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kunlekunle: achebe was right, chest beater.Achebe was right about the Yoruba: they hate Igbos and will do anything to bring them down. You guys have played tribalism with Nigeria since before independence. Someone else may have (there is still no proof) played your game against you and you are crying wolf and trying to bring the minister down |
ejiyke2007: you have been Influenced by your tribe peers to adopt certain behaviors, follow trends,to give a falsehood account of what you not know about ,Not only that. Those Igbos involved in crime in Lagos are those associating with Yorubas. There was nothing like kidnapping in Igboland when IGBOS where not interacting with Yorubas. Our people travelled to SW and learnt kidnappping from them (Gbomogbomo) |
4chi: Primitive ibos.you lost the war,lost your bearing and lost the plot. You inferior species,thank God everyday for lord lugard who merged you with higher homosapiens.but for him you will still be living in your rustic primordial villages tying wrapper and tying chiken feathers to your head as a sign of affluence....just thank God that your forebears and yourselves were civilised in cities like Lagos,Ibadan,P.harcourt,Kaduna,Kano even when your primitive ancestors never lived in towns talk less of cities or kingdoms...in a normal setting you all should be eternally grateful ,but your innate primitiveness and deep seated inferiority complex will not allow you so to do.Who let the dogs out? This is by far the biggest whopper I have read here. But then the op is a nondescript cyber urchin who is in all likelihood holed up somewhere in Ijebu pangolo |
demmy: Fool we are talking about poor people. Not rich business people. keep up. Massive number of Igbos haven't seen the inside of a airport talk less of traveling every other month. Wealth is NOT evenly distributed in igboland. If its were it would be Norway.Bloody illiterate. How can you compare Norway to Nigeria? If all Igbos are wealthy/poor by a difference of 1000 USD to 3000 USD and all Norwegians are poor/rich by 30,000 USD to 40,000 USD how can you even begin to compare the amount of money available to each group in both countries, even though the distribution pattern are quite similar? In SW and North it is 10 USD to 3000 USD. So you see how wide the gap between rich and poor is in SW? You need basic studies in these things, to make sense to you. |
demmy: Yes mister businessman ALL IGBOS travel to China/Dubai/Brazil/ Europe/America, etc every other month.Ignoramus. All Igbos are not business people and most who are travel out very frequently. Go check the airports. |
demmy: This is merely a wish of yours of course. Not real though.This is so infantile. Do you want me to show similar stuff in the SW? What makes you think the thief was poor. Could he have been greedy, a kleptomaniac or something else other than poor? Is poverty a reason to be an armed robber or a pen robber? Was Bankole poor (for e.g.) when he stole Nigeria dry? Show me where poverty is discussed at a community level in the SE as is abundantly discussed in the SW |
geeez: Well I have a job and virtually everyone I know either works or has set up a business. Speak for your sorry assSpeaking of setting up a business, you know that is what Igbos are good at, right? When your NBS says ''unemployed'', do they mean those not working in the formal sector (civil servants or regular company staff)? Is an Nnewi, Onitsha, Aba, Alaba or Idumota or ASPAMDA business man (99% of whom are Igbos) who owns his own business and travels to China/Dubai/Brazil/ Europe/America, etc every other month be classified as unemployed? You are a joke, you know that, right |
geeez: Well I have a job and virtually everyone I know either works or has set up a business. Speak for your sorry assYou know the more than 20 million Nigerians in Lagos right? You are a loser. You have no facts to back your claim. I live amongst the poor Yoruba working, not for a Yoruba-owned organization, but for an unbiased one, and I know what I see on the ground. |
Unemployment rate in Lagos is 8.3% Hahahaha Fake NBS data. Is that for Lagos indigenes alone, or for all Yoruba indigenes in Lagos, or for all Nigerians in Lagos, regardless of their states of origin? NBS is a joker. Overall unemployment in Lagos can't be anything less than 20 % and that is being modest. |
demmy: I never claim that wealth is evenly distributed in the west. And certainly its not in the east either.It is more evenly distributed in the East than anywhere else in Nigeria. Igbo women are also more economically, socially and educationally liberated than other Nigerian women. |
geeez: I've been to every nuke and cranny of the east and west and I've seen poverty at its peak in the east. The stats I posted corroborate this. How come your people run away from your 'supposed' goldmines in droves and come to your Eldorado - Yoruba landI was born in the West (Lagos) and worked there (Osu, Oyo, Ondo, Ogun and Ekiti)for the highest international rural development agency. I know what am talking about. I know every Yoruba town and village like the back of my hands. |
demmy: The wealth is evenly distributed. Yeah. That would explain all the kidnappings and armed robberies then.Much as the poverty in SW explains all the human rituals for money, armed robberies, certificate forgeries, corruption by every single Yoruba govt official, and gbomogbomo, right? |
geeez: I posted GDP of states from Wikipedia, you said it was doctored, now I've posted NBS data and you still insist it was doctored. You're as pathetic as they come I must confess.Because they have no bearing with what is on the ground. I have posted links to info on the ground. NAPEP is the poverty organization in Nigeria, they know better. It is headed by a non IGBO. Apart from Lagos which Igbos also co-control, the rest states in SW are pits of poverty and lack |
Evene Aregbesola confirmed that his people are so poor they cannot be taxed Can you post me any report about poverty in Igboland? Read these https://www.nairaland.com/813289/poverty-d-reason-d-loudness about poverty in Yorubaland. |
