some-girl:


ok

Roland17: Despite the despicable level of hate constantly exhibited by tribal bigots whose records can not even lace the ropes of your shoes, you have continued to excel and age in grace.

Papa nnuku, e ga na ga, udo diri gi..

some-girl:


if it helps you sleep well at night.....

some-girl:

LOL
deceive yourself.
People tend to look like those closer to them, hence similarities between efiks and camerounians.
To answer your question. I have seen many infact.

BTW, Abli isn't an Igbo name and I very much doubt it is south southern or eastern.

Miss Abli said when she caught Eddy in bed with the “boyfriend snatcher”, she tried chasing out the new girl but the actor got furious and this led to a fight that saw louver blades shattering, with electronic gadgets flying in all directions as loud noise woke sleeping neighbors. “I didn’t stab Eddie; I was the one who was rather hurt, not him. Eddie was not admitted to any hospital,” Miss Abli told News-One.

http://www.nollywoodone.com/latest-additions/7369-actor-eddy-nartey%E2%80%99s-girlfriend-speaks-out-about-reported-stabbing.html

some-girl:

Funny. If she were Nigerian she'd be from the west, the closest ones to Ghana.

Redman44: She is not that pretty. I think she is average looking with a good body shape. Tobi Phillips won't make the top ten in a Most Beautiful Girl In Nigeria Beauty ( MGBN )contest or a Miss Nigeria Competition. She is just okay. Cheers.

*Ileke-IdI:
Didnt we just had one in August?

Mr.chippychappy:


Do you shoot blanks or what ? I don't get it

tellwisdom: Is this the best, Nigeria could produce??

Ms.AfroZest:


Don't you ever have anything positive to say. What have you contributed to Nigeria to make it a better place for you and others, yet u keep condemning.

kunlekunle: the guy needs to leave inheritance for his children, he's broke.

One thing that Igbo leader and world famous author Professor Chinua Achebe’s latest book, There Was A country, has definitely achieved is that it affirms that it is time we stopped walking as if on eggshells, around the history of Nigeria’s chain of crises. Achebe’s characteristic bare-knuckle account, for all it is worth, has opened the floodgates of candid debate. However if the professor hoped to use the book to validate the fantasy he had peddled for decades, he must be sorely disappointed now because the book did exactly the opposite. It has inspired a number of authoritative rebuttals, some of which have and more of which will further set the records straight.



Achebe once wrote that the trouble with Nigeria is a failure of leadership, which obviously he does not think he is part, but the truth is that Chinua Achebe is part of a generation of Igbo leaders, indeed a clique of self-serving Nigerian leaders, that consistently failed their people. When leaders arrogantly refuse to admit their own failings, indeed refuse to accept the fallibility of man, the usual resort, of which Achebe and some Igbo leaders like him are evidently fond, is to look for scapegoats, however improbable.

In the second quarter of the last century, a half-wit German army corporal and his thuggish friends bullied their way into Germany’s governance. They thereafter paved Germany’s way to ruin with the propaganda of a superior Aryan race, supposedly whose progress was being impaired by a long list of scapegoats—Jews, Blacks, gypsies, the regular army, communists, the disabled and others. Victorious allies and other decent Germans made sure that surviving Nazi leaders faced the full music, for destroying countless lives in pursuit of their delusions. However, the tragedy was not that in modern Europe people with evil and petty minds like the Nazis existed. The tragedy was that those who ought to know better did not, but went along instead. The moral here is that humans will believe only what they choose to believe.

I love Professor Achebe’s fiction and celebrate him for it, as do millions of other Yoruba people that he so much delights in vilifying but I detest his politics, especially when he deliberately intertwines the two and calls it history. It is understandable that, having made very little if any contribution to the advancement of his people, even as he exploited their history and lore for his own profit, Professor Achebe would now try to cad a decent burial from them. However, this long running but obviously futile effort to line his casket with the reputation of a decent people and their worthy leaders, for a man of Achebe’s age and endowment in life, is nothing but sheer wickedness.

