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simply a case of pot calling kettle black. reps who are swimming in corruption all over and earning salaries that is '000s times those of civil servants have no moral highround to accuse others of corruption. but then, in naija where the citizens are "docile" everything and anything goes!!! |
The Babangida years By Tolu Ogunlesi April 17, 2010 10:36PM In his first New Year Days speech as military president, months after deposing the Buhari-Idiagbon government in a bloodless coup enthusiastically welcomed by Nigerians, Ibrahim Babangida declared: I wish to reaffirm that this administration does not intend to stay in power a day longer than is required to lay the necessary institutional framework to bring about a better and more stable Nigeria. Babangidas bonhomie (its trademark an endearing gap-toothed smile) - in stark contrast to the stern, unsmiling façade of Muhammadu Buhari, his predecessor - made it easy for him to be believed. The distinction between the two regimes in fact ran much deeper than personality quirks. Babangida, in action, proved to be the complete antithesis of his predecessor. He threw open prison doors, setting free hundreds of 3rd republic politicians convicted and jailed by Buhari. He repealed the obnoxious Decree No. 4 of 1984 with which the Buhari regime had shackled the media. He promised to run an open administration that is responsive to the yearnings and aspirations of all the people - a departure from the high-handedness of the Buhari/Idiagbon era. One of his first actions as military president was to allow Nigerians to decide, through public debates, whether to accept the $2.5 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan the Buhari government had been negotiating for. After the terror of the Buhari years, Nigerians appeared to have found a statesman in military uniform. Tough times that lasted By 1985, Nigerias foreign debt had ballooned to $18 billion, up from $3.4 billion in 1980 (it would rise beyond $30 billion by the end of the 80s), and external reserves had dwindled to less than $2 billion. Oil prices had been in freefall for 3 years running, and in January 1986 they finally fell to less than $20 per barrel, a record low since the start of the decade. To his credit Babangida made all the right noises about revamping the economy. In his Independence Day 1985 speech, barely two months old in office, he declared a state of economic emergency for the next 15 months. That speech went on to lay down a comprehensive plan for economic reconstruction. This plan included a moratorium on new foreign debt, promotion of agriculture and industrial development, restriction of importation to essential commodities, financial sector reform and privatisation. Populist leanings IBB was a master of the populist move - ambitious government programs targeted at tackling poverty, and empowering rural dwellers. His government churned out program after program, in a bid to actualize his promises to run an inclusive, people-facing government. In 1986, Babangida launched the Mass Mobilization for Self Reliance, Social Justice, and Economic Recovery (MAMSER). In 1987, the Directorate of Food and Rural Infrastructure (DFFRI) was launched to promote agriculture and transform Nigerias rural landscape by providing modern infrastructure. Other Babangida creations include the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), National Economic Reconstruction Fund (NERFUND), Peoples Bank of Nigeria (PBN), National Board for Community Banks (NBCB), Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), Nigeria Export-Import Bank (NEXIM), National Planning Commission (NPC), and the Urban Development Bank. No other Nigerian government presided over such substantial expansion of government bureaucracy as the Babangida administration. In time, the fiscal prudence that Babangida espoused vanished: billions of naira were sunk into an endless transition programme, and in the early 90s, 12 billion dollars worth of windfall crude oil revenue (courtesy of the rise in the oil prices due to the Gulf War) could not be accounted for. Mr. Babangida also came to perfect the art of dispensing patronage through political appointments (mostly targeted at leading members of the opposition) and a far-from-transparent allocation of lucrative oil blocks. A man whose words mean nothing Mr. Babangidas contradictions eventually overwhelmed his reputation so that when, in May 1993, the activist and lawyer Gani Fawehinmi described him as a man whose words mean nothing to him, evidence of this littered his eight years in power. Only months after vowing to run a government by consultation with the people, Mr. Babangida in 1986 surreptitiously - and unilaterally - took Nigeria, an avowed secular state, into full membership of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), a body which describes itself as the collective voice of the Muslim world. Mr. Babangida lamented the large role played by the public sector in economic activity with hardly any concrete results to justify such a role.Ironically, over the course of the next five years, he would go ahead to supervise an unprecedented expansion of government. And despite his deference to the wish of Nigerians to reject the IMF loan, Mr. Babangida went ahead to implement some of the Funds most drastic requirements - a devaluation of the naira, and removal of subsidies, chief of which were the petroleum subsidies. Mr. Babangida promised Nigerians that the belt-tightening was sorely needed: the painful injection that would usher in vibrant economic health; the mandatory dark lining before a cloud of prosperity. Those reforms, which he christened Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP), came into effect in 1986, with a far-from-pleasant impact on Nigerians. Purchasing powers dwindled, inflation rose, and the obliteration of the middle class began. In 1989, SAP riots rocked the country, as Nigerians had finally had enough of economic reforms which silver lining they waited in vain for. Greatest failings Mr. Babangidas greatest failings were however in two key areas: his human rights record, and his political transition programme. In December 1985, a group of soldiers, which included his close friend, Mamman Vatsa, were arrested on allegations of plotting to topple the 4-month old Babangida government. After Vatsa was convicted and sentenced to death, Mr. Babangida assured a delegation of distinguished writers (Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe and J.P. Clark), which had come pleading for mercy, that he was determined to do everything in my power to save (Vatsa). Hours later, Vatsa and the other alleged plotters were executed. As opposition to Mr. Babangidas rule grew, so did his intolerance for dissent, so that he routinely shut down or proscribed media houses; and harassed journalists, civil society and labour groups using the instruments of state (the State Security Service, Directorate of Military Intelligence and the Police). In 1986, five students of the Ahmadu Bello University were murdered when mobile policemen invaded the campus to quell anti-IMF protests. He also promulgated a series of draconian decrees targeted at quelling all opposition, and on occasion did not hesitate to deport foreign critics (University lecturer Patrick Wilmot and journalist William Keeling). In October 1986, frontline journalist Dele Giwa was murdered by a letter bomb in Lagos. Preliminary police investigations stated that senior officers of Mr. Babangidas intelligence services, who had hounded Giwa in his final days, had questions to answer regarding Giwas death. The mystery of the Giwa assassination remains unsolved till date. An interminable journey A maddeningly convoluted transition programme, whose terminal date soon became a mirage - first 1990, then 1992, and then 1993 - is one of the most significant things Babangida will be remembered for. Early on in his administration, Mr. Babangida inaugurated a Political Bureau to kick off, as it were, the national debate on a viable future political ethos and structure for our dear country. The political bureau was soon followed by a Constituent Assembly, which in 1989 fashioned a new constitution for the country. Also, in 1989, he created, by presidential fiat, two political parties, the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention. Then in 1991, he released a controversial list of prominent politicians whom he said were banned from participating in the transition programme. In October 1992, he cancelled the results of the parties presidential primaries, causing new primaries to be held in March 1993. And then in June 1993 he annulled the results of the presidential elections, presumed to have been won by billionaire businessman MKO Abiola. This was the final straw . By this time, Nigerians had finally had enough of his shenanigans, and violent protests forced him to step aside on August 27, 1993,My colleagues and I are determined to change the course of history, Mr. Babangida told Nigerians in his maiden speech as Head of State, on August 27, 1985. By the time he reluctantly relinquished power exactly eight years later, he had achieved that goal, far more successfully than he, or anyone else, could ever have imagined. Source: Next ==================== The Holy Book says "my people perish for lack of knowledge". Will you allow 150m of us (Nigerians) perish or will you ALSO forward this article on the (mis) deeds of our self-proclaimed "evil genius" to all Nigerians that you know Will you help confirm "maradona" IBB's claim (in Germany in the 90s during one of his radiculopathy treatment trips) that we, his fellow citizens are "docile" (MUGUs) by not sharing this mail ![]() Find a way to get involved at all levels- local, state and federal- this election period for a better Nigeria!!! |
why did he not declare state of emergency on telecomms sector when he was military minister of communications ![]() rather he said telephone was not for the poor. anyway we are too docile to ask for our rights and they know it hence they give us BS everytime and we smile.- suffering & smiling. |
