The grounds on which General Buhari is being promoted as the alternative choice are not only shaky, but pitifully naive. History matters. Records are not kept simply to assist the weakness of memory, but to operate as guides to the future. Of course, we know that human beings change. What the claims of personality change or transformation impose on us is a rigorous inspection of the evidence, not wishful speculation or behind-the- scenes assurances. Public offence, crimes against a polity, must be answered in the public space, not in caucuses of bargaining. In Buhari, we have been offered no evidence of the sheerest prospect of change. On the contrary, all evident suggests that this is one individual who remains convinced that this is one ex-ruler that the nation cannot call to order Buhari? Need one remind anyone – was one of the generals who treated a Commission of Enquiry, the Oputa Panel, with unconcealed disdain. Like Babangida and Abdusalami, he refused to put in appearance even though complaints that were tabled against him involved a career of gross abuses of power and blatant assault on the fundamental human rights of the Nigerian citizenry. Prominent against these charges was an act that amounted to nothing less than judicial murder, the execution of a citizen under a retroactive decree. Does Decree 20 ring a bell? If not, then, perhaps the names of three youths – Lawal Ojuolape (30), Bernard Ogedengbe (29) and Bartholomew Owoh (26) do. To put it quite plainly, one of those three Ogedengbe – was executed for a crime that did not carry a capital forfeit at the time it was committed. This was an unconscionable crime, carried out in defiance of the pleas and protests of nearly every sector of the Nigerian and international community religious, civil rights, political, trade unions etc.

Buhari and his sidekick and his partner-in-crime, Tunde Idiagbon persisted in this inhuman act for one reason and one reason only: to place Nigerians on notice that they were now under an iron, inflexible rule, under governance by fear. The execution of that youthful innocent for so he was, since the punishment did not exist at the time of commission – was nothing short of premeditated murder, for which the perpetrators should normally stand trial upon their loss of immunity. Are we truly expected to forget this violation of our entitlement to security as provided under existing laws? And even if our sensibilities have become blunted by succeeding seasons of cruelty and brutality, if power itself had so coarsened the sensibilities also of rulers and corrupted their judgment, what should one rightly expect after they have been rescued from the snare of power. At the very least, a revaluation, leading hopefully to remorse, and its expression to a wronged society. At the very least, such a revaluation should engender reticence, silence. In the case of Buhari, it was the opposite. Since leaving office he has declared in the most categorical terms that he had no regrets over this murder and would do so again. Human life is inviolate. The right to life is the uniquely fundamental right on which all other rights are based. The crime that General Buhari committed against the entire nation went further however, inconceivable as it might first appear. That crime is one of the most profound negations of civic being. Not content with hammering down the freedom of expression in general terms, Buhari specifically forbade all public discussion of a return to civilian, democratic rule. Let us constantly applaud our media those battle scarred professionals did not completely knuckle down.

They resorted to cartoons and oblique, elliptical references to sustain the people’s campaign for a time-table to democratic rule. Overt agitation for a democratic time table however remained rigorously suppressed military dictatorship, and a specifically incorporated in Buhari and Idiagbon was here to stay. To deprive a people of volition in their own political direction is to turn a nation into a colony of slaves. Buhari enslaved the nation. He gloated and gloried in a master-slave relation to the millions of its inhabitants. It is astonishing to find that the same former slaves, now free of their chains, should clamour to be ruled by one who not only turned their nation into a slave plantation, but forbade them any discussion of their condition. So Tai Solarin is already forgotten? Tai who stood at street corners, fearlessly distributing leaflets that took up the gauntlet where the media had dropped it. Tai who was incarcerated by that regime and denied even the medication for his asthmatic condition? Tai did not ask to be sent for treatment overseas; all he asked was his traditional medicine that had proved so effective after years of struggle with asthma! Nor must we omit the manner of Buhari coming to power and the pattern of his corrective rule. Shagari’s NPN had already run out of steam and was near universally detested except of course by the handful that still benefited from that regime of profligacy and rabid fascism. Responsibility for the national condition lay squarely at the door of the ruling party, obviously, but against whom was Buharis coup staged? Judging by the conduct of that regime, it was not against Shagaris government but against the opposition. The head of government, on whom primary responsibility lay, was Shehu Shagari. Yet that individual was kept in cozy house detention in Ikoyi while his powerless deputy, Alex Ekwueme, was locked up in Kiri-kiri prisons. Such was the Buhari notion of equitable apportionment of guilt and/or responsibility.

