Igboid:


If you can go as far to forge a bread paper to tender as evidence of Igbos riling Northerners up, and was only bursted because you were not wise enough to know your printing era and history, who can tell the extent you can go to forge things to push your Igbophobic Agenda?
Why should anyone else take whatever else you post against Ndiigbo seriously?
How can we prove you and your cohorts are not making them up as well?

The other picture is the rendering of the bread loaf and other pamphlets the igbos used in mocking the Northerners.

Igboid:


I have been in Ijaw threads and Those of them honest to themselves would tell you that what happened in Ijawland was a mini civil war between Ijaws who were pro BIAFRA and those who were Pro Nigeria.
They fought among each other, and when the pro Nigeria group won, they decided to bury their hatchet and transfer the blame to Igbos.

Even Asari Dokubo admitted this.
What is shameful is that it took him coming to beg us to vote for GEJ for him to say the truth about that part of our shared history.

Let me go fetch Asari Dokubo quote on that.

Igboid:


Ironsi made the decree because tension was high everywhere and people where making accusations and counter accusations against each other.

No where in that article was Igbos mentioned, and Lex Lawson is not Igbo, and his song Ewu na ebe kwa came out years before Nzeogwu led coup.

Yup! That's your propaganda up in flames!


And when we factor in the fact that some of you went on to create a bread paper in 21st century,to serve as evidence of Igbos taunting Northerners over Saraduna death, your dark minds even become more obvious and exposed.

https://www.nairaland.com/2690144/mystery-1966-loaf-bread..north-distortion

Igboid:


What they say when cornered.

Igboid:


No where in the decree was Ndiigbo mentioned, you are basically grasping at straws here.
Rex Lawson is not an Igbo man, he is Ijaw, and his song came out as a hit years before Saraduna Massacre. The song had nothing to do with the massacre.

The bread picture is ridiculous. So you went and Created a new bread paper in 2010 with modern colored printing press, just to justify your Igbo genocide?
You are desperate, that's for sure.
There is a thread on NL that bread paper was dissected, let me go fetch it.

Igboid:


Your picture is senseless.
Nigeria had their own propaganda too during the war, and part of it included such pictures you posted.
Most of those communities had to do and say whatever they are told to say to avoid similar thing like what happened to Isheagu happening to them.
I mean it's so worst that Igbo communities in Delta were denying their Igbo tag to avoid massacre.
Ikot Ekpene was under FG occupation when the picture you uploaded occurred, how do we verify the authenticity of the report?

Igboid:


Are you aware that Effiong Ojukwu second in command was from Ikot Ekpene?

Ikot Ekpene was laid siege to by Nigerian Army who committed war crimes in that town.
Infact one of the problems Ojukwu had with Effiong was that Ojukwu refused to deploy enough Biafran troops to defend Ikot Ekpene from falling.

I don't know where the picture you posted came from, but it isn't so far away from Nigerian propaganda backed by the British.

Any civilian massacre in Ikot Ekpene was done by the Nigerian Army.
Just as they were shooting at anything that was moving in Ph as boasted by Adekunkle, so were they doing in Ikot Ekpene.

Igboid:


You know we have asked for the evidence of Igbos circulating pamphlets of slain Northern leaders since 2007 on this NL.
You forerunners here couldn't provide it.

I also noticed that you lots don't bring up the "Ewu na-ebe Akwa blackmail too, after that one had been debunked, as we know the song came out years before Saraduna murder and that the artist who sang it, was an Ijaw man and not even Igbo.

Igboid:


The Massacre of MASOB and IPOB members by Nigerian military and police for waving Biafran flag was justified by these evil people, until they went on their senseless SARS protest and got served by the same monsters they made.

Igboid:


You know we have asked for the evidence of Igbos circulating pamphlets of slain Northern leaders since 2007 on this NL.
You forerunners here couldn't provide it.

I also noticed that you lots don't bring up the "Ewu na-ebe Akwa blackmail too, after that one had been debunked, as we know the song came out years before Saraduna murder and that the artist who sang it, was an Ijaw man and not even Igbo.