thanks KunleOshob for reiterating your message without fear of intimidators. For those who seek biblical truth on tithes, go through this sketch that covers the issues. --------------------- As a sequel to my last article debunking Mr. Enoch Adejare Adeboye’s claims about tithing, Believers are not subject to the Tithe, I hereby present a court scenario in which the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God stands before the Great Judge of all the earth, the Lord Jesus Christ, on this subject. Enjoy the conversation: Jesus: Enoch, you have been charged with multiple counts of extortion. Your crime spree covers 20 years and thousands of victims. You have defrauded people out of their money with fear and manipulation, telling them they had to tithe 10% of their income to your church and that God would bless them if they did. You also told them that if they didn’t tithe they would go to hell. How do you plead? Pastor Enoch: I plead not guilty, sir. I have done nothing wrong. I have only preached what the Bible says. In the Bible Abraham tithed to Melchizedek and God blessed him for his faithful giving. The Bible even says he was rich in silver and gold. Jesus: Is it not true, Enoch, that in Genesis chapter 13 verse 2 the Bible says Abraham was rich with livestock, silver and gold? Pastor Enoch: Yes, you are exactly right, that’s what I just told you. Jesus: Ok, we read about Abraham being a rich man in chapter 13. But it is not until Genesis chapter 14 that we read about Abraham’s tithe to Melchizedek. So Abraham was already a rich man before he tithed to Melchizedek, wasn’t he? Pastor Enoch: Yes, I suppose you are right. Jesus: So his riches were not the result of his tithe to Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: No. Jesus: Enoch, you also say God blessed him for his faithful giving. How many times is it recorded that Abraham gave tithes to Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: Well, just once. Jesus: So the Bible never said that he gave week after week? Pastor Enoch: No; it does not. Jesus: Where did Abraham get the things that he gave to Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: Well, the Bible says it was from the plunders of war. Jesus: So you are telling me that he gave from the plunders of war? Pastor Enoch: Yes that’s what the Bible says. Jesus: So he basically took things that were not really his in the first place and gave them as the tithe? Pastor Enoch: That is what the scripture seems to indicate. Jesus: Is it recorded that he ever took anything from his own possessions and tithed them to Melchizedek or anyone else? Pastor Enoch: I guess not Jesus: You guess not! You pastor one of the largest denominations on the planet and you are only guessing? Is it or is it not written that he ever gave any of his own possessions as a tithe to anyone? Pastor Enoch: No; it is not written anywhere that I have seen. Jesus: Is it recorded as to what exactly Abraham did give Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: I believe it says plunder? Jesus: So plunder could be any number of things? Pastor Enoch: Yes, I suppose. Judge: It could have been food, cattle, sheep, the people’s possessions or any number of things. It does not say it was all money; correct? Pastor Enoch: Yes; sir. You are correct; it does not say just money. Jesus: As a matter of fact, money is never mentioned in that account at all; is that correct, Enoch? Pastor Enoch: Yes, sir; money is never mentioned; just goods and food and people. Jesus: So there is no way you can say with any certainty that Abraham in fact gave Melchizedek any money at all? Pastor Enoch: That is right. Jesus: I only have one last question for you, Enoch. Did God command Abraham to give this plunder as tithe to Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: No; it appears that he did this voluntarily. Jesus: So are you trying to tell me that because of this voluntary, one time gift by Abraham, that may not have even consisted of money, all Christians everywhere are obligated to bring 10% of their monthly salary to a local church? Jesus: Considering all the evidence, I would say you are beyond any shadow of a doubt guilty of deliberately trying to make the scriptures says things they have not said for financial gain. Pastor Enoch: Sir, I can see how foolish I was to try and use the story of Melchizedeck to try and get the people to tithe money. But there are many other verses that will support my belief on tithing. Jacob said he would give God 10% of everything. I think we should follow his example. Jesus: Let’s see what Jacob said. Please read the verse you are talking about for me, Enoch. Pastor Enoch: In Genesis chapter 28, starting at verse 20 it says, ‘Jacob vowed a vow, saying, “If God will be with me, and will keep me in this way that I go, and will give me bread to eat, and clothing to put on, so that I come again to my father’s house in peace, and Yahweh will be my God, then this stone, which I have set up for a pillar, will be God’s house. Of all that you will give me I will surely give the tenth to you.”‘ Jesus: You said people should follow Jacobs’s example, is that right, Enoch? Pastor Enoch: Yes; that is right. He vowed to give a tenth and we should too. Jesus: Let me point out one thing for you, Enoch. Jacob said he would Give God a tenth, ONLY if He blessed him first. So as you said previously, we should follow Jacob’s example and tell God that we will only give him a tenth if he blesses us first. Is that right? Pastor Enoch: That is not what I meant. Jesus: What did you mean then? Pastor Enoch: That we should give God a tenth also. Jesus: There you go again, trying to make the scripture say what you want it to say for your benefit. I would also like you to tell me the scriptures that say that Jacob kept his vow with God. I would also like to know where he gave the tenth to because there was no temple or levites to give it to at that time. Pastor Enoch: I can not think of any scriptures that say where or if he ever tithed after his vow. Jesus: It is obvious that Jacob made a voluntary and conditional vow to God. This in no way can be used as a reason to demand others to bring their income to you or any other place. Pastor Enoch: I do have a few more scriptures that I believe will show that we are supposed to tithe. Jesus: So far, all you have done is taken scripture and misapplied it to your beliefs and for your gain. But in order to be fair to you I will allow you to present more evidence. Pastor Enoch: In the book of Malachi chapter 3 starting at verse 8 it says, “Will a man rob God? yet ye have robbed me. But ye say, In what have we robbed thee? In tithes and offerings. Ye are cursed with a curse: for ye have robbed me, even this whole nation. Bring ye all the tithes into the store-house, that there may be food in my house, and prove me now with this, saith the LORD of hosts, if I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room enough to receive it.” So you see sir, we are commanded to bring the tithes into the storehouse or God will curse us. Jesus: Answer me this, Enoch, were you aware that I never required anyone to tithe money? Pastor Enoch: No I didn’t know that. Jesus: The tithe spoken of here was always edible products never money. Pastor Enoch: Sir, that is because they didn’t have money at the time so God had them tithe food instead. Jesus: Not true, money is first mentioned in Genesis – and Malachi was written hundreds of years later. God had them bring food in so that the levites, the fatherless and widows may eat and be satisfied. The tithe was used mainly to take care of people. Also notice it says in the verse you quoted, that there may be food in my house. How do you completely overlook the word food in those verses? Pastor Enoch: I don’t know. Jesus: I also want you to know that these verses speak to people under the Old Testament law. As you may or may not know, I fulfilled the law while I was on earth. The Law is no longer binding. Tithing was part of that law that has been abolished. Jesus: And once again, you have tried to completely take a scripture out of context and apply it to others for your benefit. Can you give me a single scripture where God changed the tithe from food to money? Pastor Enoch: I do not know of any. Jesus: So if God never changed it from food to money who did? Pastor Enoch: Man must have. Jesus: So far all you have done, Enoch, is take Old Testament scriptures out of context and try to apply it to believers under the New Covenant. Is this all the proof you have? Pastor Enoch: I do have a New Testament scripture that will show that You told us to tithe. Jesus: Ok; let me hear it. Pastor Enoch: You said in Matthew 23:23 “Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you tithe mint, dill, and cumin, and have left undone the weightier matters of the law: justice, mercy, and faith. But you ought to have done these, and not to have left the other undone.” Surely, You were saying there that we should be tithing. Jesus: Let me ask you a question, who was I talking to in that passage? Pastor Enoch: The scripture says the scribes and Pharisees. Jesus: Are you and your members scribes or Pharisees? Pastor Enoch: No sir; God forbid!. Jesus: I also said in that passage, “You have left undone the weightier matters of the law“. Are we under the law, Enoch? Pastor Enoch: No. Jesus: Why not? Pastor Enoch: Because You fulfilled it, and it passed away. Jesus: When did I fulfill the law? Pastor Enoch: When You were crucified. Jesus: So the law was still in effect until My death? Pastor Enoch: That is correct sir. Jesus: I think you know where I am going with this; don’t you? Pastor Enoch: Yes; sir. Since You had not yet been crucified and the law was still binding, the Pharisees were required to tithe because it was part of the law. Once the law ended, tithing ended also. Jesus: I want you to take a look at that verse again. Also tell me, what were they tithing? Pastor Enoch: The scripture says it was mint, dill and cumin. Jesus: Was money mentioned there? Pastor Enoch: No sir; it was not. Jesus: Once again it