Former American Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, the diplomat with the thick glasses and gravelly voice who dominated foreign policy as the United States extricated itself from Vietnam and broke down barriers with China, died Wednesday, his consulting firm said. He was 100.

With his gruff yet commanding presence and behind-the-scenes manipulation of power, Kissinger exerted uncommon influence on global affairs under Presidents Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford, earning both vilification and the Nobel Peace Prize. Decades later, his name still provoked impassioned debate over foreign policy landmarks long past.

Kissinger’s power grew during the turmoil of Watergate, when the politically attuned diplomat assumed a role akin to co-president to the weakened Nixon. “No doubt my vanity was piqued,” Kissinger later wrote of his expanding influence. “But the dominant emotion was a premonition of catastrophe.”

A Jew who fled Nazi Germany with his family in his teens, Kissinger in his later years cultivated the reputation of respected statesman, giving speeches, offering advice to Republicans and Democrats alike and managing a global consulting business. He turned up in President Donald Trump’s White House on multiple occasions. But Nixon-era documents and tapes, as they trickled out over the years, brought revelations — many in Kissinger’s own words — that sometimes cast him in a harsh light.

Never without his detractors, Kissinger after he left government was dogged by critics who argued that he should be called to account for his policies on Southeast Asia and support of repressive regimes in Latin America.

For eight restless years — first as national security adviser, later as secretary of state, and for a time in the middle holding both titles — Kissinger ranged across the breadth of major foreign policy issues. He conducted the first “shuttle diplomacy” in the quest for Middle East peace. He used secret channels to pursue ties between the United States and China, ending decades of isolation and mutual hostility.

He initiated the Paris negotiations that ultimately provided a face-saving means — a “decent interval,” he called it — to get the United States out of a costly war in Vietnam. Two years later, Saigon fell to the communists.

And he pursued a policy of detente with the Soviet Union that led to arms control agreements and raised the possibility that the tensions of the Cold War and its nuclear threat did not have to last forever.

At age 99, he was still out on tour for his book on leadership. Asked in July 2022 interview with ABC whether he wished he could take back any of his decisions, Kissinger demurred, saying: “I’ve been thinking about these problems all my life. It’s my hobby as well as my occupation. And so the recommendations I made were the best of which I was then capable.”

Even then, he had mixed thoughts on Nixon’s record, saying “his foreign policy has held up and he was quite effective in domestic policy” while allowing that the disgraced president had “permitted himself to be involved in a number of steps that were inappropriate for a president.”

As Kissinger turned 100 in May 2023, his son David wrote in The Washington Post that his father’s centenary “might have an air of inevitability for anyone familiar with his force of character and love of historical symbolism. Not only has he outlived most of his peers, eminent detractors and students, but he has also remained indefatigably active throughout his 90s.”

Asked during a CBS interview in the leadup to his 100th birthday about those who view his conduct of foreign policy over the years as a kind of “criminality,” Kissinger was nothing but dismissive. “That’s a reflection of their ignorance,” Kissinger said. “It wasn’t conceived that way. It wasn’t conducted that way.”

Kissinger continued his involvement in global affairs even in his last months. He met Chinese leader Xi Jinping in Beijing in July, as bilateral relations were at a low point. And 50 years after his shuttle diplomacy helped end the 1973 Mideast war, when Israel fended off a surprise attack from Egypt and Syria, Kissinger warned of the risks of that conflict repeating itself after Israel faced a surprise assault by Hamas on Oct. 7.

Tributes for Kissinger from prominent U.S. officials poured in immediately upon word of his death. Former President George W. Bush said the U.S. “lost one of the most dependable and distinctive voices on foreign affairs” and former New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg said Kissinger was “endlessly generous with the wisdom gained over the course of an extraordinary life.”

Kissinger’s consulting firm said he died at his home in Connecticut. Kissinger was a practitioner of realpolitik — using diplomacy to achieve practical objectives rather than advance lofty ideals. Supporters said his pragmatic bent served U.S. interests; critics saw a Machiavellian approach that ran counter to democratic ideals.

He was castigated for authorizing telephone wiretaps of reporters and his own National Security Council staff to plug news leaks in Nixon’s White House. He was denounced on college campuses for the bombing and allied invasion of Cambodia in April 1970, intended to destroy North Vietnamese supply lines to communist forces in South Vietnam.

That “incursion,” as Nixon and Kissinger called it, was blamed by some for contributing to Cambodia’s fall into the hands of Khmer Rouge insurgents who later slaughtered some 2 million Cambodians.

Kissinger, for his part, made it his mission to debunk what he referred to in 2007 as a “prevalent myth” — that he and Nixon had settled in 1972 for peace terms that had been available in 1969 and thus had needlessly prolonged the Vietnam War at the cost of tens of thousands of American lives.

