KING FREDERICK KOKO: King Frederick William Koko, Mingi VIII of Nembe (1853–1898), known as King Koko, was an African ruler of the Nembe Kingdom (also known as Nembe-Brass) in the Niger Delta, now part of southern Nigeria.A Christian when chosen as king of Nembe in 1889, King Koko led an attack on the Royal Niger Company’s headquarters, which was in Akassa in today’s Bayelsa State on, January 29, 1895.

The pre-dawn raid had more than a thousand men involved. King Koko’s attack succeeded in capturing the base. Losing 40 of his men, King Koko captured 60 white men as hostages, as well as a lot of goods, ammunition and a Maxim gun. Koko then attempted to negotiate a release of the hostages in exchange for being allowed to choose his trading partners.

The British refused to negotiate with Koko, and he had forty of the hostages killed. A British report claimed that the Nembe people ate them. On 20, February 1895, Britain’s Royal Navy, under Admiral Beford, attacked Brass, and burned it to the ground. Many Nembe people died and smallpox finished off a lot of others.Following a report on the Nembe uprising by Sir John Kirk which was published in March 1896, Koko was offered a settlement for his grievances but he found the terms unacceptable, and so was deposed by the British. He died in exile in 1898

French Action in Bornu

9. ... The situation as he [Colonel Morland] found it was as follows: After the death of Rabeh, Fad-el-Allah, his son, had taken command of the remnant of the forces and had retired westwards into British territory pursued by the French. Some fighting had taken place before the French gave up the chase and returned to their headquarters at Dikwa.

Fad-el-Allah now sent one of his generals to return to the neighbourhood of Dikwa in order, I believe, to dig up some buried ammunition. The French officer, Captain Dangeville, was away and the general marched as far as Ngala and attacked the French post there, but was repulsed.

Captain Dangeville returning collected his forces and marched by forced marches upon Fad-el-Allah's camp at Gujba.

Taking that chief by surprise he defeated him and annihilated his army, and Fad-el-Allah himself was killed. In addition to their own troops employed on this raid, the French raised levies in British territory. A great number of prisoners were taken in the battle and much loot.

In return for delivering the Sultan of Bornu from his enemy Fad-el-Allah the French imposed a war indemnity of $60,000 upon this chief, in addition to the balance of $21,000, which Sanda had failed to pay, and detained him at Dikwa till it should be paid.

Prior to this they had placed on the throne of Kuka the second son of the late Sheikh (Sanda), on condition that he should pay them $30,000, and they deported to Kanem (East of Chad) the elder and legitimate heir on account of his refusal to pay; Sanda had paid $9,000 only.

* photo said to be of Shehu Sanda Mandara circa 1917 from viking sword.com

F.D. Lugard

Annual Reports on the Colonies, Northern Nigeria (1902)

The School Journal, Volume LXII (1901)

Lugard, Northern Nigeria Colonial Report - 1905/1906

Jaja-Ibeno War of 1881: The Ibeno Account and the Refugee Settlements

The Remote and Immediate Causes of the War :

The Ibeno account of the war mentioned two major remote causes. First is Jaja’s inability to interpret the above treaties correctly and know that Kwa Ibo Basin was not among his markets. Second is his intrusion into the Atlantic trade at the Kwa Ibo estuary. Trade in palm produce shifted to the Kwa Ibo River in the Eastern Niger Delta Fringe following the British free trade policy. Jaja’s largest palm oil markets were along Essene Creek, a tributary of both the Imo and Kwa Ibo Basins. With the inauguration of cassava and palm kernel in the trade, the Kwa Ibo area was having the largest palm produce markets in the Niger Delta.