was edible products that they were tithing, not money. Do you have anything else you would like to say? Pastor Enoch: If people only tithed edible products like the scripture says, then how would the church survive? We had to build that million-seater cathedral to accomodate the people who come for Holy Ghost Festival yearly, the salaries of other pastors have to be paid. So many other things. We depend on the money from the people. Jesus: The need does not justify the means. In other words, just because you have all these debts does not give you the right to twist and manipulate scripture and cause people to give under fear of being cursed by God to meet your needs. Not to mention that all those items you listed are problems you created for yourelves. They are not My agenda. You were pursuing your agenda. Jesus: Now to the more greivous consequences of your enforcing the tithe on believer. What did Paul write in Galatians 5:4 about attempting to follow the Law? Pastor Enoch: That if they obeyed any part of the old Jewish law, including the law of circumcision, in order to be right (justified) with God, they have fallen from grace, or lost their salvation. Jesus: Do you admit that like circumcision, tithing was part of the law? Pastor Enoch: Yes, sir. Jesus: Now if obeying the law of circumcision would cause gentile Christians of Paul’s day to “fall from grace”, one would have to conclude that obeying another old law; “The law of tithing” would have the same results on them today; that is to say, it will cause them to fall away from the grace of God. Pastor Enoch: [Swallows hard] I suppose so. Jesus: In other words, you are admitting that your teaching the tithe is actually sending people down the road to hell? Pastor Enoch: That was not what I intended, sir. Jesus: Nevertheless, that is the result of your actions – your ministry. How many of those one billion members (not counting the non-members who heard you and believed you) do you suppose have been turned aside unknowingly this way? Pastor Enoch: [Swallows hard] I have no idea, sir. Pastor Enoch: I never realized all these things, I have always been taught that we had to tithe money to the local church and that is what I have always taught. Yes I am guilty. I will not teach this error anymore. Infact, I will go and take my words back. As many people as possible must hear this. THE END I have given the narration a good ending. I hope that someone close to Mr. Adeboye loves him enough and has enough balls to bring this issue to his attention. You will be saving not only his soul but the souls of millions of others who believe his grace-defying, grace-denying doctrine of tithing. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Credits: This narration was crafted and adapted from my previous article, Believers are not subject to the Tithe, and from materials put up at http://tithing.christian-things.com/articles.html ---------------------- Source:Pressing for the Crown |
Seun:oga seun, na wa for you oh!!!! putting things in a capitalist context- i guess it goes with the lust for filthy lucre that seems to drive most of these churches. Thanks, nwankwo and mazaje for your beautiful insights distinguishing between religion and godliness/spirituality. This is also reflected in Christ's conversation with the Samarritan woman in John 4. Banderas:indeed, quite a number of us are going by what Christ said [url=http://www.christnotes.org/bible.php?q=matthew+7%3A+15-23&ver=kjv]Here[/url] shalom |
[quote author=~Bluetooth link=topic=476705.msg6366367#msg6366367 date=1278851629]what impact are you looking for when most of them reside abroad while they keep condemning the system.[/quote]those abroad have relations, friends and contacts in naija and can share these ideas with them and follow up to see that they take necessary action. moreover, a number of NL folks are home-based and increasing daily. |
BTW, the only reason people like Tinubu can hold sway and play godfather (and call himself strategist/tactician) in Lagos and beyond as he loots public funds and threatens to sack fashola is because those of us who claim to be educated cannot see beyond our nose and get involved FIRST at the local level. |
Quote from: GP15 on July 09, 2010, 03:21 PM 2011 TEN COMMANDMENThow many internet warriors here have registered to vote ![]() how many know the contestants for LG councillor/chairman, state and federal legislators for their area ![]() or better still have identified those they can support-finacially, mobilisng etc at their local level ![]() let's start NOW so we do not gnash our teeth for another four years complaining of bad leaders when we have the POSSIBILITY of choosing them. |
For those who seek biblical truth on tithes, go through this sketch that covers the issues. --------------------- As a sequel to my last article debunking Mr. Enoch Adejare Adeboye’s claims about tithing, Believers are not subject to the Tithe, I hereby present a court scenario in which the General Overseer of the Redeemed Christian Church of God stands before the Great Judge of all the earth, the Lord Jesus Christ, on this subject. Enjoy the conversation: Jesus: Enoch, you have been charged with multiple counts of extortion. Your crime spree covers 20 years and thousands of victims. You have defrauded people out of their money with fear and manipulation, telling them they had to tithe 10% of their income to your church and that God would bless them if they did. You also told them that if they didn’t tithe they would go to hell. How do you plead? Pastor Enoch: I plead not guilty, sir. I have done nothing wrong. I have only preached what the Bible says. In the Bible Abraham tithed to Melchizedek and God blessed him for his faithful giving. The Bible even says he was rich in silver and gold. Jesus: Is it not true, Enoch, that in Genesis chapter 13 verse 2 the Bible says Abraham was rich with livestock, silver and gold? Pastor Enoch: Yes, you are exactly right, that’s what I just told you. Jesus: Ok, we read about Abraham being a rich man in chapter 13. But it is not until Genesis chapter 14 that we read about Abraham’s tithe to Melchizedek. So Abraham was already a rich man before he tithed to Melchizedek, wasn’t he? Pastor Enoch: Yes, I suppose you are right. Jesus: So his riches were not the result of his tithe to Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: No. Jesus: Enoch, you also say God blessed him for his faithful giving. How many times is it recorded that Abraham gave tithes to Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: Well, just once. Jesus: So the Bible never said that he gave week after week? Pastor Enoch: No; it does not. Jesus: Where did Abraham get the things that he gave to Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: Well, the Bible says it was from the plunders of war. Jesus: So you are telling me that he gave from the plunders of war? Pastor Enoch: Yes that’s what the Bible says. Jesus: So he basically took things that were not really his in the first place and gave them as the tithe? Pastor Enoch: That is what the scripture seems to indicate. Jesus: Is it recorded that he ever took anything from his own possessions and tithed them to Melchizedek or anyone else? Pastor Enoch: I guess not Jesus: You guess not! You pastor one of the largest denominations on the planet and you are only guessing? Is it or is it not written that he ever gave any of his own possessions as a tithe to anyone? Pastor Enoch: No; it is not written anywhere that I have seen. Jesus: Is it recorded as to what exactly Abraham did give Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: I believe it says plunder? Jesus: So plunder could be any number of things? Pastor Enoch: Yes, I suppose. Judge: It could have been food, cattle, sheep, the people’s possessions or any number of things. It does not say it was all money; correct? Pastor Enoch: Yes; sir. You are correct; it does not say just money. Jesus: As a matter of fact, money is never mentioned in that account at all; is that correct, Enoch? Pastor Enoch: Yes, sir; money is never mentioned; just goods and food and people. Jesus: So there is no way you can say with any certainty that Abraham in fact gave Melchizedek any money at all? Pastor Enoch: That is right. Jesus: I only have one last question for you, Enoch. Did God command Abraham to give this plunder as tithe to Melchizedek? Pastor Enoch: No; it appears that he did this voluntarily. Jesus: So are you trying to tell me that because of this voluntary, one time gift by Abraham, that may not have even consisted of money, all Christians everywhere are obligated to bring 10% of their monthly salary to a local church? Jesus: Considering all the evidence, I would say you are beyond any shadow of a doubt guilty of deliberately trying to make the scriptures says things they have not said for financial gain. Pastor Enoch: Sir, I can see how foolish I was to try and use the story of Melchizedeck to try and get the people to tithe money. But there are many other verses that will support my belief on tithing. Jacob said he would give God 10% of everything. I think we should follow his example. Jesus: Let’s see what Jacob said. Please read the verse you are talking about for me, Enoch. Pastor Enoch: In Genesis chapter 28, starting at verse 20 it says, ‘Jacob vowed a vow, saying, “If God will be with me, and will keep me in this way that I go, and will give me bread to eat, and clothing to put on, so that I come again to my father’s house in peace, and Yahweh will be my God, then this stone, which I have set up for a pillar, will be God’s house. Of all that you will give me I will surely give the tenth to you.”