He insisted that the only way to speed up the withdrawal would have been to agree to Hanoi’s demands that the U.S. overthrow the South Vietnamese government and replace it with communist-dominated leadership.

Pudgy and messy, Kissinger incongruously acquired a reputation as a ladies’ man in the staid Nixon administration. Kissinger, who had divorced his first wife in 1964, called women “a diversion, a hobby.” Jill St. John was a frequent companion. But it turned out his real love interest was Nancy Maginnes, a researcher for Nelson Rockefeller whom he married in 1974.

In a 1972 poll of Playboy Club Bunnies, the man dubbed “Super-K” by Newsweek finished first as “the man I would most like to go out on a date with.” Kissinger’s explanation: “Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac.”

Yet Kissinger was reviled by many Americans for his conduct of wartime diplomacy. He was still a lightning rod decades later: In 2015, an appearance by the 91-year-old Kissinger before the Senate Armed Services Committee was disrupted by protesters demanding his arrest for war crimes and calling out his actions in Southeast Asia, Chile and beyond.

Heinz Alfred Kissinger was born in the Bavarian city of Fuerth on May 27, 1923, the son of a schoolteacher. His family left Nazi Germany in 1938 and settled in Manhattan, where Heinz changed his name to Henry. Kissinger had two children, Elizabeth and David, from his first marriage.

The Rivers State political environment gets charged as the rivalry between former Governor of the state, Nyesom Wike and his estranged godson, Siminalayi Fubara intensifies.

On Friday, Wike, during an interview, opened up on the fight between him and his godson, stating that “let me tell you, I don’t like ingrates; I don’t like it.”

The former governor, who talked tough, signalled that the battle was yet to begin.

Both of them are not the first to engage in such a war of supremacy between a godfather and his political son.

However, DAILY POST reports that over the years, such fights between incumbent governors and godfathers always favoured the former.

Peter Obi vs Willie Obiano
Peter Obi and his successor, WIllie Obiano had a classic case of godfather/godson situation immediately after the election.

Obiano, who retired from Fidelity Bank, a bank that Obi has considerable interest in, had emerged as the candidate of APGA during the primary election in 2013. The party had earlier disqualified Oseloka Obaze.

Obi and Obiano were also schoolmates at the famous Christ the King College, CKC, Onitsha. Hence, it did not surprise many when Obi campaigned vigorously across the state for Obiano to succeed him.

However, the honeymoon period did not last for too long, as Obi left APGA and joined the PDP.

During the 2017 election, Obi had vowed to defeat his once godson.

“I will fight in this election aggressively. I will fight with the last drop of my blood. I will fight to win this election the way the PDP has not won any election before,” he said then.

However, Obi was defeated alongside the PDP candidate, Oseloka Obaze.

Akpabio vs Udom
In the buildup to the 2015 election, Godswill Akpabio, the then-governor of Akwa-Ibom State, single-handedly picked Emmanuel Udom as his successor in the state.

Like most political relationships, it did not last long, even though the two had stated that they would avoid banana peel which could cause a fight.

“What happens in Abuja that makes people to fight people in their states will not happen between Udom and I,” Akpabio said in 2017 during an event in Uyo.

One year later, the relationship between the two had deteriorated to the point that Akpabio had to leave the party and join the APC.

“I was shocked that Emmanuel whom I brought from Lagos and installed as a Governor even though he was not a member of the party on whose platform he stood for election and become Governor, could call a world press conference to insult me,” he said.

Udom won his re-election in 2019 and successfully transferred power to his preferred successor in 2023.

While Akpabio continued to enjoy national positions, as Minister and Senate President, however, he has not been able to regain control of the state.

Orji Uzor Kalu vs Theodore Orji
In 2007, Theodore Orji won his election as Governor of Abia State while he was in prison.

At the time of electioneering campaign, Orji was at the Kirikiri Maximum Prisons in Lagos awaiting trial for multiple count charges of alleged money laundering, fraud and conspiracy.

Orji won the election on the platform of the Progressive Peoples Alliance (PPA), the party his then godfather, Orji Uzor Kalu was the presidential candidate.

Theodore Orji served as Chief of Staff to Kalu, and later succeeded him. However, like most political relationships, it did not last long before the two got into a bitter rivalry.

For 16 years, Theodore Orji’s political family held on until it was recently swept away by the Obidient tsunami.

Kalu on the other side has been trying to make a comeback in the state, however, he has been restrained to Abia North.

Chimaroke Nnamani vs Sullivan Chime
Prior to the 2007 general election, Barr Sullivan Chime, who was the Attorney-General and Commissioner for Justice in Enugu State, was not considered by political observers as among the possible successors to the leader of the Ebeano political dynasty, Dr Chimaroke Nnamani.

However, Nnamani shocked all the political actors as he settled for Chime who he considered to be very quiet. However, as soon as Chime emerged governor after the election, his first decision was to ban the Ebeano group.

