In the end, Tinubu won with just over 36% of the vote, the lowest margin of victory in Nigerian presidential history. Imagine if even half of Obi’s 6 million votes had gone to Atiku. The story would have been very different.

The Dangerous Déjà Vu of 2027

Now, with another election cycle looming, there are troubling signs we may be heading toward a repeat of 2023.

Peter Obi’s recent posture, his solo outings, isolated commentaries, and rigid independence suggest not just ambition but a kind of desperation that may put personal pursuit above national strategy. His statements and body language give the impression of a man obsessed with proving he can win alone, no matter the cost.

But here’s the problem: Nigeria cannot afford another fragmented South.

If Obi runs again on a separate ticket in 2027, and another southern candidate, perhaps even Tinubu himself remains in the race, the South will split. The North, on the other hand, may finally unite behind a consensus candidate, most likely Atiku or someone else from the northern establishment. And in that case, the outcome will be predictable: a landslide win for the North.

In 2023, Obi was used wittingly or unwittingly as a tool to break PDP’s dominance in the South. In 2027, the same forces may retool that strategy, this time to weaken Tinubu or any other southern contender. And once again, the North may walk into Aso Rock unchallenged.

A Call for Strategic Patriotism

This is not a call to silence Peter Obi, nor to demonize his ambitions. He has every right to run, and his influence is undeniable. But the bigger question remains: Is he willing to be a patriot first before a president?

Nigeria’s problems are bigger than one man’s quest for office. The enemies of progress thrive when the opposition is divided. If Peter Obi truly wants to liberate the people, then he must realize that personal ambition must bow to collective strategy. Otherwise, history may repeat itself, and once again, he’ll be the pawn that cleared the path for someone else’s victory.

This I have seen.

helinues:
He's already running away from the primary election hence shouting ADC should zone to South.

Meanwhile, Peter Obi can't even defeat Amaechi if Southern region narration would sell

This man seems more desperate than I initially thought. How does he expect to defeat Tinubu in the South, where Tinubu holds strong influence? And as for the North, that’s a definite no for him. It looks like he’s set on repeating the same 2023 mistake. Maybe he just enjoys helping APC win elections.

MostImportant:
Can you explain that 4000 watch hours a little bit for me?

YouTube monitization is not easy as you might have probably read or heard. But that doesn’t mean it is not achievable. As a matter of fact I encourage people especially young people to go into YouTube content creation. I will try and break it down in a way that you can understand what it takes.

The easiest part of the requirement is the watching hours which in itself is not easy. It’s more easier to achieve the watch hours faster than the subscribers requirement. This is because it’s easier for people to watch your videos without subscribing. But it is also impossible for someone to subscribe without watching your videos. I hope you understand this? Let’s now break the watch hours down


What Is the 4,000 Watch Hours Requirement?

To join the YouTube Partner Program (YPP) and start earning money through ads, YouTube requires you to meet:

1. 4,000 valid public watch hours in the last 12 months
2. 1,000 subscribers
3. Follow all of YouTube's policies and guidelines.

What Counts as "Valid Watch Hours"?

Counts:
Views on public videos
Watch time from regular videos (including live streams if saved as public videos) Watch time within the past 12 months only

Does NOT count:
Watch hours from private, unlisted, or deleted videos
YouTube Shorts (they don’t count towards 4,000 hours). YouTube shorts has its own requirements.
Ad campaigns or paid views if detected. Trust me, YouTube is very cleaver.

What Does 4,000 Hours Actually Mean?

Let’s convert 4,000 hours into something more understandable:

4,000 hours = 240,000 minutes
That’s 10,000 people watching for 24 minutes,
Or 1,000 people watching for 4 hours each
Or 100 people watching for 40 hours each


Example Scenario

Let’s say:
You post a 10-minute video
It gets 1,000 views
People watch 50% of it on average (5 minutes)

That gives you:
1,000 views × 5 minutes = 5,000 minutes = 83.3 watch hours

So, to reach 4,000 hours like this:
4,000 hours × 60 = 240,000 minutes
240,000 ÷ 5,000 = 48 such videos

You’d need about 48 videos at this performance level to hit the requirement.