‘ Jesus: You said people should follow Jacobs’s example, is that right, Enoch? Pastor Enoch: Yes; that is right. He vowed to give a tenth and we should too. Jesus: Let me point out one thing for you, Enoch. Jacob said he would Give God a tenth, ONLY if He blessed him first. So as you said previously, we should follow Jacob’s example and tell God that we will only give him a tenth if he blesses us first. Is that right? Pastor Enoch: That is not what I meant. Jesus: What did you mean then? Pastor Enoch: That we should give God a tenth also. Jesus: There you go again, trying to make the scripture say what you want it to say for your benefit. I would also like you to tell me the scriptures that say that Jacob kept his vow with God. I would also like to know where he gave the tenth to because there was no temple or levites to give it to at that time. Pastor Enoch: I can not think of any scriptures that say where or if he ever tithed after his vow. Jesus: It is obvious that Jacob made a voluntary and conditional vow to God. This in no way can be used as a reason to demand others to bring their income to you or any other place. Pastor Enoch: I do have a few more scriptures that I believe will show that we are supposed to tithe. Jesus: So far, all you have done is taken scripture and misapplied it to your beliefs and for your gain. But in order to be fair to you I will allow you to present more evidence. Pastor Enoch: In the book of Malachi chapter 3 starting at verse 8 it says, “Will a man rob God? yet ye have robbed me. But ye say, In what have we robbed thee? In tithes and offerings. Ye are cursed with a curse: for ye have robbed me, even this whole nation. Bring ye all the tithes into the store-house, that there may be food in my house, and prove me now with this, saith the LORD of hosts, if I will not open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room enough to receive it.” So you see sir, we are commanded to bring the tithes into the storehouse or God will curse us. Jesus: Answer me this, Enoch, were you aware that I never required anyone to tithe money? Pastor Enoch: No I didn’t know that. Jesus: The tithe spoken of here was always edible products never money. Pastor Enoch: Sir, that is because they didn’t have money at the time so God had them tithe food instead. Jesus: Not true, money is first mentioned in Genesis – and Malachi was written hundreds of years later. God had them bring food in so that the levites, the fatherless and widows may eat and be satisfied. The tithe was used mainly to take care of people. Also notice it says in the verse you quoted, that there may be food in my house. How do you completely overlook the word food in those verses? Pastor Enoch: I don’t know. Jesus: I also want you to know that these verses speak to people under the Old Testament law. As you may or may not know, I fulfilled the law while I was on earth. The Law is no longer binding. Tithing was part of that law that has been abolished. Jesus: And once again, you have tried to completely take a scripture out of context and apply it to others for your benefit. Can you give me a single scripture where God changed the tithe from food to money? Pastor Enoch: I do not know of any. Jesus: So if God never changed it from food to money who did? Pastor Enoch: Man must have. Jesus: So far all you have done, Enoch, is take Old Testament scriptures out of context and try to apply it to believers under the New Covenant. Is this all the proof you have? Pastor Enoch: I do have a New Testament scripture that will show that You told us to tithe. Jesus: Ok; let me hear it. Pastor Enoch: You said in Matthew 23:23 “Woe to you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites! For you tithe mint, dill, and cumin, and have left undone the weightier matters of the law: justice, mercy, and faith. But you ought to have done these, and not to have left the other undone.” Surely, You were saying there that we should be tithing. Jesus: Let me ask you a question, who was I talking to in that passage? Pastor Enoch: The scripture says the scribes and Pharisees. Jesus: Are you and your members scribes or Pharisees? Pastor Enoch: No sir; God forbid!. Jesus: I also said in that passage, “You have left undone the weightier matters of the law“. Are we under the law, Enoch? Pastor Enoch: No. Jesus: Why not? Pastor Enoch: Because You fulfilled it, and it passed away. Jesus: When did I fulfill the law? Pastor Enoch: When You were crucified. Jesus: So the law was still in effect until My death? Pastor Enoch: That is correct sir. Jesus: I think you know where I am going with this; don’t you? Pastor Enoch: Yes; sir. Since You had not yet been crucified and the law was still binding, the Pharisees were required to tithe because it was part of the law. Once the law ended, tithing ended also. Jesus: I want you to take a look at that verse again. Also tell me, what were they tithing? Pastor Enoch: The scripture says it was mint, dill and cumin. Jesus: Was money mentioned there? Pastor Enoch: No sir; it was not. Jesus: Once again it was edible products that they were tithing, not money. Do you have anything else you would like to say? Pastor Enoch: If people only tithed edible products like the scripture says, then how would the church survive? We had to build that million-seater cathedral to accomodate the people who come for Holy Ghost Festival yearly, the salaries of other pastors have to be paid. So many other things. We depend on the money from the people. Jesus: The need does not justify the means. In other words, just because you have all these debts does not give you the right to twist and manipulate scripture and cause people to give under fear of being cursed by God to meet your needs. Not to mention that all those items you listed are problems you created for yourelves. They are not My agenda. You were pursuing your agenda. Jesus: Now to the more greivous consequences of your enforcing the tithe on believer. What did Paul write in Galatians 5:4 about attempting to follow the Law? Pastor Enoch: That if they obeyed any part of the old Jewish law, including the law of circumcision, in order to be right (justified) with God, they have fallen from grace, or lost their salvation. Jesus: Do you admit that like circumcision, tithing was part of the law? Pastor Enoch: Yes, sir. Jesus: Now if obeying the law of circumcision would cause gentile Christians of Paul’s day to “fall from grace”, one would have to conclude that obeying another old law; “The law of tithing” would have the same results on them today; that is to say, it will cause them to fall away from the grace of God. Pastor Enoch: [Swallows hard] I suppose so. Jesus: In other words, you are admitting that your teaching the tithe is actually sending people down the road to hell? Pastor Enoch: That was not what I intended, sir. Jesus: Nevertheless, that is the result of your actions – your ministry. How many of those one billion members (not counting the non-members who heard you and believed you) do you suppose have been turned aside unknowingly this way? Pastor Enoch: [Swallows hard] I have no idea, sir. Pastor Enoch: I never realized all these things, I have always been taught that we had to tithe money to the local church and that is what I have always taught. Yes I am guilty. I will not teach this error anymore. Infact, I will go and take my words back. As many people as possible must hear this. THE END I have given the narration a good ending. I hope that someone close to Mr. Adeboye loves him enough and has enough balls to bring this issue to his attention. You will be saving not only his soul but the souls of millions of others who believe his grace-defying, grace-denying doctrine of tithing. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Credits: This narration was crafted and adapted from my previous article, Believers are not subject to the Tithe, and from materials put up at http://tithing.christian-things.com/articles.html ---------------------- Source: Pressing for the Crown |
KunleOshob is one of the unsung heroes of the Religious section with his indefatigable expose on tithe-mongering MoGs. He helped me to check out my Bible and shine my eyes for these looters in cassock. |
lagoshost:will you mind sharing the proof with us PLEASE? |
the key is free and fair elections like we had on June 12 1993. we need that and our participation at all levels to make progress and stop gnashing our teeth[b] blaming leadership and waiting for God.[/b] GP15:thanks for the 10 commandments. |
sophianah:would you be kind enough to give teh reference passage in teh Bible for teh bold portion. thanks. |
olafemi:oga, the young man is married and his wife gave birth to their second child in Accra, Ghana earlier this year. Source:Naija news after stealing our country blind so that infrastructures including hospitals are comatose and doctors are not well paid so they emigrate, the silly educated illiterate takes his wife to Accra to give birth to their baby. meanwhile the area boys, thugs, political jobbers and their parents who allow them to fight on behalf of this nitwit called bankole risk having their babies born in risky medical conditions due to Bankole and friends kleptocracy |
terryjohn7:just out of curiosity, are you registered to vote in the next elections? I assume you are eligible i.e. 18 or over. |
terryjohn7:i completely agree with you- God should come down and settle our problems for us just as he/she did for the other countries that are now democratically developed, including our neighbours in Ghana and even Benin Republic. let us continue to wait- young and old, male and female, all of us let's keep on waiting for God's intervention ![]() |
bankole usually means help me build house but this speaker don change im own to help me rob house literally with his shameless stealing ways. the ridiculous thing is the useless young man did not learn from his predecessor- Etteh's- downfall. He probably thought so long as he takes many along in his stealing ways all is well. He has forgotten that people are getting slowly wiser by teh day that all this individual stealing to share some crumbs to a few others to keep quiet does not help anyone in teh long run. its a big shame that young people are just as bad thieves as teh old ones except MAYBE for Fashola if you remove the Tinubu factor. |
sammyzacks:why is old prof asking a question he knows the usual answer to- kill him abi, is it not pdp- people destroying people party also decribed as den of killers ![]() oh, maybe they have tried and failed several times to kill joe but im goodluck no gree dem. that's why he's asking us what do we do with Jonathan? Someone should ask him to define the we in his question. upon all the school wey the old man go so tey dem give am prof, na so im still dey think? |