demmy: I wasn't replying to you. Its to the idiot Igbo who thought that you can infer poverty rate from GDP necessarily.That's what you and Geez do exactly inferring poverty from GDP which at best is paper work and does not account for skewness of the wealth to the few rich. Wealth in Igboland is evenly distributed, making IGBOLAND the least impoverished in Nigeria. Even a donkey knows that. |
demmy: You dismiss Nigeria Bureau of Statistics and peddled a 2010 story in champion newspaper? Igbo logicI gave you four links. One was from Punch, the Yoruba mouthpiece |
geeez: Dr. Kale is not a web administrator and he won't be on ground in Anambra getting those stats. And how come you're posting 2009 and 2010 reports in 2012 and besides what you posted isn't a statThe stats given to Dr Kale was doctored in his office. read my links from NAPEP and others on the ground |
Yemi Kale suddenly becomes the head of a moribund NBS and the stats change overnight? SW must be miracle makers to move the region from second poorest in less than 5 years ago to the least poor now: statistical wonders from our Yoruba brothers.hahahahahahh |
GEEZ, Stop peddling fake stats all over the place. Guess who manages tha fake NBS website:Dr Yemi Kale The fact that Ekiti is placed before Anambra speaks volume of the extent you Yorubas will go to doctor any stats. Here is the true situation on the ground https://www.nairaland.com/554457/anambra-poverty-rate-lowest-nigeria https://www.nairaland.com/307986/nigeria-poverty-northerner https://www.nairaland.com/371485/regional-poverty-nigeria-north-south-west https://www.nairaland.com/813289/poverty-d-reason-d-loudness |
MegaMan2020: The Igbos for all their talk ad bluster can't even develop Igboland. What does that does that tell you about the so called "Jews Of Africa" ? Noise maker!Tell me which Yorubaland is more developed than Igboland aside Lagos which was developed collectively by Igbo, Yoruba, Hausa, SS people, foreigners and above all, the federal govt? |
icon aus: Igbo presidency is a question of time .Sure!! As long as Nigeria remains one, there will be an Igbo president for Nigeria one day. |
Igbos were in charge in most spheres of Nigeria before the war Then the war came and took them 40 years backward, and Yoruba and the North took over Now its been 40 years after the war and Igbos have come back So these talks about Igbo dominating the aviation ministry is hogwash Who dominated Aso Rock all these years? Who dominates FCT, Agric ministry, military, police, customs, the maritime, NNPC, etc? Igbos are back and Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani domination is slipping Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani better understand the transient nature of human existence and occupation of leadership position in a plural society. They better understand that in the new order, different Nigerian ethnic groups will dominate different spheres The days of Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba chopping alone (and not dying alone) are over Over these 40 years that Igbos were relegated due to the war, Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani shared Nigeria and left nothing for Igbo and the SS minorities Now we are back like the big bad wolves and will devour you if you get in the way For every dollar you pocketed since 1965,we will pocket a dollar now. Imagine Yoruba and the North just being out of core power for less than fours years and they are moaning and grinning their teeth all over the damn place. What do you want Igbos and SS people to do who have been out of power for 40 years? Why are you so power hungry, yet no evidence of your ability or skillfulness to use the power to better the country? 40 years of combined North and Yoruba (mis)rulership and nothing to show for it? DAMN!!!!! Now, we all will wreck or build Nigeria together, man for man, tout for tout, pen robber for pen robber, OPC/Boko Haram for MASSOB for MEND. |
Igbos were in charge in most spheres of Nigeria before the war Then the war came and took them 40 years backward, and Yoruba and the North took over Now its been 40 years after the war and Igbos have come back So these talks about Igbo dominating the aviation ministry is hogwash Who dominated Aso Rock all these years? Who dominates FCT, Agric ministry, military, police, customs, the maritime, NNPC, etc? Igbos are back and Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani domination is slipping Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani better understand the transient nature of human existence and occupation of leadership position in a plural society. They better understand that in the new order, different Nigerian ethnic groups will dominate different spheres The days of Hausa/Fulani and Yoruba chopping alone (and not dying alone) are over Over these 40 years that Igbos were relegated due to the war, Yoruba and Hausa/Fulani shared Nigeria and left nothing for Igbo and the SS minorities Now we are back like the big bad wolves and will devour you if you get in the way For every dollar you pocketed since 1965,we will pocket a dollar now. Imagine Yoruba and the North just being out of core power for less than fours years and they are moaning and grinning their teeth all over the damn place. What do you want Igbos and SS people to do who have been out of power for 40 years? Why are you so power hungry, yet no evidence of your ability or skillfulness to use the power to better the country? 40 years of combined North and Yoruba (mis)rulership and nothing to show for it? DAMN!!!!! Now, we all will wreck or build Nigeria together, man for man, tout for tout, pen robber for pen robber, OPC/Boko Haram for MASSOB for MEND. |
Area_boy: Well, it is laughable in some sense. Green Pheonic Energy uses coal to generate electricity ?? It has humour and sarcasm written all over itIgnoramus (ignorant cow) Did you watch the second Obama-Romney debate? What was said about coal in that debate? If USA can still be involved in using coal to generate power who the fccukk is Nigeria? |