As they say, a people deserve the leaders they get. While Igbo people are welcome to accept another of Achebe’s fiction as fact—the same way that they have turned Achebe’s Things Fall Apart into authentic Igbo history, and celebrate it as such—they have no right to ask the rest of the world to follow suit. Highly pertinent questions, long buried inside the grave of a no-victor-no-vanquished post-civil war policy, are about to resurrect. And if Igbo individuals are afraid to ask their leaders like Achebe, the right questions, perhaps for fear of what they might discover of the truth, others will.

Professor Achebe claims that his people would have won the civil war had Chief Obafemi Awolowo not led genocide against the Igbo. Awolowo did that, Achebe alleges, because he and his Yoruba race were jealous of Igbo individualism, Igbo superior education, Igbo higher technological advancement and Igbo domination of Nigeria’s politics and industry. While the wishful conjecture of such a claim, for Nigeria of the sixties, is clearly self-evident, it nonetheless mirrors the same self-deception of Igbo battle capability, which self-serving leaders as Achebe sold to an already bruised and battered people to plunge them headlong into a war for which they were not prepared. They say a wise General picks his battles; Igbo leadership of the day simply lacked the good judgment to run away to fight another day.

Awolowo did not ask or conspire with anyone to go and murder a whole crop of Northern military and political leaders in their beds and in front of their families. Neither did the Yoruba ask anyone to kill Easterners en-masse in the North. In fact, despite being, essentially, bystanders of both conspiracies, each side considered many innocent Yoruba lives to be acceptable collateral during that sad period of Nigeria’s history.

There was a clear pre-misjudgement or miscalculation by Igbo leaders, of the North’s response to January 1966. Incidentally, I hold the opinion that being in prison in the East, where the ringleaders evidently did not make any serious plans or allocate tangible resources to implement their coup, saved Awolowo’s life. I have no doubt that if Awolowo had been in prison in the West or in the North, the coupists would have dragged him out and killed him. All that nonsense about carrying out the coup for Awolowo is simply propaganda, origin of which I suspect is Awolowo’s enemies in the North.

Then there was the unpardonable mistake of ordering their people, following the first round of pogroms, back to the killing fields of the North, without first pacifying an aggrieved people. Following which the so-called Igbo champions concocted the hemlock of Biafra.

Biafra was good going as long as General Yakubu Gowon and Awolowo fed Biafra’s leaders like Achebe and their families. Even as Achebe and others like him watched other people’s children die of hunger, kwashiorkor and their leaders' wickedness.

However, as soon as Awolowo stopped sending food, one by one, Achebe and others like him fled Biafra. The world never saw so many ‘roving ambassadors’ of a country. They left poor Emeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu to hold the poison chalice, predictably which he also refused to drink, as he, too, eventually fled, leaving helpless Igbo masses to their fate.

The integrity factor is all too evident. Chief Awolowo was honest to admit his role and defended what he saw as the good sense of blockading an enemy in war. Northern Nigeria leaders have admitted no less about the pogrom, saying they simply avenged their military and political leaders murdered by the Igbo. South-South leaders confirm that they sabotaged Biafra to free themselves from alleged Igbo ethnic oppression and brutal economic assault. What do we get from Igbo leaders? Denials of what in essence are a series of their bad judgment, while people like Achebe try to put a spin on history. Yet they wonder why others do not give much for the integrity of Igbo leaders like Chinua Achebe.

‘Transferred aggression’ is when an individual that is overwhelmed by superior circumstances looks for another individual, perceived to be an easy target, upon whom to vent his or her frustration. Such frustration is usually borne of one or a mixture of inferiority complex, cowardice and, or, shame.

http://www.nigeriavillagesquare.com/guest-articles/what-has-achebe-ever-done-for-the-igbo.html

(CNN) -- Taken at face value, a Barack Obama presidency should be a big deal for Africa. On Election Day I attended an all-nighter organized in Lagos by the U.S. Diplomatic Mission to celebrate America's democracy. Two large screens relayed CNN's coverage while a succession of speakers -- including a recently re-elected Nigerian governor -- took to the stage to reflect on America and its democratic ideals.Outside the hall sat a mock polling booth, where guests filled a ballot paper and dropped it in a box, watched over by life-size cardboard cut-outs of the two contenders.