The Babangida years By Tolu Ogunlesi April 17, 2010 10:36PM In his first New Year Day’s speech as military president, months after deposing the Buhari-Idiagbon government in a bloodless coup enthusiastically welcomed by Nigerians, Ibrahim Babangida declared: “I wish to reaffirm that this administration does not intend to stay in power a day longer than is required to lay the necessary institutional framework to bring about a better and more stable Nigeria.” Babangida’s bonhomie (its trademark an endearing gap-toothed smile) - in stark contrast to the stern, unsmiling façade of Muhammadu Buhari, his predecessor - made it easy for him to be believed. The distinction between the two regimes in fact ran much deeper than personality quirks. Babangida, in action, proved to be the complete antithesis of his predecessor. He threw open prison doors, setting free hundreds of 3rd republic politicians convicted and jailed by Buhari. He repealed the obnoxious Decree No. 4 of 1984 with which the Buhari regime had shackled the media. He promised to run “an open administration that is responsive to the yearnings and aspirations of all the people” - a departure from the high-handedness of the Buhari/Idiagbon era. One of his first actions as military president was to allow Nigerians to decide, through public debates, whether to accept the $2.5 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan the Buhari government had been negotiating for. After the terror of the Buhari years, Nigerians appeared to have found a statesman in military uniform. Tough times that lasted By 1985, Nigeria’s foreign debt had ballooned to $18 billion, up from $3.4 billion in 1980 (it would rise beyond $30 billion by the end of the 80s), and external reserves had dwindled to less than $2 billion. Oil prices had been in freefall for 3 years running, and in January 1986 they finally fell to less than $20 per barrel, a record low since the start of the decade. To his credit Babangida made all the right noises about revamping the economy. In his Independence Day 1985 speech, barely two months old in office, he declared “a state of economic emergency for the next 15 months.” That speech went on to lay down a comprehensive plan for “economic reconstruction”. This plan included a moratorium on new foreign debt, promotion of agriculture and industrial development, restriction of importation to “essential commodities”, financial sector reform and privatisation. Populist leanings IBB was a master of the populist move - ambitious government programs targeted at tackling poverty, and empowering rural dwellers. His government churned out program after program, in a bid to actualize his promises to run an inclusive, people-facing government. In 1986, Babangida launched the Mass Mobilization for Self Reliance, Social Justice, and Economic Recovery (MAMSER). In 1987, the Directorate of Food and Rural Infrastructure (DFFRI) was launched to promote agriculture and transform Nigeria’s rural landscape by providing modern infrastructure. Other Babangida creations include the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), National Economic Reconstruction Fund (NERFUND), Peoples Bank of Nigeria (PBN), National Board for Community Banks (NBCB), Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), Nigeria Export-Import Bank (NEXIM), National Planning Commission (NPC), and the Urban Development Bank. No other Nigerian government presided over such substantial expansion of government bureaucracy as the Babangida administration. In time, the fiscal prudence that Babangida espoused vanished: billions of naira were sunk into an endless transition programme, and in the early ‘90s, 12 billion dollars worth of windfall crude oil revenue (courtesy of the rise in the oil prices due to the Gulf War) could not be accounted for. Mr. Babangida also came to perfect the art of dispensing patronage through political appointments (mostly targeted at leading members of the opposition) and a far-from-transparent allocation of lucrative oil blocks. “A man whose words mean nothing” Mr. Babangida’s contradictions eventually overwhelmed his reputation so that when, in May 1993, the activist and lawyer Gani Fawehinmi described him as “a man whose words mean nothing to him”, evidence of this littered his eight years in power. Only months after vowing to run a “government by consultation with the people”, Mr. Babangida in 1986 surreptitiously - and unilaterally - took Nigeria, an avowed secular state, into full membership of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), a body which describes itself as “the collective voice of the Muslim world.” Mr. Babangida lamented the “large role played by the public sector in economic activity with hardly any concrete results to justify such a role.”Ironically, over the course of the next five years, he would go ahead to supervise an unprecedented expansion of government. And despite his deference to the wish of Nigerians to reject the IMF loan, Mr. Babangida went ahead to implement some of the Fund’s most drastic requirements - a devaluation of the naira, and removal of subsidies, chief of which were the petroleum subsidies. Mr. Babangida promised Nigerians that the “belt-tightening” was sorely needed: the painful injection that would usher in vibrant economic health; the mandatory dark lining before a cloud of prosperity. Those reforms, which he christened “Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)”, came into effect in 1986, with a far-from-pleasant impact on Nigerians. Purchasing powers dwindled, inflation rose, and the obliteration of the middle class began. In 1989, SAP riots rocked the country, as Nigerians had finally had enough of economic reforms which silver lining they waited in vain for. Greatest failings Mr. Babangida’s greatest failings were however in two key areas: his human rights record, and his political transition programme. In December 1985, a group of soldiers, which included his close friend, Mamman Vatsa, were arrested on allegations of plotting to topple the 4-month old Babangida government. After Vatsa was convicted and sentenced to death, Mr. Babangida assured a delegation of distinguished writers (Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe and J.P. Clark), which had come pleading for mercy, that he was “determined to do everything in my power to save (Vatsa).” Hours later, Vatsa and the other alleged plotters were executed. As opposition to Mr. Babangida’s rule grew, so did his intolerance for dissent, so that he routinely shut down or proscribed media houses; and harassed journalists, civil society and labour groups using the instruments of state (the State Security Service, Directorate of Military Intelligence and the Police). In 1986, five students of the Ahmadu Bello University were murdered when mobile policemen invaded the campus to quell anti-IMF protests. He also promulgated a series of draconian decrees targeted at quelling all opposition, and on occasion did not hesitate to deport foreign critics (University lecturer Patrick Wilmot and journalist William Keeling). In October 1986, frontline journalist Dele Giwa was murdered by a letter bomb in Lagos. Preliminary police investigations stated that senior officers of Mr. Babangida’s intelligence services, who had hounded Giwa in his final days, had questions to answer regarding Giwa’s death. The mystery of the Giwa assassination remains unsolved till date. An interminable journey A maddeningly convoluted transition programme, whose terminal date soon became a mirage - first 1990, then 1992, and then 1993 - is one of the most significant things Babangida will be remembered for. Early on in his administration, Mr. Babangida inaugurated a “Political Bureau” to “kick off, as it were, the national debate on a viable future political ethos and structure for our dear country.” The political bureau was soon followed by a Constituent Assembly, which in 1989 fashioned a new constitution for the country. Also, in 1989, he created, by presidential fiat, two political parties, the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention. Then in 1991, he released a controversial list of prominent politicians whom he said were banned from participating in the transition programme. In October 1992, he cancelled the results of the parties’ presidential primaries, causing new primaries to be held in March 1993. And then in June 1993 he annulled the results of the presidential elections, presumed to have been won by billionaire businessman MKO Abiola. This was the final straw. By this time, Nigerians had finally had enough of his shenanigans, and violent protests forced him to “step aside” on August 27, 1993,“My colleagues and I are determined to change the course of history,” Mr. Babangida told Nigerians in his maiden speech as Head of State, on August 27, 1985. By the time he reluctantly relinquished power exactly eight years later, he had achieved that goal, far more successfully than he, or anyone else, could ever have imagined. Source: Next ==================== The Holy Book says "my people perish for lack of knowledge". Will you allow 150m of us (Nigerians) perish or will you ALSO forward this article on the (mis) deeds of our self-proclaimed "evil genius" to all Nigerians that you know Will you help confirm "maradona" IBB's claim (in Germany in the 90s during one of his radiculopathy treatment trips) that we, his fellow citizens are "docile" (MUGUs) by not sharing this mail ![]() Get involved this election period for a better Nigeria!!! |
i am yoruba from south west and i beleive what ohanaeze has done is very good and should be supported by all in the south i.e. the yoruba groups and other southern groups should also find out and petition the president. this is the only way we can have some unity as a country- nigeria. the northerners have used and continue to use divide and rule tactics and we keep falling for it, led by our thieving elites. but the sad reality is this cannot go on for ever. which is why there is every possibility of nigeria breaking up if the north continues this way and their southern collaborators do not see beyond their bellies. |