And then the cascade of escapes of the wanted, and culpable politicians. Manhunts across the length and breadth of the nation, roadblocks everywhere and borders tight as steel zip locks. Lo and behold, the chairman of the party, Chief Akinloye, strolled out coolly across the border. Richard Akinjide, Legal Protector of the ruling party, slipped out with equal ease. The Rice Minister, Umaru Dikko, who declared that Nigerians were yet to eat f’rom dustbins – escaped through the same airtight dragnet. The clumsy attempt to crate him home was punishment for his ingratitude, since he went berserk when, after waiting in vain, he concluded that the coup had not been staged, after all, for the immediate consolidation of the party of extreme right-wing vultures, but for the military hyenas. The case of the overbearing Secretary-General of the party, Uba Ahmed, was even more noxious. Uba Ahmed was out of the country at the time. Despite the closure of the Nigerian airspace, he compelled the pilot of his plane to demand special landing permission, since his passenger load included the almighty Uba Ahmed. Of course, he had not known of the change in his status since he was airborne. The delighted airport commandant, realizing that he had a much valued fish swimming willingly into a waiting net, approved the request. Uba Ahmed disembarked into the arms of a military guard and was promptly clamped in detention.

Incredibly, he vanished a few days after and reappeared in safety overseas. Those whose memories have become calcified should explore the media coverage of that saga. Buhari was asked to explain the vanished act of this much prized quarry and his response was one of the most arrogant levity. Coming from one who had shot his way into power on the slogan of discipline, it was nothing short of impudent. Shall we revisit the tragicomic series of trials that landed several politicians several lifetimes in prison? Recall, if you please, the judicial processes undergone by the septuagenarian Chief Adekunle Ajasin. He was arraigned and tried before Buhari’s punitive tribunal but acquitted. Dissatisfied, Buhari ordered his re-trial. Again, the Tribunal could not find this man guilty of a single crime, so once again he was returned for trial, only to be acquitted of all charges of corruption or abuse of office. Was Chief Ajasin thereby released? No! He was ordered detained indefinitely, simply for the crime of winning an election and refusing to knuckle under Shagari’s reign of terror. The conduct of the Buhari regime after his coup was not merely one of double, triple, multiple standards but a cynical travesty of justice. Audu Ogbeh, currently chairman of the Action Congress was one of the few figures of rectitude within the NPN. Just as he has done in recent times with the PDP, he played the role of an internal critic and reformer, warning, dissenting, and setting an example of probity within his ministry. For that crime he spent months in unjust incarceration.

Guilty by association? Well, if that was the motivating yardstick of the administration of the Buhari justice, then it was most selectively applied.

The utmost severity of the Buhari-Idiagbon justice was especially reserved either for the opposition in general, or for those within the ruling party who had showed the sheerest sense of responsibility and patriotism.

Shall I remind this nation of Buhari’s deliberate humiliating treatment of the Emir of Kano and the Oni of Ife over their visit to the state of Israel? I hold no brief for traditional rulers and their relationship with governments, but insist on regarding them as entitled to all the rights, privileges and responsibilities of any Nigerian citizen. This royal duo went to Israel on their private steam and private business. Simply because the Buhari regime was pursuing some antagonistic foreign policy towards Israel, a policy of which these traditional rulers were not a part, they were subjected on their return to a treatment that could only be described as a head masterly chastisement of errant pupils. Since when, may one ask, did a free citizen of the Nigerian nation require the permission of a head of state to visit a foreign nation that was willing to offer that tourist a visa? One is only too aware that some Nigerians love to point to Buhari’s agenda of discipline as the shining jewel in his scrap-iron crown. To inculcate discipline however, one must lead by example, obeying laws set down as guides to public probity. Example speaks louder than declarations, and rulers cannot exempt themselves from the disciplinary structures imposed on the overall polity, especially on any issue that seeks to establish a policy for public well-being. The story of the thirty something suitcases it would appear that they were even closer to fifty – found unavoidable mention in my recent memoirs, YOU MUST SET FORTH AT DOWN, written long before Buhari became spoken of as a credible candidate. For the exercise of a changeover of the national currency, the Nigerian borders air, sea and land had been shut tight.
Nothing was supposed to move in or out, not even cattle egrets.