Igboid:


Well. You can't be dropping a nuke on a people and still want to be country men with them in the future.
USA dropped nuke on Japan because they are two independent countries, and for all it's worth, Japanese were the aggressors who were in alliance with Nazi Germany.

Nigeria is not going to kill all the people in Borno because they are habouring Boko Haram or are sympathetic with them, do you know why?
Because Borno people are supposed to be Nigerians.

If you are going to unleash massacre on Isheagu and indeed Igbo civilians on Grand scale on account of habouring Biafran soldiers, then you must have determined those civilians are not Nigerians.

horsepower102:


Yes in Nigeria all is fair in war as long as it’s Igbos that are involved.

The massacre of Igbo civilians all over Nigeria was justified by nzeogu’s coup. But no other groups was massacred when leaders from their tribes committed the same coups.

horsepower102:


You are showing how evil minded you are but openly justifying the killing of civilians.

How can they be sabo when they are not part of the biafran military. If we where to go by your logic, the Nigerian government should have wiped out all the communities and their leaders where boko haram thrives. But you wouldn’t push for that would you?

Igboid:
And for what is worth. The arrest of Sabos were not restricted to minority areas.
It was a common team throughout the war.
There were more Sabos of Igbo origin arrested by Biafran troops than there could ever be in minority areas.
I mean, Ifeajuna and his Igbo co conspirator as well as Banjo were publicly executed for being Sabo.
I bet if Ifeajuna was minority, it would also be spinned as Igbo genocide on minorities, right?
Very ridiculous.

Additionally, relocation of people from riverine areas to hinterland was done in good faith, which was to limit civilian casualties.
Even in Igboland, it was done too.
Communities were Biafran army set ambushes for Nigerian Army are usually evacuated of civilian population to minimize casualties.

Igboid:


I have read that concocted lies years ago.
Every thing there is shoddy and veiled.
No Biafran commander mentioned, no name of so called commanding unit, no list of names of victims to avoid verification and exposure of his lies.

Igboid:


We have always heard this from history revisionists from those ends.
They have written books about it. But when we ask them to mention the Biafran unit and commanders involved in the concocted stories and the names of the so called victims, they all run blank.

It's all part of Nigerian government propaganda to justify the genocide they carried out in Igboland.

How did you come to fly for the Biafran Air Force?
Lord Revelstoke was a friend of Ojukwu’s father. James and I met Ojukwu through friends who had attended Sandhurst with him.

My article will reveal some basic elements that have never been discussed. The idea of small aircraft, in small wars, was generated by me during the very early sixties in California and Biafra saw the elements fall together because of my exposure to Von Rosen.

There was a marked lack of combat skills, among the pilots. It is one thing to get up and down. It is an entirely different matter to fly and fire machine guns or rockets with any certainty of hitting anything, without a lot of training and experience. Same goes for dropping bombs. Anyone can salvo a bomb load, but hitting within a useful distance is something else.

Frederick Forsyth was in Biafra, during the conflict. He went on to write Dogs of War, plus The Biafra Story, from his experiences. We both trained in the RCAF, under the NATO Plan, at the same time. And, during the seventies, he lived off the end of my runway, in Ireland, when I was doing feature films.

What inspired the Biafran Baby concept? Arming light aircraft for attack missions.
It really doesn’t matter now, but history credits Count Gustav von Rosen as being the overall creator of the Biafra Babies concept. This was not the case. He was the final initiator for the acquisition of the 5 surplus MFI-9s in Sweden, after I had outlined our concept of armed light aircraft, operating off roads, unprepared fields…..etc. To Ojukwu. Von Rosen possessed the Swedish contacts through which to purchase the aircraft.

Von Rosen had no real concept of the dynamics involved with accurate, low-level rocket attacks or, for that matter, low-level navigation. It is one thing to fly with radio compasses and altitude and quite another to operate at 100 feet with nothing more than a map in your lap and a course in your mind. Things happen very fast and one small mistake can spoil everything.

John Fairey, of the Fairey Aircraft family, was also one of my film pilots. He had contacts within the French aviation industry and was instrumental in acquiring French government support for supply of MATRA rocket pods and rockets.