Forgot to add Fashola's name as a good leader. Tunde Bakare is also another good leader. |
SKYPO:Have you heard about the expression "networth". Life is not about absolutes but relativity. Buhari & Idiagbon were much better leaders. Murtala Muhammed was also good compared to the self-proclaimed "evil genius" who is a coward and opportunist ready to rule those his fellow compatriots because he knows we are "docile" |
vinooh:of course it is for 2011 elections. d man is not called a maradona for nothing. if we allow him that confirms what he said about us in Germany in the early 1990s- that we are docile i.e. mugus. |
The Babangida years By Tolu Ogunlesi April 17, 2010 10:36PM In his first New Year Day’s speech as military president, months after deposing the Buhari-Idiagbon government in a bloodless coup enthusiastically welcomed by Nigerians, Ibrahim Babangida declared: “I wish to reaffirm that this administration does not intend to stay in power a day longer than is required to lay the necessary institutional framework to bring about a better and more stable Nigeria.” Babangida’s bonhomie (its trademark an endearing gap-toothed smile) - in stark contrast to the stern, unsmiling façade of Muhammadu Buhari, his predecessor - made it easy for him to be believed. The distinction between the two regimes in fact ran much deeper than personality quirks. Babangida, in action, proved to be the complete antithesis of his predecessor. He threw open prison doors, setting free hundreds of 3rd republic politicians convicted and jailed by Buhari. He repealed the obnoxious Decree No. 4 of 1984 with which the Buhari regime had shackled the media. He promised to run “an open administration that is responsive to the yearnings and aspirations of all the people” - a departure from the high-handedness of the Buhari/Idiagbon era. One of his first actions as military president was to allow Nigerians to decide, through public debates, whether to accept the $2.5 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan the Buhari government had been negotiating for. After the terror of the Buhari years, Nigerians appeared to have found a statesman in military uniform. Tough times that lasted By 1985, Nigeria’s foreign debt had ballooned to $18 billion, up from $3.4 billion in 1980 (it would rise beyond $30 billion by the end of the 80s), and external reserves had dwindled to less than $2 billion. Oil prices had been in freefall for 3 years running, and in January 1986 they finally fell to less than $20 per barrel, a record low since the start of the decade. To his credit Babangida made all the right noises about revamping the economy. In his Independence Day 1985 speech, barely two months old in office, he declared “a state of economic emergency for the next 15 months.” That speech went on to lay down a comprehensive plan for “economic reconstruction”. This plan included a moratorium on new foreign debt, promotion of agriculture and industrial development, restriction of importation to “essential commodities”, financial sector reform and privatisation. Populist leanings IBB was a master of the populist move - ambitious government programs targeted at tackling poverty, and empowering rural dwellers. His government churned out program after program, in a bid to actualize his promises to run an inclusive, people-facing government. In 1986, Babangida launched the Mass Mobilization for Self Reliance, Social Justice, and Economic Recovery (MAMSER). In 1987, the Directorate of Food and Rural Infrastructure (DFFRI) was launched to promote agriculture and transform Nigeria’s rural landscape by providing modern infrastructure. Other Babangida creations include the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), National Economic Reconstruction Fund (NERFUND), Peoples Bank of Nigeria (PBN), National Board for Community Banks (NBCB), Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), Nigeria Export-Import Bank (NEXIM), National Planning Commission (NPC), and the Urban Development Bank. No other Nigerian government presided over such substantial expansion of government bureaucracy as the Babangida administration. In time, the fiscal prudence that Babangida espoused vanished: billions of naira were sunk into an endless transition programme, and in the early ‘90s, 12 billion dollars worth of windfall crude oil revenue (courtesy of the rise in the oil prices due to the Gulf War) could not be accounted for. Mr. Babangida also came to perfect the art of dispensing patronage through political appointments (mostly targeted at leading members of the opposition) and a far-from-transparent allocation of lucrative oil blocks. “A man whose words mean nothing” Mr. Babangida’s contradictions eventually overwhelmed his reputation so that when, in May 1993, the activist and lawyer Gani Fawehinmi described him as “a man whose words mean nothing to him”, evidence of this littered his eight years in power. Only months after vowing to run a “government by consultation with the people”, Mr. Babangida in 1986 surreptitiously - and unilaterally - took Nigeria, an avowed secular state, into full membership of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), a body which describes itself as “the collective voice of the Muslim world.” Mr. Babangida lamented the “large role played by the public sector in economic activity with hardly any concrete results to justify such a role.”Ironically, over the course of the next five years, he would go ahead to supervise an unprecedented expansion of government. And despite his deference to the wish of Nigerians to reject the IMF loan, Mr. Babangida went ahead to implement some of the Fund’s most drastic requirements - a devaluation of the naira, and removal of subsidies, chief of which were the petroleum subsidies. Mr. Babangida promised Nigerians that the “belt-tightening” was sorely needed: the painful injection that would usher in vibrant economic health; the mandatory dark lining before a cloud of prosperity. Those reforms, which he christened “Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)”, came into effect in 1986, with a far-from-pleasant impact on Nigerians. Purchasing powers dwindled, inflation rose, and the obliteration of the middle class began. In 1989, SAP riots rocked the country, as Nigerians had finally had enough of economic reforms which silver lining they waited in vain for. Greatest failings Mr. Babangida’s greatest failings were however in two key areas: his human rights record, and his political transition programme. In December 1985, a group of soldiers, which included his close friend, Mamman Vatsa, were arrested on allegations of plotting to topple the 4-month old Babangida government. After Vatsa was convicted and sentenced to death, Mr. Babangida assured a delegation of distinguished writers (Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe and J.P. Clark), which had come pleading for mercy, that he was “determined to do everything in my power to save (Vatsa).” Hours later, Vatsa and the other alleged plotters were executed. As opposition to Mr. Babangida’s rule grew, so did his intolerance for dissent, so that he routinely shut down or proscribed media houses; and harassed journalists, civil society and labour groups using the instruments of state (the State Security Service, Directorate of Military Intelligence and the Police). In 1986, five students of the Ahmadu Bello University were murdered when mobile policemen invaded the campus to quell anti-IMF protests. He also promulgated a series of draconian decrees targeted at quelling all opposition, and on occasion did not hesitate to deport foreign critics (University lecturer Patrick Wilmot and journalist William Keeling). In October 1986, frontline journalist Dele Giwa was murdered by a letter bomb in Lagos. Preliminary police investigations stated that senior officers of Mr. Babangida’s intelligence services, who had hounded Giwa in his final days, had questions to answer regarding Giwa’s death. The mystery of the Giwa assassination remains unsolved till date. An interminable journey A maddeningly convoluted transition programme, whose terminal date soon became a mirage - first 1990, then 1992, and then 1993 - is one of the most significant things Babangida will be remembered for. Early on in his administration, Mr. Babangida inaugurated a “Political Bureau” to “kick off, as it were, the national debate on a viable future political ethos and structure for our dear country.” The political bureau was soon followed by a Constituent Assembly, which in 1989 fashioned a new constitution for the country. Also, in 1989, he created, by presidential fiat, two political parties, the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention. Then in 1991, he released a controversial list of prominent politicians whom he said were banned from participating in the transition programme. In October 1992, he cancelled the results of the parties’ presidential primaries, causing new primaries to be held in March 1993. And then in June 1993 he annulled the results of the presidential elections, presumed to have been won by billionaire businessman MKO Abiola. This was the final straw. By this time, Nigerians had finally had enough of his shenanigans, and violent protests forced him to “step aside” on August 27, 1993,“My colleagues and I are determined to change the course of history,” Mr. Babangida told Nigerians in his maiden speech as Head of State, on August 27, 1985. By the time he reluctantly relinquished power exactly eight years later, he had achieved that goal, far more successfully than he, or anyone else, could ever have imagined. Source: Next |
Da Grin's death should be more painful obviously for any Nigerian youth/music lover outside of Yardull's family. What did Yaradull contribute to the country in his 11 years of rulership (8 in Katsina and 3 over Nigeria) I repeat what exactly did he contribute positively to make his death painful?BTW, I thought 9ja youths would have protested at medical facilities and road safety measures, factors that contributed to Da Grin's death and which Yaradull did not do anything about during his many years of kleptocratic government. Da Grin- RIP!!! |