This attracted him. Oral account of King Ebitu of Ibeno stated that he cautioned his European friends, Mr. A. Robertson, Mr. A. McEachen and Mr. Bell who were there, between 1871 and 1873, to withdraw because of their monopoly agreement with him at the Imo river estuary. As Jaja’s monopoly also affected the British Consuls’ penetration into the hinterland districts in 1875, Consul David Hopkins persuaded Britain to legalize free trade in the Niger Delta. Hence trade liberalization was advertised in the African Times of April 1, 1879, calling on English traders for a direct trade with the oil producers (Burns 1981:152). While a European trader, George Watts reacted positively to this advertisement, the Ibeno who were desirous for Atlantic trade on the Kwa Ibo River to save them from going to Calabar port. Led by the Efik merchant, Chief Joseph Henshaw, Watts entered into trade agreement with the Ibeno monarch, King Uko Utong, and his chiefs on Wednesday December 1, 1880.

The Ibeno documented Watts as binding himself to good deeds and loyalty to them. He agreed to pay King Uko Utong ‘a duty of ten shillings per ton on all the produce exported from the Kwa Ibo country’ and to collect for Ibeno all import duties on European goods brought into the Kwa Ibo Basin. He would pay the Ibeno half of the amount and use the remaining half for his expenses. It was on this basis that the Ibeno hierarchy gave Watts the official permit on Monday February 7, 1881 to explore the Kwa Ibo Basin. He built his factory and main station at Ibeno with three branches in the Basin where he introduced coffee, cocoa and oil palm plantations (Ibeno Papers, 1861-1972). However, King Jaja of Opobo met with King Uko Utong of Ibeno immediately after the above agreement in 1881. His worry, principally, was Watts’ establishment of cash crop plantations in the Basin. From here he vowed that if King Uko Utong refuses to send the European merchants away, he will not only prove his mettle in the battlefield but will also annex the Kwa Ibo Basin to his sovereignty. Oral account of Chief David Enyina states that two reasons made the Ibeno to disagree with Jaja.

King Uko Utong and Chief Enyina Akpanam of Upenekang were engaged in the trade and their markets were the rich palm belt of the Kwa Ibo Basin. Second, Ibeno sovereignty was independent of Jaja’s Opobo. Jaja himself knew this and said, ‘although I had no claim to the territory near the mouth of the Qua Eboe River, Mr Watts would still have no right to trade there, for any oil which he could get would either be bought in or drawn from my markets’ (Jaja to Clarendon, 1881). At last dialogue between the Opobo and the Ibeno failed. But Jaja did not take it kindly to see the same Liverpool traders whom he sent away from Opobo because of their free trade policy, establishing trading factories on the Kwa Ibo. About twenty eight of them including George Watts, Henry Watts, John Holt and Mr Vivour had agreements with the Ibeno hierarchy. Nevertheless, Jaja’s threat for war was ignored by the Ibeno. European traders told Ibeno Chiefs not to exercise any fear that ‘whatever rights Jaja has at Opobo were conferred by Her Majesty’s Consul and no rights whatever were given to him over the Qua Iboe people’ (Holt to Clarendon, 1882). But then the immediate causes of the war began with one of Jaja’s slaves, Asangikpong (Asanquo), whom he sent to the Kwa Ibo estuary for espionage. Setting foot on the Ibeno mother town of Okoroutip in early 1881, he purported to be a trader going to the Ibibio hinterland. But his contact and love with an Ibeno widow made him to confide in her that he is from King Jaja of Opobo.

The widow who understood the rift between the Opobo and the Ibeno tied a ball and gave to Asangikpong to deliver to Jaja that it is from King Uko Utong of Ibeno. Jaja interpreted it as an abuse from the Ibeno ruler that his scrotum is as big as the ball and reciprocated in like manner. King Utong sent the messenger back that he had never sent him such a thing (Enyina and Utong, 1990). Unknown to the Ibeno monarch, Asangikpong returned and continued his love affairs with the Okoroutip widow. They got to a point that the woman was no longer interested in him because he was involved in theft. Fracas ensued between them and led to the death of the woman.