James Baring’s banking contacts helped with some funding, although this upset his father. The UK government/Shell/BP were firmly behind the Nigerian government and Lord Revelstoke almost had a stroke. Lord Revelstoke was in charge of a European commission to stamp out “barter deals.” He was also upset when I proposed Marchetti provide Ireland the SF-260s in exchange for potatoes, Irish whiskey, mutton and Aron knit sweaters, since the Irish government was short of funds.

The entire Biafran effort was a sort of “old boys network” with pilots from all over Europe and America lending a hand.

One of my directors, Bud Mahurin, got the USAF leadership interested. They offered the loan of 4 Boeing C-97 freighters to create an air bridge into Biafra. At the time Mahurin was a senior level executive in the Apollo Project with North American-Rockwell. Bud was a War Two/Korea fighter ace.

IRELAND:
During the Biafran War a DC-6 operated from Shannon, Ireland to San Tome with food and relief supplies. It was flown by a guy named Lynch, who had a brother, Father Lynch with CONCERN. It would fly into ULI, or other spots, to drop of the load. Return to San Tome, pick up weapons, and fly these into Biafra. It would then return to Ireland for another load, sponsored by the Catholic group CONCERN.

I led the first 4 attacks at very low-level, with some success. The 5th attack was to be against troop concentrations and I declined this mission.We had some vocal debates about committing the aircraft against targets of low-value.

I mapped the tracks out for the team but the formation got lost and didn’t find the target.
I wanted to disrupt the Nigerian infrastructure along with that of the Shell installations. To this end, I targeted a number of petroleum facilities that effectively shut down a great deal of the productive capabilities. Having grown up in Calgary, Alberta, Canada’s oil centre, I was very familiar with refineries, pipeline, pumping stations, and their vulnerabilities.

SHELL/BP was largely responsible for Nigerian support and hitting them made SHELL reconsider is position when Nigeria had them cut off payments to Biafra for oil being exported.

The first 5 missions:
MAY 22 PORT HARCOURT
MAY 24 BENIN
MAY 26 ENUGU
MAY 28 UGHELLI DELTA 1 POWERPLANT
MAY 30 TROOPS – didn’t participate

Later in the year, I believe it was November, we attacked an airfield using some Harvards and the MFI-9s. One of the Harvards was a MK2 Armament trainer that I had flown with the RCAF. I will dig around for more information on this.

It must also be realized that Von Rosen, at that time, was what would be described as an “elderly transport pilot” who told me he was a year from retirement. Ground attack is not something you learn from a brochure. We were faced with an immediate requirement, for immediate action and I was pressed into service, on condition that they left my name out of the game.
The other pilots were not really much above “amateur” level, although keen to try. One has written a book in which he says we fired our rockets from 800 M. My goodness! That is very close to half a mile! At that range the target is a “fly speck” on the windscreen. A slight jiggle on the controls and your rockets would miss, miss, miss.
He also suggests we fired 2 rockets at a time, making sure we destroyed our targets.

WOW!

Let’s say that saw us take 3 minutes, after firing 2 rockets, to make another decision, and fire another 2. Added up, that gives 18 to 20 minutes a couple of hundred feet above a dangerous place.
One mission like this and all 5 aircraft would be downed by ground fire!

Never this approach. It is the explanation of someone who knows nothing about ground attack, or its inherent dangers. The idea was to get as close as possible, pointing directly at your target, then salvoing all 12 missiles in level flight, about 5 feet above the ground.

I never missed and almost blew myself up a couple of times, but you never, never,never linger over a target at low level. And, the Cardinal Rule is – Never make a second pass! They will be waiting for you!

On several attacks, other pilots salvoed their missiles very early. I can remember being focused on my target ahead, waiting to get into range, and being surprised by clusters of rockets passing me on the left and right.
To prepare, I parked my aircraft, on the ramp, and paced off 300 yards. I then put 2 markers 40 feet apart. This represented the wingspan of a fighter, length of a fighter. On returning to my aircraft I looked through the windscreen, sitting myself in the position I would be in during the attacks, and placed 2 bandaids on the plexiglass, one covering each of the ground markers.