UK divorce ruling sends message to rich Nigerians By Osita Mba May 11, 2010 02:02AM The United Kingdom Supreme Court recently awarded £275,000 to an elderly Nigerian woman living in England who was rendered homeless by a paltry divorce settlement of a Lagos High Court in the case of Agbaje v Akinnoye-Agbaje [2010] UKSC 13. The court established for the first time that a spouse who cannot ordinarily bring divorce proceedings in England may, in certain cases where the family has assets in the UK, take advantage of the more generous English law approach to divorce settlement to augment a poor overseas award. Consequently, the judgment grabbed the headlines in the British and international media where it was portrayed as a confirmation of London's reputation as the "divorce payout capital of the world". This reputation, which stems from the fact that an English court can award a divorced spouse as much as half of the family's worldwide assets, was acknowledged two years ago by the country's then most senior family judge, Mark Potter, in a case in which the Court of Appeal approved a record award of £48 million to Beverley Charman, wife of the businessman John Charman. However, the judgment in Agbaje v Akinnoye-Agbaje has special significance to Nigeria in view of billions of pounds invested in second homes and other assets in the UK by wealthy Nigerians, especially corrupt public officials and their fronts. Agbaje v Agbaje Olusola Agbaje and Sikirat Agbaje were both born in Nigeria and have British and Nigerian citizenship. They were married in 1967 had five children, all born in England. Six years after the marriage, Mr. Agbaje returned to Nigeria to qualify as a barrister and set up a legal practice. In 1975 he bought a house in London to provide a home for the children, all of whom apart from the youngest were educated there. The couple separated in 1999. Mrs. Agbaje decided to live permanently in London while Mr. Agbaje remained in Nigeria. Mr. Agbaje began divorce proceedings in Lagos in 2003. The family's assets were about £700,000, of which £530,000 represented two houses in London in Mr. Agbaje's name while the balance represented properties in Nigeria. In 2005, a Lagos High Court granted a decree nisi and awarded Mrs. Agbaje a life interest in a property in Lagos (she would be entitled to any rent from the property for the rest of her life but not the capital value of about £86,000) and a lump sum which was the equivalent of about £21,000. Mr. Agbaje, on the other hand, was awarded £616,000, including the two properties in London. The judge rejected Mrs. Agbaje's claims to the London property she lived in on the ground that she had not contributed financially to their purchase. Mrs. Agbaje was unhappy with the award, which meant that she would have to leave the family home in London. Ironically, the small award by the Lagos High Court meant that Mrs. Agbaje was considered poor enough to qualify for legal aid. Thus she was able to challenge the decision in the English courts at the expense of the UK government all the way to the final court in the land. High Court in London Mrs. Agbaje originally tried to bring divorce proceedings in England but a High Court judge ruled that Nigeria was the proper country to hear the case on the ground of forum non conveniens. Thus after the proceedings in Lagos, she lodged fresh proceedings in England under Part III of the Matrimonial and Family Proceedings Act 1984. This legislation gives the English courts the power to award a higher settlement after a marriage had been annulled in a foreign country. Her case was heard in the High Court by Justice Coleridge ([2008] EWHC 3618 (Fam)) who made an order that was intended to enable her to house and maintain herself in London. He ruled that if she gave an undertaking to give up any interest she might have in the Lagos property, Mr. Agbaje must pay her a lump sum equal to 65% of the gross proceeds of sale of the London property she lived in (expected to be about £275,000). This settlement is the equivalent of a 39% award of the family's assets to Mrs. Agbaje. Had the original divorce been heard in England, she would have received at least 50%. Court of Appeal Mr. Agbaje then appealed to the Court of Appeal, which agreed with him that the High Court was wrong to overrule the original Lagos settlement. The court rejected Mrs. Agbaje's claim on the ground of forum non conveniens. Lord Justice Ward, dismissing her case, pronounced that "sadly, compassion is not the test" but added that he did "feel sorry" for Mrs. Agbaje's "parlous plight." The relevant provisions of the 1984 Act required Mrs. Agbaje to show "exceptional circumstances" before an English court would hear her application to overturn the Lagos judgment. Thus Justice Ward held that the fact that a foreign divorce settlement was less generous than what would be awarded in England was not sufficient. According to him: "If mere disparity , in the awards becomes the principal criterion for the exercise of the , discretion then what was supposed to be the exception will soon become the rule as disaffected wives flee the less generous jurisdiction." Supreme Court Mrs. Agbaje took her case to the UK Supreme Court (the successor to the House of Lords as the final court of appeal) in November last year. The court unanimously allowed the appeal and restored the order of the High Court. It held that an English court was not required to apply a forum non conveniens test when considering whether it would be appropriate to make an order for financial relief following a divorce which had been granted in a foreign jurisdiction. Delivering judgement on 10 March 2010, Lord Collins said that the Court of Appeal had wrongly applied forum non conveniens in that case where the English connections were "substantial, if not overwhelming." He noted that "the court will not lightly characterise foreign law, or the order of a foreign court, as unjust" but went on to hold as follows: "The amount of financial provision would depend on all the circumstances of the case and there was no rule that it should be the minimum amount required to overcome injustice. The following general principles should be applied. First, primary consideration had to be given to the welfare of any children of the marriage. Second, it would never be appropriate to make an order which gave the claimant more than she or he would have been awarded had all the proceedings taken place within this jurisdiction. Third, where possible, the order should have the result that provision was made for the reasonable needs of each spouse. Subject to those principles the court had a broad discretion. The reasons why it was appropriate for an order to be made in England were among the circumstances to be taken into account in deciding what order should be made. Where the English connections of the case were very strong there might be no reason why the application should not be treated as if it were made in purely English proceedings." Conclusion It is important to remember that the United Kingdom comprises England, Scotland, Wales (which together constitute Great Britain) and Northern Ireland. The divorce laws outlined above apply only to proceedings in England and Wales and Northern Ireland, because Scotland has a separate legal system. Thus, to take advantage of the judgment in Agbaje v Akinnoye-Agbaje, an applicant must demonstrate a connection to England or Wales or Northern Ireland. This should not be a problem in a typical Nigerian big-money divorce case. However, where there is such a connection, the worldwide assets of the family (subject to issues of availability and enforceability) will be available for division between the parties. Such divorce proceedings can aid cross jurisdictional anti-corruption recoveries. Where a former or serving pubic official or any of their known associates is involved in such proceedings, the Nigerian government is entitled to intervene with a view to recovering any stolen public funds. The UK government will be obliged to freeze and confiscate any illicit assets under the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002 (External Requests and Orders) 2005 once civil recovery proceedings or criminal investigation or prosecution has commenced in Nigeria. Where a former or serving public official or their associate is involved in a big-money English divorce proceedings, the Nigerian government should intervene in order to recover any stolen public funds. Source: Next |
laden:you failed to add the third one: he was forced to take and stay in office ![]() meanwhile, thanks to CyberG for your thourough list of our individual and collective failing that lets looters become leaders. |
700john:Thank you for putting it so well. Did the bible itself not say that my people perish for lack of knowledge? Yet most people will rather read their pastors' money-minting large fonts pamphlets passed off as books instead of what Christ had to say as recorded in the bible. |