Yet a prominent camel was allowed through that needles eye. Not only did Buhari dispatch his aide-de-camp, Jokolo later to become an emir- to facilitate the entry of those cases, he ordered the redeployment as I later discovered – of the Customs Officer who stood firmly against the entry of the contravening baggage. That officer, the incumbent Vice-president is now a rival candidate to Buhari, but has somehow, in the meantime, earned a reputation that totally contradicts his conduct at the time. Wherever the truth lies, it does not redound to the credibility of the dictator of that time, General Buhari whose word was law, but whose allegiances were clearly negotiable.

On the theme of double, triple, multiple standards in the enforcement of the law, and indeed of the decrees passed by the Buhari regime at the time, let us recall the notorious case of Triple Alhaji Alhaji Alhaji, then Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Finance. Who was caught, literally, with his pants down in distant Austria. That was not the crime however, and private conduct should always remain restricted to the domain of private censure.

There was no decree against civil servants proving just as hormone driven as anyone else, especially outside the nation’s borders.

However, there was a clear decree against the keeping of foreign accounts, and this was what emerged from the Austrian escapade. Alhaji Alhaji kept, not one, but several undeclared foreign accounts, and he had no business being in possession of the large amount of foreign currency of which he was robbed by his overnight companion. The media screamed for an even application of the law, but Buhari had turned suddenly deaf. By contrast, Fela Anikulapo languished in goal for years, sentenced under that very draconian decree. His crime was being in possession of foreign exchange that he had legitimately received for the immediate upkeep of his band as they set off for an international engagement. A vicious sentence was slapped down on Fela by a judge who later became so remorse stricken at least after Buhari’s overthrow that he went to the King of Afro-beat and apologized.

Lesser known was the traumatic experience of the director of an international communication agency, an affiliate of UNESCO. Akin Fatoyinbo arrived at the airport in complete ignorance of the new currency decree. He was thrown in gaol in especially brutal condition, an experience from which he never fully recovered. It took several months of high-level intervention before that innocent man was eventually freed. These were not exceptional but mere sample cases from among hundreds of others, victims of a decree that was selectively applied, a decree that routinely penalized innocents and ruined the careers and businesses of many.

What else? What does one choose to include or leave out? What precisely was Ebenezer Babatope’s crime that he should have spent the entire tenure of General Buhari in detention?

Nothing beyond the fact that he once warned in the media that Buhari was an ambitious soldier who would bear watching through the lenses of a coup-detat. Babatope’s father died while he was in Buhari’s custody, the dictator remained deaf to every plea that he be at least released to attend his father’s funeral, even under guard. I wrote an article at the time, denouncing this pointless insensitivity. So little to demand by a man who was never accused of, nor tried for any crime,much less found guilty. Such a load of vindictiveness that smothered all traces of basic human compassion deserves no further comment in a nation that values its traditions.

But then, speaking the truth was not what Buhari, as a self-imposed leader, was especially enamoured of enquire of Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor both of whom, faithful to their journalistic calling, published nothing but the truth, yet ended up sentenced under Buhari’s decree. Mind you, no one can say that Buhari was not true to his word. Shall tamper with the freedom of the press swore the dictator immediately on grabbing office, and this was exactly what he did. And so on, and on, and on……

AP Chit! downfoll

Soyinka 1 - Buhari 0
And the game continues.
I can see supporters of each general clamouring for space.


You can checkout this property for sale/lease/rent
https://www.nairaland.com/1941142/

we dey here na. * in mortal kombat voice* round 1 fight

I am a Buhari supporter.

But right now, im speechless.

But, no financial mismanagement charges. No case of him being corruptible. Everything mentioned here is typical of a military ruler.

It is a well established fact that Buhari hates and brutalised yoruba people while letting his own people go free.

https://www.nairaland.com/1959878/buhari-hates-yoruba-people

In conclusion, we don't need a tyrant as a leader.
God bless the Prof

[/quote] i pity those his gullible supporters who think they know the man.

ok oh, this one is a reason why Buhari is no the answer....