So he could not stand the smoke but went into the kitchen? Does he know about An San Syu Kyi and what it means to be steadfast with your mandate? |
[b]Abiola Told me He Would Renounce June 12 Mandate...[/b]But His Death Was Suspicious-Kofi Annan Written by Naija Pundit on 19 October 2012. 7 Comments and 3 Reactions In a remarkable testimony in his new book 'Interventions (A Life in War and Peace)' the former United Nation's Secretary General and most recently U.N. Peace Representative to the Syrian Conflict, Mr. Kofi Annan, has revealed the minute details of his meeting with acclaimed winner of the June 12, 1993 Presidential elections, Bashonrun MKO Abiola, and how chief Abiola assured him that he would not be seeking to reclaim his mandate. NaijaPundit brings you excerpts from the book below: On the Abiola saga, Annan wrote: “Moshood Abiola had been imprisoned and in solitary confinement since 1994. Previously he had been a millionaire businessman reveling in the most extravagant of lifestyles, acquired through a long-standing and close relationship with Nigeria’s military governments. “But in 1993, there was a short-lived attempt to introduce democracy, and Abiola entered the presidential race. When Abiola looked entirely set to win, the final and full count was never allowed by the reigning military government of President Ibrahim Babangida, even though he had set up the elections in the first place. “Abiola backed down quietly, but the vote changed his relationship with the government. He had acquired an unprecedented swell of support from many sides of the ethnic and religious divides that criss-crossed Africa’s most populous country. “When President Babangida was ousted from power and replaced by General Sani Abacha later that year, in the midst of Nigeria’s deepening financial crisis, the new president dissolved the institutions that had been formed to move the country toward a semblance of democracy—the parliament, the thirty state governments, and every single local council—and declared all political parties illegal. “But in the unfolding chaos of Abacha’s rule, Abiola stepped forward in 1994 and, on the basis of the thwarted 1993 elections, announced to a huge crowd of supporters in Lagos that he was the legitimate president of Nigeria. “He was immediately arrested and charged with treason and spent the next four years in solitary confinement. During this time, he was denied access to even radio, saw no one from his family from 1995 onward, was unable to talk to anyone else, and was shown only one newspaper article: a report on the assassination of one of his wives in 1996. The only other reading materials he had were a Bible and a Koran. “Abacha was as illegitimate a ruler as one might have the misfortune to come across—extremely corrupt, and prone to eccentric and self-indulgent behaviour on a scale that only Nigeria’s crony-capitalist oil wealth could sustain. “He loosely promised the return to democratic elections, including one to me personally after I became secretary-general in 1997, but persistently reneged on such pledges. Opponents and suspected opponents were arrested, and the ranks of political prisoners swelled, as did the number of victims of politically motivated murders at the hands of security forces. “But on June 8, 1998, Abacha unexpectedly died. General Abdulsalami Abubakar was installed as his replacement the next day. I had met Abubakar previously, when he was accompanying Abacha at a summit in Lome, Togo, in January 1997. He had once served as a UN peacekeeping officer as part of the UN Interim Force in Lebanon, so we had a common past in peacekeeping which I used to get us talking. “I found him reasonable in outlook and straight speaking, in contrast to the strange, quiet character of Abacha. At one point, when the president left the room, I pressed upon Abubakar the importance of releasing political prisoners. Abacha had only sighed away my repeated calls for greater freedoms and introduction of democracy, and I hoped influencing his advisers might at least increase the pressure upon the Nigerian president. “But now Abubakar was president, and he, as he later revealed to me, was scared. The country was entirely isolated internationally after repeatedly refusing to change its political course or release political prisoners, and could count on little outside help; it was in a terrible financial position with a crippling high debt; Abacha had antagonised the country’s power bases, which had brought growing unrest and violence onto the streets; the military (dominated by the Hausa ethnic group) was used to its privileged position in society and was not going to give this up easily; and while Abubakar recognised the necessity of democracy to ensure the country’s political sustainability, a mismanaged and sudden introduction of elections could bring even more instability. “Abacha had disingenuously set the date of October 1, 1998, for a transition to democracy, which, everyone agreed, he fully intended to miss. But Abubakar, with his more genuine agenda, was now beholden to this deadline. One way or another, he needed a carefully managed way out of this very difficult situation. “Part of the problem for Abubakar was how to deal with the imprisoned Abiola. If released, he could still upend the political balance in the country if he demanded the presidency as he had before. Such a move would be backed by his mainstay of supporters in the South-west of the country, but almost certainly rejected by the military…A few weeks after Abubakar came to power—on June 22, 1998, at 3.30 pm—I had one of these sessions with Nigeria’s foreign minister, Tom Ikimi. “He conveyed Abubakar’s message: The president hoped I could help him exploit the current opportunity provided by Abacha’s death, Ikimi said, to assist his plan to move Nigeria out of its current predicament. He wanted to return Nigerian to a position of reasonable standing in the region and internationally, to end the country’s misrule, and to usher in democracy. But he also