The Babangida years By Tolu Ogunlesi April 17, 2010 10:36PM In his first New Year Day’s speech as military president, months after deposing the Buhari-Idiagbon government in a bloodless coup enthusiastically welcomed by Nigerians, Ibrahim Babangida declared: “I wish to reaffirm that this administration does not intend to stay in power a day longer than is required to lay the necessary institutional framework to bring about a better and more stable Nigeria.” Babangida’s bonhomie (its trademark an endearing gap-toothed smile) - in stark contrast to the stern, unsmiling façade of Muhammadu Buhari, his predecessor - made it easy for him to be believed. The distinction between the two regimes in fact ran much deeper than personality quirks. Babangida, in action, proved to be the complete antithesis of his predecessor. He threw open prison doors, setting free hundreds of 3rd republic politicians convicted and jailed by Buhari. He repealed the obnoxious Decree No. 4 of 1984 with which the Buhari regime had shackled the media. He promised to run “an open administration that is responsive to the yearnings and aspirations of all the people” - a departure from the high-handedness of the Buhari/Idiagbon era. One of his first actions as military president was to allow Nigerians to decide, through public debates, whether to accept the $2.5 billion International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan the Buhari government had been negotiating for. After the terror of the Buhari years, Nigerians appeared to have found a statesman in military uniform. Tough times that lasted By 1985, Nigeria’s foreign debt had ballooned to $18 billion, up from $3.4 billion in 1980 (it would rise beyond $30 billion by the end of the 80s), and external reserves had dwindled to less than $2 billion. Oil prices had been in freefall for 3 years running, and in January 1986 they finally fell to less than $20 per barrel, a record low since the start of the decade. To his credit Babangida made all the right noises about revamping the economy. In his Independence Day 1985 speech, barely two months old in office, he declared “a state of economic emergency for the next 15 months.” That speech went on to lay down a comprehensive plan for “economic reconstruction”. This plan included a moratorium on new foreign debt, promotion of agriculture and industrial development, restriction of importation to “essential commodities”, financial sector reform and privatisation. Populist leanings IBB was a master of the populist move - ambitious government programs targeted at tackling poverty, and empowering rural dwellers. His government churned out program after program, in a bid to actualize his promises to run an inclusive, people-facing government. In 1986, Babangida launched the Mass Mobilization for Self Reliance, Social Justice, and Economic Recovery (MAMSER). In 1987, the Directorate of Food and Rural Infrastructure (DFFRI) was launched to promote agriculture and transform Nigeria’s rural landscape by providing modern infrastructure. Other Babangida creations include the National Directorate of Employment (NDE), National Economic Reconstruction Fund (NERFUND), Peoples Bank of Nigeria (PBN), National Board for Community Banks (NBCB), Nigerian Deposit Insurance Corporation (NDIC), Nigeria Export-Import Bank (NEXIM), National Planning Commission (NPC), and the Urban Development Bank. No other Nigerian government presided over such substantial expansion of government bureaucracy as the Babangida administration. In time, the fiscal prudence that Babangida espoused vanished: billions of naira were sunk into an endless transition programme, and in the early ‘90s, 12 billion dollars worth of windfall crude oil revenue (courtesy of the rise in the oil prices due to the Gulf War) could not be accounted for. Mr. Babangida also came to perfect the art of dispensing patronage through political appointments (mostly targeted at leading members of the opposition) and a far-from-transparent allocation of lucrative oil blocks. “A man whose words mean nothing” Mr. Babangida’s contradictions eventually overwhelmed his reputation so that when, in May 1993, the activist and lawyer Gani Fawehinmi described him as “a man whose words mean nothing to him”, evidence of this littered his eight years in power. Only months after vowing to run a “government by consultation with the people”, Mr. Babangida in 1986 surreptitiously - and unilaterally - took Nigeria, an avowed secular state, into full membership of the Organisation of Islamic Conference (OIC), a body which describes itself as “the collective voice of the Muslim world.” Mr. Babangida lamented the “large role played by the public sector in economic activity with hardly any concrete results to justify such a role.”Ironically, over the course of the next five years, he would go ahead to supervise an unprecedented expansion of government. And despite his deference to the wish of Nigerians to reject the IMF loan, Mr. Babangida went ahead to implement some of the Fund’s most drastic requirements - a devaluation of the naira, and removal of subsidies, chief of which were the petroleum subsidies. Mr. Babangida promised Nigerians that the “belt-tightening” was sorely needed: the painful injection that would usher in vibrant economic health; the mandatory dark lining before a cloud of prosperity. Those reforms, which he christened “Structural Adjustment Programme (SAP)”, came into effect in 1986, with a far-from-pleasant impact on Nigerians. Purchasing powers dwindled, inflation rose, and the obliteration of the middle class began. In 1989, SAP riots rocked the country, as Nigerians had finally had enough of economic reforms which silver lining they waited in vain for. Greatest failings Mr. Babangida’s greatest failings were however in two key areas: his human rights record, and his political transition programme. In December 1985, a group of soldiers, which included his close friend, Mamman Vatsa, were arrested on allegations of plotting to topple the 4-month old Babangida government. After Vatsa was convicted and sentenced to death, Mr. Babangida assured a delegation of distinguished writers (Wole Soyinka, Chinua Achebe and J.P. Clark), which had come pleading for mercy, that he was “determined to do everything in my power to save (Vatsa).” Hours later, Vatsa and the other alleged plotters were executed. As opposition to Mr. Babangida’s rule grew, so did his intolerance for dissent, so that he routinely shut down or proscribed media houses; and harassed journalists, civil society and labour groups using the instruments of state (the State Security Service, Directorate of Military Intelligence and the Police). In 1986, five students of the Ahmadu Bello University were murdered when mobile policemen invaded the campus to quell anti-IMF protests. He also promulgated a series of draconian decrees targeted at quelling all opposition, and on occasion did not hesitate to deport foreign critics (University lecturer Patrick Wilmot and journalist William Keeling). In October 1986, frontline journalist Dele Giwa was murdered by a letter bomb in Lagos. Preliminary police investigations stated that senior officers of Mr. Babangida’s intelligence services, who had hounded Giwa in his final days, had questions to answer regarding Giwa’s death. The mystery of the Giwa assassination remains unsolved till date. An interminable journey A maddeningly convoluted transition programme, whose terminal date soon became a mirage - first 1990, then 1992, and then 1993 - is one of the most significant things Babangida will be remembered for. Early on in his administration, Mr. Babangida inaugurated a “Political Bureau” to “kick off, as it were, the national debate on a viable future political ethos and structure for our dear country.” The political bureau was soon followed by a Constituent Assembly, which in 1989 fashioned a new constitution for the country. Also, in 1989, he created, by presidential fiat, two political parties, the Social Democratic Party and the National Republican Convention. Then in 1991, he released a controversial list of prominent politicians whom he said were banned from participating in the transition programme. In October 1992, he cancelled the results of the parties’ presidential primaries, causing new primaries to be held in March 1993. And then in June 1993 he annulled the results of the presidential elections, presumed to have been won by billionaire businessman MKO Abiola. This was the final straw. By this time, Nigerians had finally had enough of his shenanigans, and violent protests forced him to “step aside” on August 27, 1993,“My colleagues and I are determined to change the course of history,” Mr. Babangida told Nigerians in his maiden speech as Head of State, on August 27, 1985. By the time he reluctantly relinquished power exactly eight years later, he had achieved that goal, far more successfully than he, or anyone else, could ever have imagined. Source: Next |
abeg time to switch to 9ja football league. make i go promote 9ja products instead of giving my money to oyinbo people. |
and see as d "maradona, evil genius" dey try dribble himself into more trouble: ======= Former military president Ibrahim Babangida has said that Nigerians should not misconstrue his recent comments about younger generation and leadership of the Nigerian nation “I have read the printed version of my BBC interview particularly on the celebrated captions concerning leadership and the younger generation which tend to portray my positive intentions in bad light. “To all intents and purposes, my concept of generational leadership in national development is different form the way it is captured and reported by the media which portrays a different meaning. “Perceptions and impressions operate in different context. I have always been an advocate of generational leadership change; again, the younger generation idea which I promoted through new breed politics of late nineties needs be responsive, and active players in the governance process,” he said. Babangida in a statement issued yesterday on his behalf by his spokesman, Kassim Afegbua, declared ‘’I was merely throwing up a challenge to younger generation – to pick up a gauntlet and be more involved in the political process – to give fillip and rationale for introducing the concept in the first place. ‘’Given the manifest complexities in the country since 1995 till date,we as a nation, must build strong institutions to prepare the way for generation leadership empowerment. We need a strong, bold and experienced leadership to contend with these complexities and build the strong institutions required to make things happen. “Countries all over the world and advanced democracies have had their own share from the younger generation. This will be my new role if given the opportunity to serve,” he said. Source:This Day ======== can someone just advise this old fool to shut up if he has nothing coherent to say. this is not the 80s or 90s, please. |
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