The Ibeno, having known that he is Jaja’s man and that Jaja wants to take away their lucrative trade with the Europeans, retaliated and killed him. The news got to King Jaja who suggested three things to them. He wanted the Ibeno to accept punishment for killing his man or surrender honourably to him and become a province of his sovereignty. In the alternative, they should dismiss Watts and European traders on the Kwa Ibo River. But the Ibeno chiefs did not agree to any of these suggestions. Instead, they paid reparation of 4000 manilas to the Opobo king for the loss of his man. Although Jaja pretended to have been appeased, he was buying time to prepare for a punitive expedition to Ibeno. The relationship became strained and hastened Jaja’s campaigns which the Ibeno responded (Enyina and Utong, 1990)

Source :
African Research Review Vol. 3 ( 2 ), January, 2009. Pp. 119-133

Jaja’s Campaigns and the Ibeno Responses:

Ibeno tradition recalled how their ruler, King Uko Utong, had a wind of the expedition and constituted a Traditional War Council. The council consisted of himself who is also the village head of Okoroutip, other village heads of Okoroitak, Iwuoachang, Mkpanak (Big Town Ibeno), and Ukpenekang villages that are located at the Kwa Ibo estuary. Ibeno leaders of thought were also members. King Uko Utong chaired it. While meeting in the Ibeno traditional parliament building at Okoroutip, ufok isong, the Ibeno monarch intimated them with the news of Jaja’s punitive expedition to the Kwa Ibo. After much deliberation, they inferred that Jaja’s expedition would only target the Liverpool trading factories and the villages at the estuary. It was on this basis that the Ibeno national god, Abasi Ibeno, was transferred from Okoroutip to Mkpanak that was hidden in the creeks at the estuary. Henceforth Mpkanak became the Ibeno traditional headquarters (Utong 1990).

The crucial significance in the meeting was the disagreement on defence strategies. To everyone’s dismay, the Village Head of Mkpanak, Chief Isaqua Aquaha, emphasized that the Kwa Ibo people would not be able to withstand Jaja. This disorganized the meeting. In examining their problems, they were greatly handicapped. All the European traders on the Kwa Ibo whose interest were being protected had travelled to England at the time. Thus, there was no military might to counter Jaja. This limitation rendered the Ibeno helpless as they could only set up vigilante groups to monitor the arrival of the Opobo forces and defend the area (Utong 1990). Ibeno local history remembered Jaja’s preparation for the expedition, which took about one month. For logistics and tactical reasons, they hired mercenaries from Iko community in Eastern Obolo (Andoni). The Iko speak Ibino language with the Ibeno. Jaja found them valuable and used them as war baits. Having certified that there were adequate men and ammunitions, the punitive expedition supervised by King Jaja and Chief Cookey Gam took off for Ibeno.

His armada of fifty war canoes were fitted with the best firearms of the times. Ibeno traditions noted that they left Opobo in the night of Sunday April 10, 1881. On reaching Amaija village on the Kwa Ibo Creek, enroute to Ibeno, dogs responded to the propelling sound of Jaja’s armada. This made King Jaja to order the gigs to land and plunder the settlement (Enyina, 1990). They were on the Kwa Ibo River early on Monday April 11, 1881. Although the Ibeno vigilante groups sunk two of their war-canoes, they were not of equal might. At day break, the Opobo troops destroyed the Liverpool trading factories as well as the Ibeno villages at the estuary. Except Mkpanak which was untouched because of its hidden location in the creek, the affected villages were Okoroutip, Okoroitak, Iwuoachang and Upenekang. This gave room to casualties and entreaties.

Source:

African Research Review Vol. 3 ( 2 ), January, 2009. Pp. 119133

The Anglo-German Boundary Expedition in Nigeria

In 1893, just as we were trying to enter into friendly relations with the Bornu power, it was destroyed hy Rabeh, a former follower of Zubeir Pacha, who had wandered and fought his way westward from Egypt.

He established himself at Dikoa, and ruled with considerable success for some years, until he came into collision with the French, who sent a force from Fort Lamy on the Shari and destroyed him in his turn.

After this a British force went up to occupy the country up to the limit which had been reserved to us by the arrangement with Germany in 1893; and shortly afterwards a German expedition came up from the Kameruns to occupy their country.

The result of this was that Bornu was cut in two as Adamawa had been, with this difference — that the greater part of Bornu was British, while most of Adamawa became German.