In the early hours of the morning the results were tallied and announced. Obama took 219 Nigerian votes, to Mitt Romney's 30. A friend standing with me when the results were announced couldn't help wondering aloud who those 30 people were who had chosen Romney over Obama. As I pointed out in a recent CNN piece, Nigerians, like the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, have an "instinctive fondness" for Mr. Obama, and for an obvious reason: he is a "son" of the continent -- his father was born in Kenya; his grandmother still lives there. Just before I left the event, a friend observed that he still hadn't found a single Nigerian who could point to any reason why they were rooting for Obama, beyond his African roots.That obsession with Obama appears to obscure the fact that his predecessor -- the white, Republican George W. Bush -- demonstrated a more obvious commitment to the continent during his first presidential term.

In 2003, a few months after the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Bush signed into law a bill establishing the U.S. President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR), in fulfilment of a promise made during his State of the Union Address earlier that year.Obama: 'The best is yet to come'Albright on foreign policy in 2013Obama's second term agenda Under the terms of the plan, Bush pledged $15 billion towards fighting HIV/AIDS. In 2008 he renewed the commitment for another five years.Before him, President Bill Clinton -- honored by the Congressional Black Caucus, months after he left office, as America's "first Black President" -- created the African Growth and Opportunities Act (AGOA), a landmark piece of legislation that opened up American markets to African countries.Obama, on the other hand, has demonstrated what has been interpreted as a studied detachment towards sub-Saharan Africa. His only visit in his first four years, to Ghana in 2009, lasted less than 24 hours.

Dr. Folarin Gbadebo-Smith, Director of the Lagos-based Centre for Public Policy Analysis, argues that Obama is in a "conflicted position" -- compelled to exercise caution in his engagement with Africa "for fear that such a position will become ammunition in the hands of the lunatic right, Tea Party types and those who insist he is not an American and is really a Muslim."But if the affection of the continent towards Mr. Obama -- at an all time high in 2008 when he first took office -- has cooled in the last few years (ostensibly as a response to his perceived nonchalance), his re-election appears to have reawakened the enthusiasm."We look forward to the deepening of relations between our two countries during your second term in office," Kenyan President Mwai Kibaki said in a congratulatory message. From Nigeria came a message by a presidential spokesperson, saying "President Jonathan looks forward to continuing to build on Nigeria and Africa's developmental collaboration with the United States in the next four years."

With the pressure of re-election now gone, Smith says "the second term would be a more opportune time for Obama to work with Africa."
While Michelle Obama visited the continent in 2011, the least that many Africans will be expecting from Obama during his second term would be a powerfully symbolic visit of his own to Africa.But that trip, if it ever happens, would be the easiest of the Africa-focused tasks in the Oval Office in-tray. And it would also do little to clarify the monumental complexity of dealing with a rapidly changing African landscape.For one, there's China's aggressive engagement with the continent, which appears to be happening at the expense of countries like America.In 2009, Obama's first year in office, China overtook America as Africa's largest trading partner. America's discomfiture with that state of affairs bubbled to the surface most recently last August, when Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, during a visit to Senegal, lamented that "the days of having outsiders come and extract the wealth of Africa for themselves, leaving nothing or very little behind, should be over in the 21st century."

There is also the aftermath of the Arab Spring. The murder of the U.S. Ambassador to Libya is evidence of how much things have changed in the region in the last two years.
And then there is the rise of extremist Islam in West Africa. In January 2009, Hillary Clinton told a U.S. Senate committee that "combating al Qaeda's efforts to seek safe havens in failed states in the Horn of Africa" would be a key part of America's Africa policy.The years since then have seen the rise of Boko Haram in Nigeria, Africa's most populous nation, and of extremists in Northern Mali.Last June, the White House unveiled a new sub-Saharan Africa strategy built around four "objectives": Democracy, Trade & Investment, Peace & Security, and Development. But it remains to be seen whether Obama will unveil an Africa project on a scale comparable to AGOA and PEPFAR.Not that he is obliged to, anyway.

And with the American economy still in dire straits, and requiring full time attention, he is unlikely to get much backslapping at home for expending his energy on matters that have no direct bearing on America's near future.
http://edition.cnn.com/2012/11/11/opinion/us-election-obama-africa/index.html?hpt=hp_c2