wanted to extend the timetable for elections to ease the process of change—and he wanted my public support for this. “Ikimi’s style was unrecognisable in comparison to the one he had displayed while serving Abacha. Previously, he had lectured me and others, at length, on how the internal affairs of Nigeria were solely the government’s business. That bold front was now giving way to realism: a recognition of the truly interdependent world of which Nigeria was a part. “My first thought concerned Abiola. He could not be a casualty of this transition, or it would not be a transition at all. He had but won the first real attempt at democratic elections, retained significant support, and his imprisonment had caused him to become a symbol for those demanding political change in the country. Continuing to imprison him would mean the antithesis of any progress toward genuine democracy and the rule of law. “‘I’m willing to publicly give my approval for the president’s plan,’ I said, as Ikimi’s eyes visibly lit up. ‘But only if Abiola is released.’ Ikimi looked taken aback. But he replied that if I came to Abuja personally to voice my support of Abubakar’s election proposals, then Abiola could be released. I accepted the invitation to visit. “I would play whatever small role I could to aid the end of a military dictatorship; particularly in Nigeria, which had suffered enough from military rule, after an exhausting series of coups that had ridden roughshod over the country since 1960. “Due to my flight schedule, we flew on June 29 to Abuja from Vienna on a plane provided by the Nigerian government. They were keen for us to come, as it was a brand-new and lavishly furnished aircraft, designed for the president’s use. On arrival, I met with President Abubakar to discuss the situation. He emphasised everything Ikimi had said in New York, and I pushed him to move on his promises, to open up the political system and to bring in civil society, to build the momentum in his favour in order to keep the country on course. “He replied positively but said the October 1 date for a transition to democracy was too soon for credible elections. I counseled him that if he postponed the date, he would have to publicly provide a new and detailed timetable and communicate clearly to everyone why this delay was necessary. I also reminded him that Abiola needed to be released if he was to obtain international goodwill—and mine. “On this Abubakar wavered slightly. He pledged his willingness to release Abiola immediately, but under the condition that he made no attempt to reclaim the presidency. I could see the general’s concerns: if Abiola came out and demanded to be instated as president, it could cause a deep and violent split that, given the fragile conditions, could take the country to goodness knows where. Abiola’s release was necessary, but it also needed to be a calm process. “I asked if I could see Abiola, to discuss this problem, and Abubakar said it would be arranged. It was later that night that Lamin heard the knock on his door, and we found ourselves speeding along Abuja’s dark roads to Abiola’s current holding place. We pulled up at a location near the presidential palace, and sullen guards walked us inside the guest house-like building into a simple, bare room with white walls, where I found him sitting quietly. “After exchanging greetings, I explained that I was in discussions with the president and the junta concerning current developments in Nigeria, and I was pressing them for his release. He seemed remarkably ambivalent. I asked if he wanted to claim the presidency once he was out, which I told him I was confident would happen very soon. “He said he was not sure, commenting that the junta would be afraid if he did. He seemed to be hedging his bets, not wanting to be drawn into a firm answer. Suddenly, he switched his interest and asked, ‘But who are you?’ “‘I’m Kofi Annan,’ I replied. ‘I’m the secretary-general of the United Nations.’ “‘What happened to the other one? The Egyptian?’ He said, surprised. I had mistakenly assumed that Abiola had been told who was coming to see him and why. All he had been told was that an ‘important person’ would visit. It was amazing the isolation in which this man had been kept—the regime was so used to keeping him in the dark, they maintained his ignorance of anything going on outside even now. “Once he realised who I was, he became more enthusiastic. He also became more explicit regarding his plans. He said he had no intention of claiming the presidency. All he wanted was go to Mecca to pray and give thanks. But he emphasised that he would make no commitment in writing. If he did so, he felt this would destroy his reputation. But he said he was willing to give the same assurance to President Abubakar. “I conveyed this assurance to Abubakar the next day, but he was still hesitant. I explained that a free Abiola, who had no interest in upsetting the situation, would be a calming influence on his supporters, not an agitating one. I then told him that I would be announcing in my departing speech to the press that the president had promised me he would release Abiola and the other prisoners very soon. Whether this speech reinforced his credibility or undermined it would now depend upon him. “In the ensuing press conference, given shortly before our flight out of the country, I did as promised. But I also revealed that Abiola had, indeed, told me that he had no intention of claiming any right to the presidency, further removing any justification Abubakar held for not releasing him and also smoothing the path ahead with Abiola’s more hardline supporters. I was also trying to ease the concerns of those Nigerians who feared Abiola’s return. “On our return journey, everything seemed set for Abiola’s release. But tragedy struck a week later when Abiola collapsed and died during a meeting with U.S. Under-Secretary of State Thomas Pickering. Despite the earnest intentions we had detected in Abubakar, the timing could only be considered suspicious. “However, an international team of pathologists established that it was the result of heart condition, and there was no foul play—other than the fact, I thought that Abiola had been denied adequate medical care throughout his incarceration. Either way, he was yet another casualty of the systematic violations of a whole range of human rights that are inevitable under personalised and oppressive regimes. “On leaving the country after the final press conference, we found the Nigerians had lent us a very different airplane than the one in which we arrived. It was old, run-down, and did not look entirely safe. On seeing it, Kieran Prendergast, my insightful and witty under-secretary-general for political affairs, turned to me, laughing through his beard: ‘Well, you’ve done what they needed you for. Who cares about you now?’ Indeed, within fifteen minutes of taking off, the flaps jammed in a mechanical failure, and the pilot told us that we had to return and change aircraft…” |
US documents support Achebe: Gowon blocked food supplies to Biafra, shot down Red Cross relief aircrafts, sabotaged Biafran farmlands Category: POLITICS Published on Tuesday, 16 October 2012 23:22 Written by Elombah.com Share Information released online from the US Department of State archive from January 20, 2001 to January 20, 2009 indicates that during the Nigeria civil war, the government of General Yakubu Gowon offering a food corridor was busy shooting down RED CROSS Aircraft ferrying food to Biafra. On June 5, 1969, an International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) plane was shot down by a Nigerian MIG while en-route to Biafra with relief supplies. Elombah.com investigators discovered that on July 1, 1969, the Federal Military Government (FMG) kicked out the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and imposed a de facto embargo on relief flights into Biafra. Airlifts into Biafra could operate only in daylight following inspection in Federal territory. Those food and medical relief supplies from Sao Tome were declared illegal and subject to military interdiction by Gowon. The issue arose as Alhaji Femi Okunnu, alleged that former Biafran leader, General Emeka Ojukwu used starvation to prolong civil war. He was commenting on the allegation by Professor Chinua Achebe of Chief Obafemi Awolowo using starvation against the Igbo during the war. Okunnu a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, served as the Federal Commissioner for Works and Housing between 1967 and 1974. He was also appointed by General Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria's wartime head of state, as a Special Envoy and Leader of Peace Talks, during the 30-month Nigerian civil war. He had said in an interview with Tribune that "the other side refused to negotiate seriously. They were only interested in the sovereignty of Biafra. That was the goal of Ojukwu; an independent Biafra and he tried to use starvation to attain that goal." biafra But available records show that on 30 June 1969, the Nigerian government banned all Red Cross aid to Biafra; two weeks later it allowed medical supplies through the front line, but restricted food supplies. Later in October 1969, Ojukwu appealed to United Nations to mediate a cease-fire. The federal government then called for Biafra's surrender. By this time food was very short in Biafra and they were having major problems trying to save the starving civilian population. Many countries and church agencies were offering food, but the planes trying to fly it in had to run a gauntlet of fire usually during the night, which made it harder for the pilots to see where they were going. At one time each cargo plane had a fighter with it to try and mislead the troops below. Many flew at tree top level to evade being in the Nigerians line of fire, cutting down their exposure time to just a few seconds. Commenting on Alhaji Femi Okunnu allegation, a Historian, Obi Nwakamma said: "Okunnu was part of a war cabinet that sanctioned the use of cruel and inhuman methods in the prosecution of war, also known as "war crimes." Years later after the pyrrhic victory, I do not expect him to say anything less in self-justification. But if he were thinking a little more compassionately you would expect that he'd take a step back, re-examine the situation, and acknowledge that the government in which he served at the highest level bears profound responsibilities. It would not bring back those starved to death or bombed to smithereens but it'd salve the conscience of that unfortunate nation a little bit." In the words of Obi Nwakanma, the effect of the blockade on Biafra was clear, but once the urgency of relief became equally clear for the survival of the civilian population, it became necessary to limit the blockade on food to the civilian population. The abortion of such a relief as a strategy of war constitutes a war crime. The push to starve the civilian population in order to pressure the Biafra leadership to surrender should be seen for what it was: a targeted, genocidal act. Okunu bears responsibility in part, until it is proven that he dissented from any such initiative. It was not only starvation that was used: the bombing of civilian populations; markets, hospitals, schools with entire school children killed in session, etc are clearly documented. There are rules to war. All is not fair in war. This is the basic point of this argument and the thrust of Achebe's criticism of the federal policy of starvation. Further archival reports see by Elombah.com show that from 1968 onward, the war fell into a lengthy stalemate, with Nigerian forces unable to make significant advances into the remaining areas of Biafran control. The blockade of surrounded Biafra led to a humanitarian and propaganda disaster when it emerged that there was widespread civilian hunger and starvation in the besieged Igbo areas. An over used tactic of the Nigerian forces had been the sabotage of farmland, and this was now beginning to affect Biafra’s population. Images of starving Biafran children went around the world. The Biafran government claimed that Nigeria