I learned this concept from Wing Commander Joe McCarthy, my OC in RCAF pilot training who few with the Dambusters.
Now, when I was running in on a target, I would know exactly – well almost exactly – when I was 300 yards away.

I never made an attack without destroying something of value. The rockets were expensive and couldn’t be wasted.

De Gaulle saw the conflict as a means to weaken the “anglophone giant” of west Africa, which was surrounded by former French colonies closely aligned with Paris through a policy of defending French interests that would come to be known as Françafrique.
While French Foreign Affairs Minister Maurice Couve de Murville declared that his country was observing a “complete embargo”, the presidential palace’s notorious “Africa cell”, headed by the controversial Jacques Foccart, sent large quantities of arms to the Biafran side, taking care to keep the operation secret from the Quai d’Orsay.

The planes carrying the weapons had to pass through the airspace of several countries that opposed the process, prompting a complaint by Morocco, which had not granted them access.

They landed at Uli, “Africa’s busiest airport”, according to Biafra supporters. But it was in such a poor state that pilots flying for Nigeria, including South African mercenaries, sometimes mistook it for a stretch of road. Pilots recruited by Biafra were in the know and managed to bring 75 tonnes of rifles, assault rifles, bazookas, grenades and cannon in just 11 days in 1969, documents show.

Appeal for more weapons

But, with the Biafran side losing ground, Foccart’s men appealed for more.
Warning that the breakaway territory could fall “before the end of October [1969]”, one of them Philippe Lettéron, wrote in a note now in the national archives and seen by RFI, “to take back control of the situation and have some hope of regaining the lost territory, a massive effort of at least 600 tonnes of arms and munitions would be needed in a very short space of time.”

Defeat did in fact come in January 1970 but not for want of French arms, as telegrams from the French embassy Lagos reported, notably when French expatriates in Port Harcourt, the region’s main port, notified it that the Bounty, hailing from Bordeaux, had broken the blockade and delivered weapons.

The Foreign Affairs Ministry did find out about the arms traffic and drew up an “inventory”, declassified at RFI’s request, in 1968.

It lists 16 Alouette and 12 T6-G helicopters and two planes for training pilots, delivered before the war, and two B26 bombers delivered after the independence declaration.
Support for the Biafran cause did not prevent France selling some arms to the Lagos government, mainly parts of orders placed before the war broke out.

And planemaker Sud-Aviation, then headed by Maurice Papon who was later convicted of war crimes during the Nazi occupation, lobbied to be allowed to sell helicopters, while sending a note the Africa cell, now declassified at RFI’s request, advocating “secret backing” through the supply of mercenaries to Biafra, to guarantee France a “privileged position” in an independent Biafra where high-quality, low-sulphur oil had recently been discovered.

Many French mercenaries

In fact, a number of mercenaries, many of them French, had been in the area since at least five months before the declaration of independence, as ambassador Marc Barbey had been informed by French nationals in Port Harcourt and a Soviet diplomat.

But Barbey, either believing or pretending to believe that they were working for the Lagos government, discussed their presence with Nigerian military leader Colonel Yakubu Gowon, urging him to refrain from recruiting French citizens.

Gowon warned the diplomat against any action that might threaten Nigeria’s territorial integrity but Barbey told his superiors that “France is certainly not the target” of the warning, since it was Israel that was sending mercenaries to the territory.

From the outset, the war between Nigeria and secessionist Biafra loomed as an unequal contest. It was not surprising that, as in the earlier Congo conflicts, foreign mercenaries were drawn to Biafra to practice their trade: fighting. Nor was it surprising that the beleaguered Biafrans accepted their services—despite the fact that mercenaries can be narrow, violent men who often harbor a deep contempt for Africans. In the midst of the idealism with which Biafra pleaded its cause for independence, the mercenaries have operated—sometimes ugly, certainly anomalous, but perhaps necessary to Biafra's continued survival.

