Recent Posts (11)
Nairaland Forum › Recent Posts1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 (of 20 pages)
![]() Make trailer jam person ni....... Which bicycle tracks them want ride am. Lead by example....show your workers coming to work on it daily. |
Good morning. |
Babaibe:I don't know if dem swear for this Okoye. Same goal he concede against Tunisia. The coach wey dey use am self |
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Best offers again. |
ALABACONNECT:STILL AVAILABLE |
Krankhead:This is not a matter of competence or incompetence. Even if you know all the answers to the questions in an exam but you fail to show up at the exam center, you will score zero and the person you think you are more intelligent than would likely score more than you. There is zero interest in resolving the security challenges in the country and this indecisiveness is making the menace spread all across. This zero interest is obvious in the way the welfare of these soldiers are being handled. It is obvious in the way their weaponry and equipment funding is being handled (meanwhile public officials spending is off the roof). The zero interest of this government to tackle this problem is obvious in the way terrorists are pampered and encouraged to continue their evil works. The first step to solving a problem is being at least honest about it! |
55 why not I counted 155, Nnmadi Kanu counted 1055! These is how you minors want to push pit obi into Biafra plesident?? |
Sir, This is a response to your recent call for citizens to bring forward “better ideas about the security architecture and what we can do in the medium to long term,” coupled with your promise to listen and act where appropriate. While we cannot dictate how you should secure the release of the abducted children and teachers, neither do we intend to second-guess your immediate strategy. We will therefore refrain from speculation and instead take you at your word. We are seizing this opportunity to present our own medium and long-term ideas concerning security architecture in Yorubaland and Nigeria. We cannot claim with certainty that our ideas are superior, since we do not know all the options currently under consideration. However, we are familiar with many of the approaches pursued by successive governments. These include ransom payments, the rehabilitation and reintegration of so-called repentant terrorists, official rhetoric that appears to excuse or rationalize terrorist activity, demands that communities choose between preserving their lives and retaining their ancestral lands, and the continued warehousing of victims in Internally Displaced Persons camps. Measured against these approaches, we are confident that our proposals deserve serious consideration. Before discussing solutions, however, we must first identify the source of the problem. Various explanations have been offered for the insecurity crisis: poverty, climate change, economic hardship, nomadism, and ECOWAS transhumance protocols that allegedly facilitate the movement of herders across borders. None of these explanations adequately addresses the core issue. They function more as excuses than explanations. This is because the end result is remarkably consistent: the displacement of indigenous populations from their ancestral lands. If poverty, climate change, or economic necessity were truly the driving forces, they would not repeatedly produce the same political outcome, to wit: the removal of communities from territories they have historically occupied. People are not placed in IDP camps because of climate change alone. They are displaced because violence compels them to abandon their homes. For this reason, we contend that insecurity and banditry in Nigeria have become political enterprises. Across large parts of Northern Nigeria, entire communities have been displaced while government authorities maintain them in IDP camps The lands they once occupied remain politically counted as part of the affected states and regions, yet the original inhabitants are effectively stripped of meaningful representation. At the same time, many perpetrators are recycled into society under various rehabilitation and reintegration programs, creating a cycle in which violence is repeatedly rewarded while victims remain marginalized. This situation differs fundamentally from movements such as MEND, the Niger Delta Volunteer Force, or even the OPC. Whatever one may think of those organizations, their struggles centered on resource control, political rights, or self-determination and not territorial expansion. Indeed, government amnesty programs ultimately neutralized many of those movements while leaving their underlying demands unresolved. Today's insecurity presents a different challenge. It combines economic disruption, territorial encroachment, population displacement, and attacks on traditional institutions. In many respects, the pattern resembles historical campaigns of conquest in which political authority was established through territorial domination and the weakening of indigenous structures. The state's response has often neutralized southern self-help initiatives while appearing incapable of decisively confronting forces that threaten indigenous communities. Consequently, insecurity has evolved into a mechanism through which political power is acquired, consolidated, and maintained. If the problem is political, the solution must also be political. And political solutions ultimately depend upon political empowerment. The Long-Term Solution: Establish Political Legitimacy The first task is to address the political environment that permits insecurity to flourish. The experience of Amotekun is instructive. The political will demonstrated by Yoruba governors eventually led to its establishment. Yet Amotekun emerged in a limited form, constrained by Constitutional and political pressures from the central government. The ongoing debate over state police faces similar limitations. You yourself have repeatedly pointed to the structural obstacles imposed by the current Constitutional arrangement. The lesson is clear: security reform cannot succeed without political will. The question then becomes: what kind of political will? Our answer is this: the political narrative itself must change. The present Constitutional order empowers the central government while simultaneously denying the people recognition as the true Federating units of the Federation. The 1999 Constitution derives legitimacy from that arrangement, and every Constitutional alteration since then has operated within its confines. Yet none of those amendments has addressed the fundamental question of political legitimacy. For decades, Nigerians have demanded Restructuring and True Federalism. The problem has never been the absence of proposals. It has been the absence of a legitimate mechanism to implement them. Numerous Constitutional conferences, political conferences, and reform committees have come and gone since 1999. Their recommendations have largely gathered dust. Why? Because they lacked the legitimacy necessary to compel