was using hunger and genocide to win the war, and sought aid from the outside world. Many world organised volunteer bodies organised blockade-breaking relief flights into Biafra, carrying food, medicines, and sometimes (it was claimed) weapons. Nigeria also claimed that the Biafran government was hiring foreign mercenaries to extend and lengthen the war. Another archival document had blamed Ojukwu and Gowon for Biafra Starvation death toll. It said disagreement on shipments between Mr. Gowon and Mr. Ojukwu, were more to blame for the failure of relief materials reaching dying children, women and men desperately in need of food. Mr. Gowon, the cable said, discontinued air shipments to the Eastern region despite pressure from the United States and the Red Cross, fearing transport airplanes were being used to convey arms to Biafra. Initial shipments by the Red Cross, had delivered 16 to 20 tons of food a night in a lone DC–4, feeding an estimated 850,000 people in Biafra three meals per week, the document said. Federal forces sabotaged farmlands ========================= Sources: US DEPT OF STATE ARCHIVE: - 71. Situation Report Prepared by the Nigerian Task Force, Washington, June 6, 1969 [ PDF version ] On June 5, an International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) plane was shot down by a Nigerian MIG while en-route to Biafra with relief supplies. Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 742, Country Files, Africa, Nigeria, Vol. I. Confidential. - 72. Department of State Press Statement, Washington, undated [ PDF version ] In this statement, which was handed out to the press on June 6, the Department expressed U.S. regret for the attack by the Nigerian Air Force and reiterated the U.S. position of avoiding political or military involvement in the Nigerian civil war. The attached briefing paper, which was read but not distributed, acknowledged that relief and arms night flights were intermingled, and urged expanded relief through daylight flights and a land corridor. Source: National Archives, RG 59, Records of the Special Coordinator on Relief to Civilian Victims of the Nigerian Civil war, February 1969-June 1970, Lot 70 D 336, Box 517, ICRC, Records. Unclassified. At the top of page one of the statement, Schott wrote, "Clyde - Here is last Friday's statement. The top page was handed out and the second one only read out. SCS." In a Letter from the Secretary-Treasurer of Joint Church Aid-U.S.A., Inc. (Kinney) to the Special Coordinator on Relief (Ferguson), New York, February 26, 1969, Kinney expressed hope that one of Ferguson's first acts would be to ask the Nigerian Government to cease attacking relief planes making night flights into Uli airstrip. - Source: National Archives, RG 59, Records of the Special Coordinator on Relief to Civilian Victims of the Nigerian Civil War, February 1969 -June 1970, Lot 70 D 336, Box 517, D-13 Voluntary Agencies Joint Church AID. No classification marking. ======================== In a Telegram 36410 From the Department of State to the Embassy in Nigeria, March 8, 1969, 1954Z, The Department reported on Assistant Secretary of State Joseph Palmer's meeting with Nigerian Information Commissioner Anthony Enahoro. They discussed U.S. humanitarian policy,bombing of civilians and relief aircraft, assistance to Relief Coordinator Clyde Ferguson, protection of Ibos, Soviet influence in Nigeria, and delays in Nigerian visa issuances. Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 7 Nigeria. Confidential. Repeated to London, Geneva, Paris, and Cotonou. Drafted by R.J. Wach (AF/W), cleared by Palmer, and approved by Melbourne. ================================= "On 30 June 1969, the Nigerian government banned all Red Cross aid to Biafra; two weeks later it allowed medical supplies through the front line, but restricted food supplies. Later in October 1969, Ojukwu appealed to United Nations to mediate a cease-fire. The federal government then called for Biafra's surrender. "By this time food was very short in Biafra and they were having major problems trying to save the starving civilian population. Many countries and church agencies were offering food, but the planes trying to fly it in had to run a gauntlet of fire usually during the night, which made it harder for the pilots to see where they were going. At one time each cargo plane had a fighter with it to try and mislead the troops below. Many flew at tree top level to evade being in the Nigerians line of fire, cutting down their exposure time to just a few seconds." =============== The Gowon govt offering a food corridor was busy shooting down RED CROSS Aircraft ferrying food to Biafra =============================== "From 1968 onward, the war fell into a lengthy stalemate, with Nigerian forces unable to make significant advances into the remaining areas of Biafran control. The blockade of surrounded Biafra led to a humanitarian and propaganda disaster when it emerged that there was widespread civilian hunger and starvation in the besieged Igbo areas. An over used tactic of the Nigerian forces had been the sabotage of farmland, and this was now beginning to affect Biafra’s population. Images of starving Biafran children went around the world. The Biafran government claimed that Nigeria was using hunger and genocide to win the war, and sought aid from the outside world. "Many world organised volunteer bodies organised blockade-breaking relief flights into Biafra, carrying food, medicines, and sometimes (it was claimed) weapons. Nigeria also claimed that the Biafran government was hiring foreign mercenaries to extend and lengthen the war." Mercenary wars - Biafra conflict 1966 ====================== Federal forces sabotaged farmlands ========================= WHO IS THIS Robert S. Goldstein? In a Memorandum From the Country Director for West Africa (Melbourne) to the Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs (Palmer), Washington, April 18, 1969, The memorandum outlined the lobbying activities in Washington of Biafrans Dr. Pius Okigbo, Dr. Eni Njoku, and Dr. Kenneth