Both the British and German Governments proceeded to restore the old Bornu rulers, and Shehu Garbai, the direct heir to the throne, is now the Sultan of British Bornu, while his cousin, Shehu Sanda, is Sultan of German Bornu.

Colonel Louis Jackson

Royal Geographical Society

March 13, 1905

German Cameroon - Kousséri

There were five Sultans in that portion of the German Cameroon — three Kotoko sultans, the Logone, Kusseri and Gulfei ; one Bornu, the Sultan Kamori, who formerly came from the Kanem ; and one Mandara. All these sultans were fervent Mussulmans.

I met several of these Sultans during my stay in the German Cameroon. Sultan Mussa of Kusseri sat like a statue, with five Kotoko behind him, when I photographed him.

In this photograph, which is reproduced in this volume (facing page 212), will also be seen two other figures sitting down, one of the tribe Kanuri from Dekoa ; the other a Haussa from Kano.

The Bornu were at one time the rulers of all this country, with Kuka for a capital.

Across Widest Africa by Landor, Arnold Henry Savage

Published 1907

Dikwa Emirate

The Old Bornu Empire collapsed in 1893 when the Rabeh Zubayr ibn Fadl Allah [Rabah] seized power and transferred the capital to Dikwa.

After France defeated and killed Rabeh, Shehu Sanda Kura, a member of the old Bornu dynasty, was installed as the first Shehu of Borno in Dikwa in 1900.

Based on a treaty between France, Germany and Britain, Dikwa became part of the German colony of Cameroon and installed Shehu Sanda Mandara as Ruler.

Dikwa was later transferred to Britain in 1918 after defeating Germany in WWI.

* photo said to be of Shehu Sanda Mandara circa 1902 from vikingsword.com

en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dikwa_Emirate

Group portrait of the Rt. Rev. Bishop Crowther D.D. (seated left) and his wife, and the Ven. Archdeacon.

date not stated

© The Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford

The second persecution of the Abeokuta Mission , October 1867.

Early on Sunday, the 13th of October, Shode, the town-crier, came to our station at Ikija and told us that the Bashorun, Shomoye by name, had sent him to all the Missionaries in the town, and that they for themselves, with the immigrants from Sierra Leone, could continue to attend the churches, but if the native converts wished to serve God any longer they must go down to Lagos.

I told the man to tell the Bashorun that I concluded he was vexed on account of something, and I would take the message as not in earnest, hoping he would reconsider the matter. At nine o'clock I went to our Sunday school, when I perceived that a man on horseback was following behind me, who was attended by several men.

After the school had been opened in the usual manner, he came in, and said the business of God could no more be permitted ; only the service of Ifa could be done. This message was strange in the mouth of a man dressed as a Mohammedan : and for all I know, he was one, as he was a Nupe man called Tapa.

As his message was repulsive to the feelings of all assembled, I simply replied that I had heard it, and then told the people that as many of them as were afraid should go home, but that the others should remain, as they were engaged in the service of God.

I then sent two elders of the congregation to go to Ogudipe, the chief of Ikija district, to inform him of what had happened ; when he sent back to say that he was not informed of this matter beforehand by the Bashorun, except that the chiefs a fortnight ago had contemplated it, when he had advised them first to tell the Christian captain, Okenla, of their intention, that he might inform all the Christians of it in time.

Soon after this message had been delivered to me, Ogudipe sent two men, who were covered with perspiration, having evidently run all the way from their master's house to mine, who said Ogudipe told them that we must not have service in the church that day ; but each one might have it in his own house.

The Church Missionary Intelligencer
by the Church Missionary Society

Published 1868

Contd. from above

This hint was well meant by him, and prepared me for what was coming, else I might have behaved in a more refractory way when Tapa came into the yard again, with several of the minor chiefs and a large crowd of people. Fearing that some mischief might happen if I awaited them in the house, I went out.

It was now between the first and second bell for service. The elders came first up to me, and said they came to ascertain whether I had told the people that those who were afraid should go home, but that the others should remain undisturbed.