A battle between political father and son ensued, such that it was difficult for Nnamani to access the state even as a serving Senator. His bid to return to the senate in 2011 was also scuttled by Chime who threw up Senator Gilbert Nnaji.

The no love lost situation continued until Chime left office in 2015. Chime succeeded in installing Rt. Hon. Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi as his successor in 2015.

Kwankwaso vs Ganduje
Between 1999 to 2015, Rabiu Kwankwaso and Umar Ganduje were almost inseparable. In 2003, Ganduje was deputy to Kwankwaso, and when they lost the election, Kwankwaso was appointed the Minister of Defence by Olusegun Obasanjo, his deputy followed him to Abuja.

When Kwankwaso made a comeback in 2011, Ganduje was again the deputy.

Therefore, it came as no surprise in 2015 when Ganduje got the ticket of the APC. However, the fight between the two started immediately after the election.

According to Ganduje, his predecessor did not even attend his swearing-in ceremony. For years, the two have been engaging in a free-for-all fracas over the control of the political structure of the state.

In the course of the struggle, the former Emir of Kano, Sanusi Lamido, who is believed to be loyal to Kwankwaso, lost his throne. And Kwankwaso was forced to leave the APC for his former ally.

Kwankwaso and his followers have regained control of the political structure in the state after winning the 2023 election. However, there is uncertainty over the NNPP due to the ongoing court case.

It would be recalled that the Election Petition Tribunal and the Appeal Court sacked Yusuf Abba of the NNPP and declared Nasir Gawuna of the APC as the winner of the governorship election.

Adams Oshiomhole vs Godwin Obaseki
Adams Oshiomhole championed a tough political fight to pave the way for Godwin Obaseki to succeed him as the governor of Edo State.

Obaseki had served under Oshiomhole as the Chairman of the Edo State Economic Team.

Despite the relationship, the battle between the two was fierce. Oshiomhole, who was the National Chairman of the APC had used his influence over the party to disqualify Obaseki during the APC primaries. However, Obaseki moved to the PDP and won re-election.

Oshiomhole also lost his national chairmanship during the struggle as his ward suspended him.

While Oshiomhole remains relevant in Edo North, Obaseki controls the political structure of the state.

Wamakko/Tambuwal
During the APC tsunami of 2015, then-Governor Aliyu Wamakko backed Aminu Tambuwal as the Governor of Sokoto State.

Wamakko, who had earlier fought against Attahiru Bafarawa for the political structure of the state, had already set his sights on becoming the de facto godfather of the state.

However, Tambuwal, a former Speaker of the House of Representatives, had other things in mind. After a bit of battle, the former Speaker moved back to the PDP.

During the 2019 election, Tambuwal won the election by a slim margin to serve a second term. However, his party, the PDP lost the governorship election in 2023, allowing Wamakko to retain control of the state.

Tinubu vs Ambode
In 2014, Akinwunmi Ambode got the nod of the godfather of Lagos politics, Bola Tinubu to contest the 2015 governorship election.

As of 2015, Mr Tinubu had expanded his political tentacle to the whole of South-west and national politics.

For about three years, everything seemed perfect between Tinubu and his godson. However, weeks before the primary election, the story changed for Ambode. His feeble attempt to fight back was overwhelmed by the superstructure in Lagos.

Ambode quietly exited the political stage after losing the primaries to Babajide Sanwo-Olu.

The case of Lagos State presented a rare instance of when a godfather defeated an incumbent governor.

Imoke vs Ayade
Former Governor Liyel Imoke backed Ben Ayade during the primary election of 2014 against other governorship aspirants in the PDP.

Ayade, with the support of Imoke, became the governor of Cross Rivers State. However, in a similar twist, Ayade made efforts to expand his influence within the party and both fell out.

After years of tussle, Ayade left the PDP and joined the APC.

Akume vs Suswan
The Secretary to the Government of the Federation, George Akume is believed to have played a major role in the election of everyone that has ever emerged as governor of Benue State since 2007.

Akume backed Gabriel Suswan to succeed him in 2007; however, the two had a fallout, forcing Akume out of the PDP to the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN).

The SGF got his pound of flesh in 2015 when he supported Samuel Ortom.

It would be recalled that Ortom later defected from the APC but could not perfect his succession plan as Hyacinth Alia became governor in 2023.

Ibori/Okowa
James Ibori, an ex-convict, held control of the political structure of the state since 1999.

His grip on the state was stopped by a godson, Ifeanyi Okowa, after a long battle.

At the primary election in May 2022, Ibori backed David Edevbie while Okowa supported Sheriff Oborevwori, the then speaker of the Delta House of Assembly.

In the end, Okowa prevailed despite suffering an embarrassing defeat during the presidential election. The former Delta State governor was the running mate to Atiku Abubakar.