I hope this helps. Good luck.

MostImportant:
Hello, I need inputs from experienced YouTubers, who can help me through to see this channel monetized.

This is coming from a depressed jobless Nigerian and I'm ready to do anything to get the channel monetized.

Please check the channel below and come in to assist me in anyway you can.

Do you have 1000 subscribers and 4000 watch hours?

Mrexcell:
What's even ur point didn't u read where it was stated that XEjet is the partner of enugu air? Ibom air is also flourishing since launch years ago nigerian airways failed because of corruption, inefficiency and the nigerian factor some states in nigeria don't have all these challenges and so can easily thrive in whatever venture they choose to go into.

I wish you good luck. Good to know that some states in Nigeria are corruption free.

Nobody is asking you to fix Nigeria in 2yrs, we are asking you to fix what you destroyed.

sammiewrite:
10 to 7 actually. 2 years Yar Adua and 8 Buhari vs. 5 years GEJ and 2 years Tinubu.
I want to pretend you didn't know that president Goodluck Jonathan was sworn in on 6th May 2010, which is five years. As for Obasanjo, the likes of Alex Ekwueme and Atiku had presidential ambitions within the PDP, but I want to pretend you didn't know why the leading candidate going into 1999 elections were two Yorubas. I also want to believe you thought it was a coincidence that OBJ who emerged as the winner was from the same state as the winner of the 1993 elections.

I honestly don’t understand a thing you just wrote. If you’re going to respond, please be more explicit and coherent.

I gave a clear and detailed analysis of the regions that have held power since 1999. If you disagree, then I expected a factual, well-reasoned counterpoint, not this kind of beer-parlor gossip.

Let’s raise the level of this conversation. If we’re going to talk about power dynamics and national leadership, then let’s do it with substance, not sentiments.

I came across a statement where Governor Radda asked the opposition coalition to clarify whether they intend to suspend the fuel subsidy removal policy. Honestly, I sometimes question the level of reasoning among some of our political leaders. This sounds less like genuine concern and more like panic.

It’s becoming clear that the growing strength of the coalition is beginning to unsettle the political establishment and now, they seem to be trying to stir public sentiment against it.

Yes, the removal of fuel subsidy was poorly executed but let’s be honest, that’s not the main reason for our current economic crisis. The real damage came from floating the naira without adequate preparation or safeguards.

If the government had removed the subsidy but retained some form of control over the exchange rate, fuel prices might have stabilized around ₦200 to ₦300 per litre. But to simultaneously remove the subsidy and float the naira? What exactly did they expect?

Now, because that policy is clearly not working, or perhaps due to growing election anxiety, the government has been injecting about $5 billion every three months just to stabilize the naira.

This is not just a policy failure, it’s a failure of timing, coordination, and a basic understanding of the economic realities facing Nigerians.

As laudable as the Enugu airline initiative may seem, I don’t believe this is the right move in the right direction. If Nigeria as a whole has consistently struggled to manage a successful national airline, how realistic is it to expect a single state to do any better?

Like I always say: government has no business in business. Instead of going it alone, the Enugu State Government should have considered a Public-Private Partnership (PPP). Such a model would not only reduce the financial burden on the state but also bring in the expertise and efficiency that the private sector is known for.

Vision is good, but execution matters more. And in a country like ours, partnerships often produce better results than government-run enterprises.

MYKELDAYO:
so u expect buhari to finish 8years as a northener then someone from d south will do 4 years. Den do take it back to the north for 8 years.?

Oga, pls stop this sentiment. Who told you the southerners have been fair to the north in this current dispensation?

mathematically the north should produce the next President. This is my analysis: South: OBJ: 8yrs + Jonathan 6yrs + Tinubu 4yrs - that’s a total of 18yrs for south. North: Yaradua 2yrs + Buhari 8yrs - that’s a total of 10yrs. Giving Tinubu another 4yrs means south would have done a total of 22yrs and north: 10yrs.