I said yes; I had said so; but that the man who was sent to stop our Sunday school was unknown to me, and no messenger of Ogudipe had come with him, as was customary in these cases : besides, when we were admitted by Shodeke into the town, we were promised that we should not be molested in our religion, and that the authorities had always been regardful of the Lord's-day, so that there had never been any Oro on that day, which superstition would have prevented the women from attending divine service.

But as I saw they were intending to use force in suppressing the service of God, we should not resist them by force, inasmuch as I had not come to the town to fight, but to teach. This seemed to satisfy them.

I was told afterwards that the many young men who had come into the compound, and who kept coming in continually, were evidently under the direction of that mounted slave of the Bashorun, called Tapa, who was pointing me out to them, and that they were endeavouring to get behind me, but that the church people remained firm in that place.

One of them came over to the piazza, and said Mrs. Maser should come with him to his house.

After some hesitation, however, the multitude flowed out of the yard again, to my great relief. I did not know that they did not go home, but went to the Sunday-school house, where we had also service, as our church had been previously destroyed by fire.

At once a boy came to us crying, "They are cutting each other in the schoolroom ;"� and soon afterwards Mrs. Goodwill came in, stripped almost naked, and her body covered with blood.

I at once dressed her deep wound in the head, when we learned that she and several elderly persons, who had a private prayer meeting between the time of school and service, were beaten, and stripped naked, and dragged out of the room by that multitude of boys who had just left the yard ; that they had gone into all the houses of the Christian village, and robbed every thing they could find.

Some of the churchwardens, however, retook many of the stolen articles. All this was done at the Ikija station.

Bishop Crowther's narrative of his detention by Abokko

Being assisted by the sail, we made a pleasant passage of fourteen miles against the current in about six hours, when we arrived at Oko-Okein, where Abokko has stationed himself.

A canoe preceded us, and halted at the landing-place. The headman of it told me this was Abokko's place ; so I put in, and landed, accompanied by one of my boatmen, to pay the Chief my respects. The path led through a high dawa (Guinea-corn) farm in a winding direction, till we came to the group of huts which formed the farm village.

I met him in a miserable low hut, dark and gloomy as a prison. He looked as cross as if he had suffered from serious disasters. We being old friends, I saluted him, but his reception was repulsive: the tone of his answer betokened something wrong. I asked after his health, to which he replied.

The first quetsion he asked me was, "Where are my presents?" I replied, "What presents?"

While we were thus exchanging words I heard a rush outside of men running up towards the boats : the boatmen had been all apprehended, to be put in irons. He at once went out of the hut, and I after him, down to the waterside : his men had already commenced plundering the boat.

He ordered the boat to be cleared of every thing in her. Resistance on my part would be of no avail among a lot of strong, rude slave-men ; so I ordered Dandeson, my son, and Mr. Moore, the bricklayer, out of the boat, and thus let them do as they pleased.

The boat was cleared of every thing, sail and mast, and was conveyed to the creek in charge of keepers ; the packages were conveyed into his new hut to be examined at his leisure.

As he was in a state of anger and passion I said nothing to him till towards the evening, when all the confusion was over.

The Church Missionary Intelligencer
by the Church Missionary Society

Published 1868

Bishop Crowther's narrative of his detention by Abokko (Contd.)

He had been busy in examining every package, parcel, and provision-box, to see their contents, and what would profit him most.

Our personal luggage consisted of my small tin-box, containing some wearing-apparel, my surplice, some accounts, papers, and books, and 50/. in gold and silver coins, to wind up the salaries of the agents at Lokoja, Dandeson's portmanteau, containing his wearing-apparel and sketches he had made in the river, the provision-box, and our bedding, and 16,000 cowries to buy provisions on the way.

These constituted our chief luggage, having taken the precaution to take only what was really necessary to prevent serious losses in case of an accident as above stated.

When he was tired he went and lay down on his mat outside the hut to rest himself. I took the opportunity of his quietness and addressed him " Abokko, what was my offence that you served me so strangely to-day?".