Buhari is Definitely Not the Anwser
By
Nafata Bamaguje
bamaguje@googlemail.com

Several weeks ago when Professor Wole Soyinka took a swipe at General Buhari as a presidential candidate, there was an avalanche of angry northern responses condemning the Nobel laureate's attack on their favoured candidate. Most of the responses however did little to address the salient issues raised by the Professor in his critique. Even when they did their responses were puerile and insulting to the intelligence of Nigerians.

A case in point is Mohammed Haruna's absurd rationalization of Buhari's double standard in confining Shagari to house arrest while jailing other political detainees including the erstwhile Vice president who exercised no power in the ill-fated 2nd republic. Mallam Haruna would have us believe that Shagari's house arrest was actually worse than being jailed in Nigeria's notoriously inhospitable gulag, on the grounds that Shagari was in solitary confinement. Apparently solitary confinement (if at all that was the objective) is not possible in prison, only in the comfort of a furnished flat.

Other pro-Buhari agitators vainly tried to box us into a false dilemma. Since the Nobel Laureate condemned the presidential candidature of both Buhari and Yar'Adua, who were Nigerians supposed to vote for ? This is a dim-witted question in nation of 140 million people with more than 40 political parties and over 20 presidential candidates.

In his critique, Professor Soyinka amply documented Buhari's numerous human right abuses for which the arrogant, unrepentant General never expressed any remorse nor apologies even when offered the opportunity at the Oputa panel. Yet his sycophants would have Nigerians entrust him with executive presidential powers. What's the guarantee that he won't turn out to be another tyrant like Obasanjo - notorious for his appalling abuse of presidential powers ?

The General's selling point appears to be the hype about his supposed moral integrity, which will supposedly translate to eradication of corruption. A trip down memory lane however tells us different. Under the late dark-goggled General, Buhari presided over PTF (petroleum trust fund), which was later revealed to be a cesspool of corruption. If the supposedly incorruptible Daura general couldn't stop corruption in PTF, then he obviously can't be trusted to eradicate corruption from Nigeria. Let's not forget that Obasanjo, Nigeria's present failure, made similar anti-corruption noises at the inception of his maladministration in 1999.

The infamous 53 suitcase saga during Buhari's 20 month military misrule also raises questions about his commitment to the eradication of corruption. A northern Emir was accosted by Custom agents at Lagos international airport with 53 suitcases of currency in direct violation of the prevailing laws. Buhari redeployed the principled customs officer – our current embattled vice president – who apprehended the Emir, while allowing the sacred cow Emir to go scot free. Ironically in several circles today, that principled customs officer - vice president Atiku Abubakar - is portrayed as corrupt while Buhari is hailed as incorruptible.

Contrast Buhari's kid's glove, pat-on-the-back for the 53-suitcase Emir, with Fela's unjust imprisonment ostensibly for failing to declare his own hard earned foreign currency. The truth of the matter is that the vindictive Buhari never forgave the late Afrobeat maestro for his popular hit tune Army Arrangement, in which Fela sang about the 2.8 billion Naira that reportedly disappeared from our nation's oil accounts while Buhari was petroleum minister. In the song, Fela captured the public cynicism of government denial of the scandal…not surprising, given the poor credibility of most Nigerian governments… Dem set up enquiry, Dem say money no lose O !

To any discerning mind, Buhari's discriminatory enforcement of the law enforcement a.k.a. "selective justice" vis-à-vis Shagari / Ekwueme detention, and Fela / 54 case Emir currency violations clearly indicate that the general is no different from Nigeria's present tormentor, Obasanjo who is using EFCC to witch-hunt and persecute his political adversaries.

It is common knowledge that one of Nigeria's major problems is our economic malaise and underdevelopment. General Buhari's actions as military head of state suggest that he is bereft of some of the basic economic principles required for running a nation's economy. Faced with the scarcity of "essenco" (essential commodities) during his regime, our Daura General came up with the brilliant brainwave of sending armed soldiers to forcibly break into shops and compel traders to sell goods below their purchase price. Even today as the 2007 presidential campaign heats up, Buhari - like several other presidential candidates – is yet to enunciate sound economic policies to transform Nigeria.