SmartEnergyng:
https://www.nairaland.com/8470237/kenneth-okonkwo-fiction-northern-voting
Kenneth Okonkwo and the Fiction of a Northern Voting Monolith
When Nollywood meets political naivety, the result is national comedy.

Kenneth Okonkwo’s latest appearance on Channels TV is the kind of political performance best left on a movie set. His claim—that only a northern heavyweight like Atiku can defeat President Tinubu in 2027—isn’t analysis; it’s lazy fiction, penned by an armchair Nollywood analyst mistaking regional myths for political science.

To start, there is no such thing as a single northern voting bloc. That fantasy belongs in a poorly written script, not on a national stage. The so-called “12 million Buharist vote bank” was not transferrable, and certainly not to Atiku. Buhari earned that number through decades of grassroots hustle, not borrowed glory.

Even with that mythical northern clout, Buhari lost in 2003 and 2011 to Presidents Obasanjo and Jonathan, both from the South. If a man who actually had the North couldn’t unseat a southern incumbent, how then does Kenneth believe Atiku—perpetually rejected by even his hometown—can do what Buhari could not?

Kenneth, once Peter Obi’s spokesman, now dances clumsily in Atiku’s corner like a man who changes loyalty the way a confused actor changes costumes—hoping one will finally land him the lead role. His political compass swings wildly, not with principle, but with the desperation of relevance.

He speaks of strategy, yet thinks in stereotypes. He analyses elections the way a child reads fables—believing that geography trumps character, and that recycled candidates inspire revolutions.

Nigeria deserves better than this tired, tribalist tale.

Your points aren’t valid and I doubt you actually read the article in full. It seems you based your comment solely on the headline. Did you notice where he mentioned “northern political heavyweights”?

Let me ask you this:

Do you know how many of those same northern heavyweights backed Obasanjo in 1999 and 2003 before he could win?

How many supported Jonathan in 2011 before he defeated Buhari?

And how many of these same so-called political giants threw their weight behind Tinubu in 2023 to help him overcome Atiku?

The real question is: How many of those northern political heavyweights are still willing to support Tinubu in 2027?

If you truly understand Nigerian politics, you’d realize it’s not about titles, it’s about alliances, timing, and perception.

Let’s speak the hard truth. No southern candidate, not even His Excellency Peter Obi can defeat Bola Tinubu in 2027. If Peter Obi genuinely loves this country and is not driven by ego or personal ambition, he must make the necessary sacrifice and support a northern candidate for the presidency.

That said, no southern figure would make a stronger running mate than Peter Obi. If the opposition presents this kind of united North-South ticket, just watch how the APC will go into panic mode. The ripple effect will be instant: the naira could stabilize, the dollar could drop to ₦500, fuel to ₦300, and a bag of rice to ₦30,000.

But if Nigerians repeat the same mistake of a divided opposition, brace yourself. The dollar may hit ₦2,000, fuel ₦1,500, and a bag of rice ₦150,000. The consequences of disunity are too dire to ignore.

Finquas:
Which infrastructure bawoo.. or he meant channeled into corruption

He meant stomach infrastructure, especially for his friends and family

How many of you remember this song? Now I don port go ADC. Let’s make Nigeria great again!


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QUVdnzC19oU?si=lEmogaN7ixEk294Y

Goo0dHardDick:
Are you a foreigner?

Buhari did 8 years and handed over to a southerner who is expected to do 8yrs, Tinubu is expected to do 4yrs and step down for obi to do another 4yrs making it a total of 8yrs, so wetin u dey talk

Seriously? Let’s do some arithmetic:- South: OBJ - 8yrs, GEJ - 6yrs, Tinubu - 4 (after this tenure), making a total of 18yrs.

North: Yaradua- 2yrs, Buhari- 8yrs, making a total of 10yrs.

If a southerner Tinubu or Obi should do another 4yrs, that would give the south a total of 22yrs as against the 10yrs from the north.

Do you still think it’s fair for another southern candidate?

Goo0dHardDick:
I'll keep saying it. It is the turn of the south and atiku isn't needed.