In 16 months of often brutal fighting, Nigerian federal troops have whittled Biafra down to one-tenth of its original area. They are now closing in on Umuahia, the secessionist state's last major town and the current seat of Lieut. Colonel Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu's movable government. Umuahia would have long since fallen had it not been for the exploits of the best unit in Ojukwu's small army, Biafra's Fourth Commando Brigade. Commanded by nine white mercenaries, the Fourth spent the first three months of the year operating behind Nigerian lines. Later, it held sectors on the Western front but, outgunned and outmanned by the federals, was forced to retreat. By early September, after a doomed attempt to defend Aba with supplies equal to only a daily average of five rounds of ammunition per man, the Fourth was down to barely 1,000 effectives. Of the 7,000-odd men with whom it had started the campaign, more than 300 had been killed and 2,200 had been wounded. The rest were missing in action.

Record Supplies. Last week the Fourth Commandos were once more rebuilding under the command of a German-born ex-Foreign Legion sergeant who became a sector commander for the S.A.O. (Secret Army Organization) in Algeria and then a colonel for Ojukwu in Biafra. He is Rolf Steiner, and he considers the war to be far from lost, contemptuously dismissing the territorial gains of the heavily armed Nigerians. "If any corporal serving under me in the Legion had taken more than a week to conquer West Africa with their kind of equipment," he snorts, "I'd have him shot for dereliction of duty." Ojukwu, for whom Steiner has immense admiration, has authorized the Fourth to be expanded to two brigades, or 20 strike forces of 360 men each. The new men are being armed with weapons apparently bought with private European credits and flowing into Biafra from neighboring Gabon and the Portuguese island of São Tomé. Up to as much as 40 tons are said to be arriving every night—more than ever before in the war.

Colonel Steiner, 38, has been soldiering for most of his life. In the final days of World War II, he fought as a Hitler Youth in Germany's last-ditch defense against the advancing U.S. Army. After the German surrender, he enlisted in the French Foreign Legion. He spent seven years in Indo-China, an enfant terrible who was at least twice busted from sergeant to private. At Dienbienphu, he was wounded and lost the use of a lung. After five years of service in Algeria, a spell with the S.A.O. and a suspended sentence, he was living in Paris last year when he heard of Biafra. He set out to serve Ojukwu's cause, first as a "technical adviser," then as company commander, finally as boss of the Fourth Commando Brigade.

Red and Green. He has taken the Legion with him to Africa. Legion marches blare from a transistorized pickup that he carries almost everywhere, and the Fourth Commando standard bears the red and green of the Legion. At inspections, Steiner often gets his troops' attention by firing off a few rounds from his Browning, then lectures them, his walking stick under one arm. "You are not Legionnaires," he will rant after a particularly bad showing. "You are not men." He has demoted at least one captain to private, but has also been known to pick a good man from the ranks and make him an officer. When he recently elevated a private to 2nd lieutenant, one of his officers complained: "My dear chap, we can't have someone in the mess eating with his fingers." Steiner, who speaks French and German, replied that he did not care if the man ate with his feet, as long as he was a good soldier.

Steiner likes beer, Benson & Hedges cigarettes, violence and very little else. Compulsively clean, he throws even slightly dusty plates at his mess waiters, then kicks them to drive the point home. But he also plucked a 21-year-old Ibo boy from the side of his dead parents, adopted him and named him Felix Chukwuemeka (after Ojukwu) Steiner.

The troops do not seem to mind the harshness of the command; they follow Steiner because they believe he is a winner and because he has juju (good luck). Thus Steiner has had no trouble refilling the depleted ranks of the Fourth at this late stage in the conflict. Guerrilla warfare may be the way out, he thinks. "If the towns are taken, we will go into the bush," he says. "We could do the job. But we must have weapons. We don't need armor. We need trucks. We don't need much air. But spotter planes would be useful."

Bulletproof. Steiner's mercenary officers are a mixed lot, united only by loyalty to their commander, distinguished only by their combat experience and their foibles. Major Taffy, 34, Welsh and a veteran of the Fifth Commando mercenaries of the Congo, thinks he is bulletproof. By now, so do the federals, who have reported him dead at least five times since last December. Taffy came perilously close to being killed a few weeks ago, when a round smashed into his binoculars. Short-tempered, he curses his black troops constantly, threatening to kill them if they don't obey orders. "You rotten bastards!" he roars, when things go wrong. "You bloody, treacherous morons!"