He replied, "You have committed no offence whatsoever."

I replied, if I had committed no offence I could not account for his hostility against me in seizing my boat and plundering all my luggage in such an unexpected manner, especially when I put in to pay him my respects as a friend.

Then Abokko poured forth a long string of complaints which had moved him to act as he did.

Bishop Crowther's narrative of his detention by Abokko (Contd.)


No explanation that I could give would satisfy Abokko.

In vain I assured him that it was beyond my power to control trading affairs, or arrange with other departments what presents to give, or where or with whom to trade.

Abokko said he knew well that I possessed the establishments at Lokoja, Idda, Onitsha, Bonny, &c. ; and he believed that I owned the ships also, and could direct them as I pleased. All my attempts to explain to Abokko the wide difference between Mission stations and trading establishments belonging to a company of merchants, were of no avail.

He demanded three boat loads of goods for each of the three ships to effect my release. I referred him to Idda station, where there is not as yet a trading establishment, as a specimen of my other stations at Lokoja and Onitsha. In that station he saw no traffic going on but the simplicity of Missionary work; but that would not satisfy him.

I can well account for such erroneous, perhaps wilful, attributing of such power and influence over the ships and trading establishments to me.

It arises from my being the oldest visitor known in the river.

Since 1841 I have been known by the people in twelve consecutive voyages. From 1854 to this time I have been always seen on board, whether in a man of-war or a trading ship, as a passenger among the natives.

To visit the river every year, and yet not to own the ship or the trading establishments, was what Abokko could not be easily made to believe.

Ordination by Bishop Crowther at Lagos

On December 24th [1882], at Christ Church, Faji, Lagos, Bishop Crowther admitted to deacon’s orders two African lay agents of the C.M.S, Samuel Doherty, of Abeokuta, and Mr. Edward Buko, of Otta.

At the same time the Rev. E. S. Willoughby (also an African), Cur. Breadfruit, received priest’s orders.

In Memoriam : James Abner Lamb - died at Lagos, July 1st, 1883.

We give also a picture (kindly lent by the publishers of Payne’s Lagos Almanack) of the Society’s principal churoh at Lagos, which was built by the personal efforts of Mr. Lamb himself.

The Church Missionary Gleaner by Church Missionary Society

Published 1883

Interior of Bonny Cathedral circa 1880s

© The Pitt Rivers Museum, University of Oxford

Bonny Island 1955

source: African Archive

The Great Emir, or King of Kano city and province.

He possessed several motor cars and died in 1926.

On the trail of the veiled Tuareg by Campbell, Dugald

Published 1928

Lagos, August 13, 1863

THE New Town, a little to the east of Ejerin market on the south side of the Lagoon, will be named Oko-Tapa ; it having been the site of very extenisve farms belonging to the chief Tapa, and Oko, in country language, being farm.

Walter Lewis, Deputy Asst. Col. Secretary

The Anglo-African, Lagos, Saturday September 12, 1863

Anglo African, Saturday November 28, 1863

The Directors have also purchased from Messrs Horsfall of Liverpool, the steamer King Eyo Honesty, built as a yacht for the late King of Old Calabar.

This steamer is ultimately intendeded for the Niger, not being adapted to work the Lagos bar in bad weather, but she will remain here until about next June. A master, mate and crew arrived for her by the Armenian and we may expect her to arrive here shortly from Bonny.

A steamer suitable for towing over the bar and for working the Lagos, will we understand be sent to Lagos at an early period.

German East African Campaign.

Artillery unit of the Nigeria Regiment on the march in German East Africa.

January 1917

© (IWM) Imperial War Musems

German East African Campaign.

1st Battalion, Nigeria Regiment changing guard at a German trading post 80 miles north of Duala.

16th November 1914.

© (IWM) Imperial War Musems

German East African Campaign.

the Governor General of Nigeria, Sir Frederick Lugard, addressing a draft of the Nigeria Regiment from the bridge of the British Transport "Hymettus", Lagos prior to the vessels' departure for East Africa.