Then there is the issue of Buhari's pseudo-religious demagoguery, which has sometimes been mistaken for religious fanaticism. At the height of Nigeria's Sharia crisis when there was a real danger of Nigeria being torn apart along religious lines, the General added fuel to the raging Sharia fire that was threatening to consume the nation by supporting the promulgation of discriminatory religious laws in our multi-religious country contrary to our secular constitution. Buhari failed to rise above sectional ethno-religious interests as was expected of a former head of state and presumed statesman.

If the General really believed in Sharia law, why didn't he promulgate it as military head of state ? One is therefore forced to conclude that the general was simply playing to the northern gallery – hypocritical religious demagoguery for cheap popularity among the northern masses, hence his undeserved saintly reputation. Or perhaps he was a coward who lacked the guts to prosecute the Sharia Jihad while he was in power. The General later compounded matters by publicly instructing Muslims to only vote for Muslims. His sycophants and propagandists have unconvincingly tried to deny or "explain" his statement, but the arrogant general never bothered.

Perhaps because of his self-serving judicial battle against Obasanjo's infamous 419 re-election in 2003, Buhari has been misleadingly promoted in some quarters as a "champion of democracy". In the run-up to the 2003 gubernatorial election in Kano state, Ibrahim "Little" Amin won the ANPP nomination fair and square, and was publicly declared as such. Saint Buhari, the democrat was instrumental to scheming out Mallam Amin and imposing the current Kano state governor, Mallam Ibrahim Shekarau. It just goes to show that if Buhari had been Obasanjo's shoes in 2003, he would have rigged the election just as like OBJ.

Nigerians should be wary of recycling leaders who have failed us before. Obasanjo's disastrous presidency in the face of enormous oil revenues is more than enough lesson. As has been painstakingly elucidated above, Buhari presidency would be no different from Obasanjo's current ruinous misrule.

Nafata Bamaguje
Gargajiya quarters
Daura, Katsina state


http://www.gamji.com/article6000/NEWS6886.htm

BRF is Best APC presidential candidate has to offer not BUHARI

buhari buhari u are w..ked oo... i hv changed my mind 4 u oo just 4 d fact dt u leave all d core aboki alone come jail other tribe u are bad and my people 4 north still they tell me u are part of bokoharam...

I suspect this was written some years ago. I used to detest him in the past too. Agreed, Buhari made some big mistakes in the past. If you ask me, it's kind of youthful exuberance being a military head of state at about age of 41, or may be he was blinded by such a zeal to clean things up.

Being older now and perhaps wiser now, I wont expect him to repeat the same mistakes and of course Nigeria is no longer under military government. Perhaps he can clear the air and assauge some frayed nerves. But looking backwards he is fairly consistent in 'discipline & leadership' at least considering the current Nigeria situation he's capable of pulling Nigeria back from the brinks of collapse from institutionalised corruption.

hmmmmmmm!

if all these are true.....

brethren! we need second thought!

EagleNest:
I suspect this was written some years ago. I used to detest him in the past too. Agreed, Buhari made some big mistakes in the past. If you ask me, it's kind of youthful exuberance being a military head of state at about age of 41, or may be he was blinded by such a zeal to clean things up.

Being older now and perhaps wiser now, I wont expect him to repeat the same mistakes and of course Nigeria is no longer under military government. Perhaps he can clear the air and assauge some frayed nerves. But looking backwards he is fairly consistent in 'discipline & leadership' at least considering the current Nigeria situation he's capable of pulling Nigeria back from the brinks of collapse from institutionalised corruption.

just one question my friend. why these same old men again. why

.

1shortblackboy:
just one question my friend. why these same old men again. why

My friend, last time (in 2011) I voted based on sentiment (youthfulness being one of the criteria) but alas the so called youth(s) in power did not and have not proved my voting decision right except for Fashola in Lagos.

This time around I have not considered age a criteria for choosing my leader but competence!

EagleNest:


My friend, last time (in 2011) I voted based on sentiment (youthfulness being one of the criteria) but alas the so called youth(s) in power did not and have not proved my voting decision right except for Fashola in Lagos.

This time around I have not considered age a criteria for choosing my leader but competence!

On competence, I will say cast it for fashola

Make prof go face his novel and prose.if na him own na make he dey bring records wey them no fit account for out.even him as he dey he no get past,or no be him bring frat(cult) to nigeria sckools.baba go sleep

I'm surprised Prof. called it Buhari's coup. It wasn't his..he was selected by top Army Generals to be Head of State.