Captain Paddy, an Irishman who has spent 22 of his 54 years in Africa, is the unit's master mechanic. Just before Port Harcourt fell to the federals early last summer, he scrounged up a convoy of trucks and liberated—under fire —the entire workshop of the Shell-B.P. refinery there. When Aba had to be evacuated last month for lack of ammo, Paddy was one of the last men out, a machine gun in one hand, a demijohn of wine in the other. Captain Armand, a former French paratrooper and veteran of Algeria, sports a Yul Brynner pate and fights on despite bazooka fragments in one hand. Another veteran has just left Steiner. Captain Alec, a onetime British paratrooper, used to walk around with a Madsen submachine gun, an FN rifle, and a shotgun, "just in case I have to shoot my way out of this bloody place." He believed in the "little people," who, he would say in all seriousness, "will jam your machine guns and cause your rockets to misfire." He was wounded four times in six days before he left Biafra.

Outcasts. The mercenaries' salaries run from $1,700 a month upward. But payday is at best a sporadic affair in besieged Biafra. In any case, money is probably not the major reason for their presence. It is not the land, either, for they seem to have no eyes for the green rolling infinity of the African bush, the visionary sunsets, the humming, warm, smoky nights. They are lobos, outcasts from society who fight every day in order to taste the excitement that comes in living close to violent death. If they survive Biafra, they will doubtless drift on in search of another war. Until then, their allegiance, temporary though it may be, is to Biafra and to Ojukwu.

gidgiddy:


[s]You are talking about two different things here. Nobody is denying that Ironsi was running a military dictatorship without the pillars of democracy.

What is being disputed is if it was Ironsi that abolished Regionalism and introduced unitary rule.

How could Ironsi have been the one that abolished Regionalism if the 4 Regions he met on the ground were still existing the day he died?

How is it possible that Ironsi introduced unitary rule when all 4 Regions had resource control and fiscal federalism right up to the day Ironsi died?[/s]

Oliviaohms:

Hahahahahhahahahahha
Another lie
Nigeria became a republic in 1963
Hence it was called federal republic of Nigeria
Lie busted
Gowon dissolved regional government and create state
This was deliberately done to divide eastern region during the fracas of disagreement of igbo progrom
River state was created
Guess what you can’t rewrite history

seunmsg:


.

ogwumgbe:


Your god is Another Abiola loading. I will see where this your empty boast will lead you

ogwumgbe:


Federal government can't control any resources in the East do you know why? Igbos don't follow all these evil politicians like other regions. Igbos have no king. So there's no way any idiot politicial will collect bribe from the federal goverment in other to mess up igbos land. His entire commuity will be wiped out. A good example is RUGA, the people said they don't want and the politicians have no option but to abide by people's wish, if not they will face the music. We are not like Yoruba that is controlled by one man. Any person that masses in igbo land will listen to is a very serious freedom fighter. That's the only way to get igbos attention, but Politicians, igbos see them as criminals. So bro, it's dead on arrival, your gas intention control on igbo land will not work. Look elsewhere bro

OfoIgbo:


There is a huge difference between MUCH OF and MOST OF. Perhaps my use of MUCH OF was misunderstood by you.

Anyway Igbos are not invisible when it comes to Nollywood, real estates, small and medium business ownership, big business ownership in Lagos.

I don't have to engage you on some nonexistent Yoruba bravery when your generals are known to kneel and grovel before mere Fulani army majors.

You are probably even replying from your refugee camp in Benin Republic.

I want you to also realise that if PDP fields a northerner, Tinubus dreams will lie in tatters. Your chestbeating will come to nought.
Tinubus political be all and end all, centres around him with his lips firmly planted on Fulani backside. Nothing more nothing less. Anybody can do that.