1914 - 1918

© (IWM) Imperial War Musems

Afikpo secret soceity building 1959

© Simon Ottenberg; Cities & Buildings Database
http://content.lib.washington.edu/buildingsweb/

Rivalry of Sokoto and Bornu.

Sokoto and Bornu were outwardly on good terms when Major Denham's expedition arrived, in 1822-4.

In 1824 Captain Clapperton visited Katagum on his way to and from Bornu, in each case bearing friendly letters from one to the other. He was accompanied by Dr. Oudney, who died at Marmar, a village south-west of Katagum.

It was no doubt the Sheikh's ambition to conquer the Central Sudan, and his words to Major Denham were significant when he expressed his expectation of his influence shortly extending to Nupe.

When Clapperton came to Sokoto in 1826 he had already begun to carry out his intentions; indeed, he must have started at the end of 1824, soon after the expedition left Bornu for Tripoli.

His first invasion of Fulani territory was directed against Marmar. He was camped outside the town, but Sambo of Hadeija came by night, approaching the town by a devious path ; he made himself known at the town-gate by his "farei" —the reed instrument which is peculiar to Hadeija—and was let in.

Laminu gave up the expedition and Sambo returned to Hadeija to find Berde Bagal, whom Sarki Dabo of Kano had sent with 5,000 horse and 5,000 foot to help, and who then returned to Kano.

This was probably at the end of 1824. Next year Laminu came again to attack Hadeija.

History of the Katagum Division of Kano Province

J. M. Fremantle, Resident, Northern Nigeria.

Journal of the African Society v.10 1910-11

Western Sudan History

If you, reader, follow me thus far, know that this land of ours, the Sudan, is divided into three — the Upper, the Middle, and the Lower.

The Upper Sudan comprises the land of Bornu, the land of Ahir, the land of Zabarma, and the land of Songhay.

The Middle Sudan is Hausa, with its Seven states, and Seven bastard states.

The Lower Sudan is the land of the Bebayi.

No King of the Sudan has ever ruled the whole of these three regions: did he conquer a part, the other parts remained unconquered, and escaped him; and these the greater part.

According to our authorities there have been seven ruling powers in the Sudan.

The power of Bornu extended over the Middle and half the Lower Sudan, but not over Ahir or Zabarma or Songhay, or those parts of the Lower Sudan which are behind them: but it extended to Bagharmi and Wadai.

The Kororafa power extended over all the Lower Sudan, and half the Middle zone — Kano, Zakzak, and half Katsina. They raided Bornu, and destroyed cities and fortresses.

As to the power of Zakzak—that is to say of Amina the daughter of the King of Zakzak, she made many wars. Kano and Katsina were subject to her. She conquered all the Lower Sudan, till she reached the circumambient ocean on the south and west, but no part of the Upper Sudan was hers.

The power of Songhay was the power of Askia, who conquered the whole of the Upper Sudan not excepting Bornu, and part of the Middle Sudan, and half the Lower Sudan. His power was greatest in the west: in the north he conquered the whole of Ahir, far and near; and sent expeditions to all the towns.

The present rulers of Ahir are descended from his slaves who were settled there. His capital town was Gawo (Gao) called Gaugau by merchants—for so the name sounded to them.

Askia it was who seized the reins of government from the people of Soni Ali, and waged war on their ignorance and wicked customs: who established right and justice in these territories.

He ruled over them, the willing and unwilling alike, and was known as the Good King of Tecruru. He made the pilgrimage from his land and visited the Prophet's tomb.

There he met distinguished doctors like Jelal-es-Suyuti, who composed treatises for him. Maghili came to his country and wrote him books and exhortations.

No king in the Sudan who has ever ruled was equal to Askia.

He attacked Borgu unsuccessfully, and failed to penetrate the country, and his expeditions did not reach the town of Jinni: it is said that the same race of people who inhabit that town now were there at the time.

Then came the power of Kebbi, the rule of Kanta, who was the first ruler of Kebbi; there was none before him.