Dike. - Source: National Archives, RG 59, Records of the Special Coordinator on Relief to Civilian Victims of the Nigerian Civil War, February 1969 - June 1970, Box 514, Lot 70 D 336, Political. Limited Official Use. NO MENTION WAS MADE OF ANY Robert S. Goldstein? ================================== -- 60. Memorandum From the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger) to President Nixon, Washington, April 24, 1969 [ PDF version ] Kissinger warned the President that the Congressional chorus on Nigeria might be rising again, in particular due to a new organization, "Americans for Biafran Relief," with Senator Kennedy taking the lead. Tabs to attachment are included with Kissinger's January 28 memorandum, Document 25 Source: National Archives, Nixon Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 741, Country Files, Africa, Nigeria. Confidential. Sent for information. -- 61. Telegram 3636 From the Embassy in Nigeria to the Department of State, April 25, 1969, 1518Z [ PDF version ] The Embassy suggested that "Americans for Biafran Relief" might present an opportunity to put pressure on Lieutenant Colonel Ojukwu, Military Governor of the Eastern Region of Nigeria, to facilitate relief efforts. The Embassy wanted the onus for blocking relief put on Ojukwu. Source: National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1967-69, POL 27-9, Biafra-Nigeria. Confidential. -- 80. Memorandum From Roger Morris of the National Security Council Staff to the President's Assistant for National Security Affairs (Kissinger), Washington, July 1, 1969 [ PDF version ] Morris told Kissinger that the Federal Military Government (FMG) had all but kicked out the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and imposed a de facto embargo on relief flights into Biafra. Airlifts into Biafra could operate only in daylight following inspection in Federal territory. Those from Sao Tome were illegal and subject to interdiction. Morris was apprehensive of negative reaction by Senator Kennedy and the Biafra lobby |
The suspects are Chukwuma Usifo (28), Chukwudi Okereke (25), Ogbole Elijah and Okonkwo Lucky (27).See how Yoruba press rushed to publish names of the kidnappers without providing the details: 1. Usifo is not an Igbo name. That is a clear Edo family name. Anybody can answer Igbo first name what matters is the family name 2. Ogbole is from Benue State 3. Who led the kidnappers to the Osun woman? Who is the insider? Surely, nobody will come from outside to kidnap an Osun govt official without an insider informant/collaborator 4. To whose house in Ogun village where they taking the victim to? 5. What are the names of the kidnappers killed in the shout-out with police? Until these questions are answered, the kidnappers remain Yoruba. |
demmie1: Sharrap! you are not in VI, you are in Ajegunle...pathetic liar.Where is Ajegunle? In Mars or Jupiter? |
Gbomogbomo started since 1425. Since then how many have been kidnapped and killed? We need legislation to eradicate rituals, cannibalism - Erelu Lola Ayonrinde -Raises posers on Oba Funso Adeolu’s corpse Erelu Tunwase AyonrindeErelu Tunwase of Ode-Remo, Chief Lola Ayonrinde, who is the Otun Iyalode of Shomolu and Lagos District, and also the Yeye Akinrogun of Ikeji-Ile Ijesa was twice Mayor of the London Borough of Wandsworth. She talks to AYO-LAWAL GBENOBA on her campaign against human sacrifice and cannibalism in Nigeria. Excerpts: WHAT is your campaign all about? The ‘Say No To Cannibalism In Nigeria’ campaign is aimed towards eradicating the ancient and obnoxious practice of mutilating the bodies of traditional rulers after death. The rituals and sacrifices parts of the body of a dead king, especially in Western Nigeria, are used for are barbaric and a disgrace to the country in this 21st century. The movement is out to stop these evil practices which are not in consonant with the will of God and against the fundamental human rights of the affected traditional rulers. When a king dies, they say they have to give his heart to his successor on the throne to eat. They explained that it will make the new king strong and courageous but, is that not deceit? How can eating somebody’s flesh give courage to another person? They mutilate the remains of these kings and engage in fetish and obnoxious activities which add no value to anybody or the society in general. Why do you need to feed an incoming royal father with the heart of a dead one? This cannibalism started with Christopher Colombus who believed that when a king ate the heart, or some other parts of a dead ruler, some major attributes of the dead was transferred to the new king. This is sheer cannibalism and has no place with God. And, I want the chiefs, the traditional rulers themselves and other stakeholders to know that any tradition that does not recognise God is doomed. The government must put a stop to this cannibalism going on in some parts of Nigeria because, it is even against the constitution of Nigeria. Section 38 subsection 1 of the Nigerian constitution gives every citizen the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion, while section 17 subsection 26 declares that the sanctity of the human person shall be recognised and human dignity shall be maintained and enhanced. Where is the sanctity of the human person in all these? Where is human dignity? What motivated this campaign? I was very close to the late Alaye of Ode-Remo, Oba Funso Adeolu, the popular Chief Eleyinmi of the rested Village Headmaster soap opera. Few months after his death on August 21, 2008, he started appearing to me and I had months of traumatic haunting. In his lifetime, Oba Adeolu was a Christian and he made it known that he did not partake in anything fetish during his installation as king. He explicitly, several times, demanded that when death came calling, his corpse should be handed over to his family so that he could be given a proper Christian burial. However, his corpse was not released to the family. After his death, he appeared to me several times, and kept telling me about many things. He said his corpse