implementation. Most were government-sponsored exercises designed to manage public pressure rather than fundamentally resolve the Constitutional question. If Constitutional Re-formation is the solution, then the issue of legitimacy must first be resolved. This is where the Referendum becomes indispensable. For Yorubaland, that means a Yoruba Referendum. This was the essence of the recent position advanced by Chief Wole Olanipekun, who called on the National Assembly to suspend its current Constitutional alteration process and instead pursue an Autochthonous Constitution through Referendums in which the Federating units themselves determine the process, parameters, and outcome. We urge you to endorse this position. Since 2022, the Bill for a Referendum has been submitted to the Lagos, Ogun, Oyo , Osun, Ekiti and Ondo State Houses of Assembly. So, this has been a long-standing pursuit whose time has probably come. Hence, we once again call upon you to encourage the Oyo State House of Assembly, and, by extension, other Yoruba Houses of Assembly to pass the Bill for a Referendum into law, secure gubernatorial assent, and initiate the Referendum process. Such a step would immediately signal that a new political era is emerging. It would communicate to both the perpetrators and enablers of terrorism that the political environment sustaining insecurity is being challenged. That is what genuine political will looks like. The Medium-Term Solution: Community Security Under Traditional Authority While the long-term solution addresses political legitimacy, immediate institutional reforms are also necessary. Our proposal is straightforward. The current concept of private security outfits should be replaced with a Community Security framework operating under the direct supervision of traditional rulers within their respective domains. Training, logistics, communications, and equipment should be provided by state government. Under this arrangement, Obas would serve as the first responders and primary custodians of security within their communities. Their responsibilities would be owed first to their communities, second to their councils of traditional rulers, and third to the state government. Such a system would create local accountability, local intelligence gathering, and local ownership of security outcomes. It would also restore practical relevance to traditional institutions whose authority has steadily diminished despite their continuing influence within their communities. Will some traditional rulers misuse such authority? Perhaps. But that possibility exists in every institution, whether political, military, judicial, or bureaucratic. The more important principle is that the Oba of a community should bear direct responsibility for the security of his domain and be held accountable accordingly. A security architecture that excludes those closest to the people cannot effectively protect the people. Sir, you asked for better ideas. We have offered them in good faith. Our central argument is simple: insecurity in Nigeria is fundamentally political in character. Therefore, any lasting solution must also be political. The long-term answer lies in restoring legitimacy through Constitutional Re-formation and a Referendum process that places authority back in the hands of the people. The medium-term answer lies in empowering communities and traditional institutions to take responsibility for their own security. We respectfully urge you to give these proposals serious consideration. A crisis of this magnitude demands more than administrative responses. It requires political courage, political imagination, and political will. The future security of Yorubaland may depend upon all three. Thank you, sir. Editorial Board Yoruba Referendum Committee |
Omoredia irredeemable. ![]() OP, toddler ![]() Birds of a feather. ![]() |
femi4:Hope no be Maduka Okoye |
I always max out on the 50mbps here steady Unfaized: |
I have been telling people that this type of mosquito 🦟🦟🦟 these days is alarming, even in the market during the day, afternoon. I suspect that they have released millions of mosquitoes 🦟 🦟 🦟 in Nigeria and some other African countries. |
Yemmytt:na only for picture everything end oo |
That should be the new portal (consular portal or something) old portal holders do not need to click anything after the last confirmation email from November. Gemack: |
Just imagine, a whole 5 surveillance drones that probably cost millions of Naira lost and the State kept quiet ever since. Government hardly care when things go wrong, either money stolen, property destroyed like roads and government project because they don't care, they believe the money is available to buy another one and also nobody to hold them to accountability.... so sad.... dominique: |
Sin, Faith, Duty Luke 17:1-10 17 Jesus said to his disciples: “Things that cause people to stumble are bound to come, but woe to anyone through whom they come. 2 It would be better for them to be thrown into the sea with a millstone tied around their neck than to cause one of these little ones to stumble. 3 So watch yourselves. “If your brother or sister[a] sins against you, rebuke them; and if they repent, forgive them. 4 Even if they sin against you seven times in a day and seven times come back to you saying ‘I repent,’ you must forgive them.” 5 The apostles said to the Lord, “Increase our faith!” 6 He replied, “If you have faith as small as a mustard seed, you can say to this mulberry tree, ‘Be uprooted and planted in the sea,’ and it will obey you. 7 “Suppose one of you has a servant plowing or looking after the sheep. Will he say to the servant when he comes in from the field, ‘Come along now and sit down to eat’? 8 Won’t he rather say, ‘Prepare my supper, get yourself ready and wait on me while I eat and drink; after that you may eat and drink’? 9 Will he thank the servant because he did what he was told to do? 10 So you also, when you have done everything you were told to do, should say, ‘We are unworthy servants; we have only done our duty.’” |
Kkll |
see as them do like serious or better people for this picture, meanwhile, everything ends here |
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Honestly, it’s very important! Very important! If Apc will not gap the next party ,”Adc with not more than 4million votes” to prove a point, then it’s has not done its assignment well ! As for NDC, those ones are comedy party !them no reach. |
Mbaka that said in 2019 December that he saw hope in IMO state, just before the evil judgement that brought the destroyer of IMO state and Igbo land in general, All off who who was compromised in way or the other to bring IMO to knell today, will surely reap what they sow, from the current CJN to the late CJN under Buhari. |
Good morning |
Saao:We will also respond kindly with equal force |
tesseract:your so called ESN were busy killing and kidnapping our rich brothers and sisters. They did not harm a single Fulani. We are Fulani worst enemies right from the inception of Nigeria and they know that and not because one aru melu Igbo kanu said so |