-- This work was written by Muhammad Bello Emir of Sokoto, sometime subsequent to 1823, and before 1837, for in the latter year he died.

-- It is in some respects an epitome of his larger work "In fak el Maisuri", but it has a wider purview, and is in fact a general short history of the Western Sudan.

H.R. Palmer

Journal of the African Society v.15 (1915-16)

Western Sudan History (Contd.)

In Kebbi the rulers are slaves, for it is said that Kanta was a slave of the Fulani: he went forth and grew powerful, and waged war in this land, till he became master of the whole land of Kebbi and Zabarma. The latter is a country of scrub and thicket where are the heathen called Maguzawa.

He then ravaged the whole of the Middle Sudan and ruled it. In the Upper Sudan he conquered Zabarma and Ahir, but not Bornu, though between him and the Emir of Bornu was much fighting and bloodshed.

He died in Bornu territory in the land of Katsina: the story about this is well known.

Kanta ruled the greater part of the Lower Sudan, and the towns there followed him, and were subject to him. Kebbi had three large walled towns, Gungu, Leka, and
Surami. The last was the capital town, and the site of Kanta's tomb.

Gungu was the oldest town. It is said that Kanta forced the Asbenawa to carry to Surami the water of a certain lake in the territory called Tinshamau; and to bring sand from this same lake for his horse to stand upon. They were obliged to do this by force, and executed his commands right swiftly.

It is said that he was inspired to do this by a dream, and made the Tuareg bring his dream to pass: and so they did.

Kanta ruled 38 years.

Western Sudan History (Contd.)


The Emir of Ahir sought help from the Emir of Bornu against Kanta because he pressed him so sore.

So Mê Ali, the Emir of Bornu, went out and followed the road by Susibaki, north of Daura and Katsina, and south of Gobir, and so entered the land of Kebbi and came to
Surami. Kanta came out to meet him at day-break on the 'Aid and they fought for a time; then Kanta was worsted in the west.

The King of Bornu attacked the town, but it held out so he had to retire to Gandi, and thence make for his own country. Then Kanta got together his troops and followed him, and came up with him at Unguru, where the Berabir gave Kanta battle.

Kanta defeated their army in seven engagements, and took a great amount of booty. Then he turned homewards and came to a place called Dagal in the territory of Katsina, where lived certain peoples who had revolted from him.

He attacked them fiercely, and was wounded by an arrow in the fight. He continued his march homewards till he reached the town of Jîrua. There he died. His people carried the body back, and buried him at his capital, Surami.

The power of Kebbi was strong in the days of Kanta and for about a hundred years after his death. There is no trace of a power so strong as his in the Sudan: according to accounts handed down it endured more than a hundred years.

Then the power of Zamfara waxed. Conquering the Middle, and half the Lower Sudan, it became very strong as I shall explain later when I treat of Zamfara.

Then followed the great power of ours — the power of Othman may God 'stablish and guard it and preserve its Sultan in the day of Judgment.

The whole of the Middle, part of the Lower, and most of the Upper Sudan are under the rule of the Sultan, as I will soon show in a second book.

Kano

70. The double province of Kano, comprising the sub-provinces of Kano and Katagum, is under Dr. Cargill (1st Class Resident). Its population is estimated at 2,192,000, and its area is about 31,000 square miles.

The Kano province was added to the administration on February 3rd, 1903, and comprised the Emirates of Kano, Katsena, Daura, and Kazauri. The last is an off-shoot of Kano, but the three former are among the most ancient and historical of the Hausa States.

Manuscripts at Kano and Katsena contain lists of kings which carry back their history for 1,000 years, and tradition ascribes the origin of the Habe, who preceded the Fulani, to the union of Bajibda of Baghdad with a prehistoric Queen of Daura.

The conquest of the Habe by the Fulani, about 100 years ago, made little difference to the country, for the new rulers adopted the existing customs and system of Government.

F.D. Lugard

Annual Reports on the Colonies

Northern Nigeria - 1904

Jebu Weaver

The living races of mankind by Johnston, Harry Hamilton; Hutchinson, Henry Neville (1902)