was handed over to the ‘odis’ (slaves) who treated it like that of a criminal. They took bits and pieces of his remains for their own use while some parts were distributed to the four corners of the town. It was while going round that I discovered what happened and[b] I met some chiefs who confessed what happened but asked me to forget it because there was nothing we could do about it. [/b] All the ‘odus’ of Ifa do not approve using human beings as sacrifice, the constitution does not approve and to crown it all, God Almighty frowns at this practice, they are doing it to appease whom? Some of the kings today are enlightened and those who are born again Christians, like Oba Adeolu, are renouncing these things. So, why hold on to an obnoxious and barbaric act? Oba Adeolu believed he would be given a decent burial and that is why his ghost has refused to rest. Even in Ijebuland, these things were abolished years ago and Ijebuland under the Awujale agreed they would bury kings according to their religion. So, how do you hope to stop the practice? We are canvassing that our traditional rulers should be buried whole, without being mutilated and it should be in the open. There is secrecy because of the evils attached. It is untenable scientifically that the heart is eaten for so and so reasons. To start with, let us have the installation of kings in the open, no aspect of the installation should be shrouded in secrecy. It should be a celebration of our culture so, why should it be shrouded in secrecy? When everything becomes transparent, it will even help younger ones to know more about our culture and we will be able to restore some of our societal values. Why should obas be laid to rest in a paganic manner? If a governor gives staff of office to a king, giving him recognition and authority, that king is under the governor so, why should the government condone barbarism in this age? The ministry of local government and chieftaincy affairs should do something about this, if not, the government is endorsing cannibalism. True that some of the kings went through these rituals during installation but those who opted out should be given that grace of opting out of the rituals in death. They should be buried according to their faith. The practice is a disgrace to the whole of South West because it is common there. We are appealing to the traditional rulers who were installed through cannibalism to renounce it publicly and declare they don’t want their hearts to be eaten or other parts of their bodies to be used for any form of ritual. Abolition of slave trade took place years ago. So, why do we still have some people in Ode calling themselves slaves (‘odis’)? We need legislation to stop the barbaric act and we are appealing to our lawmakers to rise up to this task of eradicating cannibalism in Nigeria. There should be a law backing a king to opt out of fetish installation and burial and it should become an offence for anyone to tamper with the remains of a king, for whatever purpose, or to give the body to the ‘odi’ for rituals. The penalty should be without an option of fine so that the perpetrators would know how grave the offence is. The ‘odi’ in Ode can be given money to buy goat, ram, cow, or whatever they need for sacrifice, if they must, but there must be total abolition of human sacrifice in the country. Efforts are being made by some Ogun State traditional rulers to stop it but some feel the fetish practice must be protected. The government must detach itself from it. Internationally, human sacrifice, cannibalism, witchcraft and sorcery are illegal so, why should it be done with impunity in Nigeria, a country that is known as the giant of Africa? Infact, politicians should begin to include the abolition of cannibalism in their campaign programmes, and party manifestos by 2010. What efforts have you made so far to network and get people involved? We give glory to Almighty God. I have spoken to so many kings who secretly don’t want it and we are telling them that they should make an open declaration against these evil practices. The campaign would be boosted if they do because people believe they all knew and agreed to these evil practices before being installed. We now call on the royal fathers again, in the name of Almighty God, to declare publicly that they don’t want these fetish practices to continue. I have carried the campaign to the international level so that Nigerians of affluence who are in diaspora would lobby the lawmakers and get a legal backing for the campaign to eradicate human sacrifice and cannibalism in Nigeria. A number of international media like the BBC have aired my interview on the campaign and some Nigerian people abroad are involved in the lobbying for a legislation to stop the obnoxious practices. We call on the ‘oluwos’ and ‘odis’ in Ode to review the entrenched ill that has no value to the society. We appeal to them to accept cows and goats and allow our royal fathers to be buried according to their beliefs. Then, it was about time that the royal fathers are constituted into the House of Royals, like the House of Lords, so that they would have more power, say and patnership in governance. This would help them to contribute meaningfully to issues affecting them and the society at large. |
ilugunboy: Apparently..you have load of free time this morning on your hand....enjoy yourselfYes, I am writing from my crib in VI, no work today. Please don't come to kill me oh!! ![]() |
geeez: Once again you're illusioned. People get missing everywhere and don't let me post figures of ritual killings in the SE. It will just break your heart but brbYou can post whatever you like. Other people are not in denial and can account for all missing persons in their domain as your post shows. In your case, you cover up and/or blame others. How many human beings do you dispatch to the grave during Oro? How about your Obas who eat human flesh to qualify to ascend the throne? See here https://www.nairaland.com/349159/know-cannibalism-practiced-ascend-throne What is gbomogbomo? When did it start? |