EagleNest:


My friend, last time (in 2011) I voted based on sentiment (youthfulness being one of the criteria) but alas the so called youth(s) in power did not and have not proved my voting decision right except for Fashola in Lagos.

This time around I have not considered age a criteria for choosing my leader but competence!

so did Nigeria move any forward due to Buhari's time in power

As for me and my family we will never vote in a TERRORIST, human right abuser and jihadist

EagleNest:
I suspect this was written some years ago. I used to detest him in the past too. Agreed, Buhari made some big mistakes in the past. If you ask me, it's kind of youthful exuberance being a military head of state at about age of 41, or may be he was blinded by such a zeal to clean things up.

Being older now and perhaps wiser now, I wont expect him to repeat the same mistakes and of course Nigeria is no longer under military government. Perhaps he can clear the air and assauge some frayed nerves. But looking backwards he is fairly consistent in 'discipline & leadership' at least considering the current Nigeria situation he's capable of pulling Nigeria back from the brinks of collapse from institutionalised corruption.

i tot and hoped so and at a point wanted him but when i considered how he stated if 2015 is like 2011, baboon and dog will soak in blood even though international observers have declared it free and fairest election in nigeria and how he sees boko haram been killed, yet he claimed that its his people killed. So much for a "national leader"!

If all Nigerian politician's pasts should be dug at, non will be Nigerian's choice. I don't trust any one of them but I will still not accept that one is better because of a propaganda written to ridicule the other. Inferring from one the earlier comments, should we judge Prof. Soyinka based on his founding of Pirates confraternity?, Or judging by whatever and however minor the things he did while in the group, can we be so sure he wouldn't have done terrible things had he an opportunity to rule the country?.....I am only concerned about my country, may God have mercy and give us a His own candidate. Our leaders, if not all of them, are failures. I live in a country that their wealth is not up to that of Lagos state alone, but all the citizens(natives) live like Princes and Princesses.......Nigeria, may God heal You!

hisblud:


On competence, I will say cast it for fashola

Yes, Fashola is competent and I think he would prefer Buhari than the rest (Atiku, Kwakwanso, etc).

1shortblackboy:
so did Nigeria move any forward due to Buhari's time in power

Gen Buhari only spent 8 months as Head of State and up till now the impacts he made in such a short time is monumental and hard to be matched by his successors. If that government had lasted a bit, they would have laid such an enduring foundation for Nigeria to build on. They were really out to cleanse the system.

EagleNest:


Gen Buhari only spent 8 months as Head of State and up till now the impacts he made in such a short time is monumental and hard to be matched by his successors. If that government had lasted a bit, they would have laid such an enduring foundation for Nigeria to build on. They were really out to cleanse the system.

The impact is monumental, the reckless killings, the jailing of over 500 people haba the man is a totalitarian. Nigeria does not need a totalitarian ruler, as a nation Nigeria is too complex for buhari. Fashola should have been fielded by APC if they want to remove PDP. This is my own assumption.

hisblud:
i tot and hoped so and at a point wanted him but when i considered how he stated if 2015 is like 2011, baboon and dog will soak in blood even though international observers have declared it free and fairest election in nigeria and how he sees boko haram been killed, yet he claimed that its his people killed. So much for a "national leader"!

Like I said, I also detested him previously but honestly I could see in him someone who is consistent and determined to rescue Nigeria as a parting gift. When you do a relative comparison with other contenders from other parties, you'll realise that this man is quite different. I am not saying he's perfect in all things but one thing am sure he will deal with, is institutional corruption. If corruption is not taking out, there is no way we can move on.

BrosPeter:


The impact is monumental, the reckless killings, the jailing of over 500 people haba the man is a totalitarian. Nigeria does not need a totalitarian ruler, as a nation Nigeria is too complex for buhari. Fashola should have been fielded by APC if they want to remove PDP. This is my own assumption.

Good assumption if I may say, and facing the sad reality, Fashola will not be fielded as it stands today otherwise we wont be here wasting so much time. So among the 'evils' which is of them is of lesser evil considering current Nigeria situation? Yes he was harsh previously during his military era but one question - was it for his own selfish gain or a case of over zeal to clean up Nigeria?