He only has electoral value in the SW. Simple strategic nominations can easily crumble his political sand castle. Look at how a mere Amaechi humiliated him. Look at how Edo people rejected him and his fellow monkey lookalike from Edo politics. Edo no be Lagos, and very shortly he will learn that Nigeria no be Lagos

OfoIgbo:


With regards to the bolded, all that you mentioned is as a result of federal presence, after all much of what you mentioned in that paragraph are provided by Igbos, who are not technically from Lagos.

Federal presence provides amenities and the wherewithal that attracts people. You only just proved my point.
So any coastal town with the same federal presence as Lagos will be as vibrant as Lagos also.
Lagos is not any state’s mate. What made Lagos worthy is not only the Sea
There is a reason your people run to Benin Republic at the slightest trouble from the Fulanis. That's because Yorubas are Lilly livered and Fulanis also know that.
That is also why Fulanis will always prefer Yoruba presidency to Igbo presidency because they can bully your people into submission. Put simply, Yorubas are Fulani's slaves, known to be willing to undermine other southern groups just to be fed with crumbs, by their Fulani masters.
They did it against GEJ in 2015. They are poised to do it against Igbos in 2023

During the endsars protest, Tinubu was already running helter skelter from his shadow as he figured Igbos were coming after him. His supporters reminded Igbos that Tinubu was solely existing within the Yoruba sphere.
If Tinubu connives with the Fulanis to take a slot that belongs to the Igbos, all bets will be off. By that action Tinubu will be announcing that he is anti-Igbo. Igbos will now be within their rights to come after him. He will not be able to get away with it. He has already fired his salvo via Doyin Okupe.

ESN that is just a few weeks old is proving a handful to the Nigerian security forces, and they are only detailed to handle the Fulani herdsmen menace. By 2023, more offensive capabilities will be developed by perhaps a more dangerous eastern group. And Igbos have the testicular fortitude to go after presidents and prime minister's in the past, when the provocation was low. The 2023 provocation will be off the scale, and consequences will be born by responsible parties. Igbos be talknado. And 1966 will definitely not be 2023.

Once again, Igbos will not hand over their gas reserves to a country and countrymen that have shown themselves to be immensely wicked and unperturbed about Igbo concerns,. This includes any Yoruba or Fulani 2023 president.

OfoIgbo:


There is nothing that Lagos is bringing in to the centre that any other coastal town, when given the same sort of federal attention, won't bring in. So you are still proving my point.

Now getting back on Igbos playing federal politics, if the rest of Nigeria don't want to adhere to the zoning arrangement, there is little that the east can do. However, what the east can do, and no other section of Nigeria will be able to match them in intensity, is that Igbos will apply whatever experience they have gained in Nigeria, in organising an almighty resistance that the whole of Nigeria will not be able to contain.

2023 is just around the corner, and if it comes without Nigeria following the zoning formulae and instead chooses to elect someone from a zone that has had its turn, that will be the most cumbersome psychological load for that president to carry, and there will be nothing such a president will be able to do to pacify the east.
Such a president would effectively be placing a target on himself, as the whole Igbo world, be it IPOB, the restructuring proponents, the one Nigerianists, ESN and a yet to be formed more dangerous violent movement, will see it as their sacred duty to snuff the life, out not such a president.
Such a president will be seen by the Igbos as someone bent on keeping Igbos down. Already, Tinubu through Doyin Okupe has fired the first shot, by almost encouraging the Fulanis not to forgive the Igbos for killing Ahmadu Bello. This his act will become more prominent as the months and years roll by. It will germinate and yield its fruits.

Any non-Igbo president that shows up in 2023 will be the most tragic. Mark this statement. The psychological burden will be so great for Igbos not to act. It is a milestone that has never been crossed. Perhaps the only zone that will escape the Igbo wrath will be a SS presidency as they have only really served for 5 years at the centre.
No Yoruba president will physically survive on that that seat for another 8 years. Not after OBJ has already had the Yoruba slot for 8 years. You will see.

Lest I forget, no 2023 Yoruba president will be able to benefit from any pinch of Igbo gas. That is when you will know that Igbos can wield a lot of violent influence, and there is nothing anyone will be able tondo about it.