It'll be foolish for obi to become vc to anyone, he'll lose his followers including me.

Amaechi is a cl. own to start with. Atiku should step down if he is serious about the coalition

How is it the turn of the south, can you explain?

There has been a growing sentiment, particularly among figures like Chief Olabode George, FCT minister Wike, Reno Omokri, and others mostly from the Southwest that the South should be allowed to complete eight uninterrupted years in power. On what basis if I may ask?

Let’s be honest: anyone still pushing for a southern presidential candidate at this stage may, whether knowingly or not be serving the strategic interests of the ruling party rather than those of the Nigerian people. For the opposition to present a southern candidate against Bola Ahmed Tinubu is, in my view, a critical strategic miscalculation one that all but ensures another victory for the APC.

No southern candidate, not even His Excellency Peter Obi, can currently match Tinubu’s political influence across the southern region. Let’s not forget that almost all the southern governors, including the governor of Anambra State, Peter Obi’s home state have either openly aligned with or are covertly supporting the ruling party. The South, politically speaking, is already leaning heavily toward Tinubu.

From a purely mathematical perspective, the North actually deserves a fairer opportunity. Since 1999, the North has only produced a president for about 10 years, while the South has already led for a combined 18 years. If Tinubu wins a second term, that figure would rise to 22 years, more than double the North’s share.

At this point in our national journey, what Nigeria needs is not a candidate based on regional sentiments but one chosen on the basis of capacity, vision, and the will to rescue and rebuild this country. We have seen the best Tinubu and the APC have to offer, and sadly, their “best” has dragged Nigeria back by over five decades in terms of progress, unity, and hope.

We must now choose wisely, not based on geography, but on genuine ability to move Nigeria forward. The time for emotional zoning is over. The time for competent leadership is now.

Seun
Lalasticlala
nifmod
Mynd44

N50,000 was around $400 in 2008. Today that N50,000 worth N650,000.

Even the N1.5 million, what was its value before the elections, and what is it worth now? The money they promised you two years ago has lost its value today. That’s the real cost of supporting and voting for the wrong candidate, driven by money, selfishness, or personal interest. You sold your future for a temporary gain. You didn’t just sell your vote… you sold your future, your peace, your children’s hope, all for a moment of survival.

Trust me, if the same Oluomo shows up a few days to the next election and promises to pay the arrears, and throws in another campaign ‘thank you’, these same people will still come out with their brooms, shouting like bereaved children, ‘On your manhood we stand!’
Awon ọ̀pọ́nù àgbàyà ofo!

Now the poor can’t breathe, and the rich keep feasting. Let the Poor Breathe! Our Pain, Their Luxury.

Used and dumped! I remember one of the excuses they gave for campaigning for Tinubu: “He promised to support the entertainment industry.”
But let’s be honest, the real reason was the money they were hoping to receive.
Funny how none of them ever said, “They promised us money.” Because excuses sound better in public than the truth ever would.

Allthingswork:
Those nairalanders that were trying to make jest or ridicule you then in 2017 , they should as of today go and check how much petrol filling stations are being sold for in parts like Wuse and Garki. They will be shocked. 900 million naira back then was okay for a station sitting on over 3000 square metres. Wuse for that matter.

Abeg that has passed, ehen, my brother come help me sell one filling station at Mabushi Abuja, ita functioning and is on a plot of over 4k sq metres.
Help me spread it to your vast contacts in the field. Commission is 5%. Or let's do a WhatsApp chat

N900 million in 2017 was worth over $3 million at the time. If the filling station isn’t valued at over N5 billion today (which I had assumed), then that investment has effectively become a total loss.

Anyway, let’s focus on business. Please share the full details of the filling station you have for sale. Give me your WhatsApp number, let’s talk from there.

Putindbutt:
Why you guys always bitter?. You think this bitterness will ever win you election?

This isn’t about being bitter. Let’s stick to the facts, did he stage fake bishops or not? And this ‘Alex’ you mentioned, what’s his full name? Some of us can see through these basic manipulations. We weren’t born yesterday.