CharlesCNG's Posts
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Nword22:Thank you for exposing the problem. Someone expresses a contrary political opinion and your first instinct is: "They should be locked up." Typical obidient authoritarian thinking. This is precisely why many people worry about the intolerance of obidients. Disagreement is treated as a crime, criticism as betrayal, and opposing views as something to be silenced rather than debated. Imagine saying people should be imprisoned simply because they support another candidate or challenge your arguments. If this is the mindset while still in opposition, Nigerians are entitled to ask what it would look like if Peter obi ever wielded state power. Democracy is simple: you defeat ideas with better ideas, facts with better facts, and arguments with better arguments—not by threatening to lock up everyone who disagrees with you. Your comment says far more about your own democratic values than it does about the person you were responding to. |
Lordhanzo:You are wrong. in 2023 , obi took PDP's votes. Ask yourself: what did the parties score before Peter Obi entered the contest? In 2019: PDP ATIKU : 594,068 votes—71.59% APC BUHARI : 221,292 votes—26.67% In 2023: Peter Obi/LP: 341,866—59.35% Atiku/PDP: 161,600—28.05% Tinubu/APC: 90,183—15.66% The decisive collapse was therefore PDP’s. Its vote fell by 432,468, or almost 73%, between 2019 and 2023. Obi’s 341,866 votes equalled approximately 79% of that PDP decline. The Tinubu returning to Delta in 2027 will not be carrying the political structure that produced 90,000 votes. He will be arriving with the combined machinery of yesterday’s APC and much of yesterday’s PDP. |
SeeWahala:😂 Nice attempt at deflection. Has Peter Obi denied that HE was the person captured on the CCTV? Has he denied that HIS convoy stopped in the drop-off zone? Has he denied that HIS driver left the vehicle unattended? No? Then what exactly is your point? Instead of addressing the evidence, you are now attacking the quality of the camera. That's like being caught on a speed camera and arguing that the camera wasn't 4K. The CCTV wasn't introduced to impress the world; it was released to establish the facts after Peter Obi LIED and alleged he was unfairly targeted. When the evidence became inconvenient, the conversation suddenly shifted from "DID IT HAPPEN?" to **"THE CAMERA QUALITY IS POOR." But the video was crystal clear!! Classic typical obidients pathetic attempt at deflating the evidence instead of disputing it. Whether the footage was recorded in 2G, 3G or 8K is irrelevant. The real question remains unanswered: Has Peter Obi denied he was the person shown in that CCTV? |
Lordhanzo:You are wrong. in 2023 , obi took majorly PDP's votes. Ask yourself: what did the parties score before Peter Obi entered the contest? In 2019: PDP ATIKU : 594,068 votes—71.59% APC BUHARI : 221,292 votes—26.67% In 2023: Peter Obi/LP: 341,866—59.35% Atiku/PDP: 161,600—28.05% Tinubu/APC: 90,183—15.66% The decisive collapse was therefore PDP’s. Its vote fell by 432,468, or almost 73%, between 2019 and 2023. Obi’s 341,866 votes equalled approximately 79% of that PDP decline. The Tinubu returning to Delta in 2027 will not be carrying the political structure that produced 90,000 votes. He will be arriving with the combined machinery of yesterday’s APC and much of yesterday’s PDP. |
jmoore:“Running our airports like local motorparks”? 😂 Interesting spin, considering this controversy began because PITY-PARTY Peter Obi tried to portray an ordinary parking violation as political persecution. Obi complained that his vehicle was unfairly clamped while others were supposedly allowed to park there. Aviation Minister Festus Keyamo ordered an investigation and the airport CCTV reportedly showed something rather different: Obi arrived at about 8:28pm, alighted, and his police driver left the vehicle unattended in a designated drop-off zone while entering the terminal. That is why FAAN imposed the ₦25,000 fine. So the issue wasn't simply, Where was the No Parking sign?” A drop-off zone means precisely that—drop off your passenger and move the vehicle, not convert it into your personal parking bay. The more interesting question is why an ordinary airport parking infraction was elevated into evidence of government “persecution.” This is becoming Peter Obi's political problem: small incident, enormous narrative. Fortunately, CCTV doesn't vote APC or NDC. 😄 Rather than abusing Keyamo for investigating the allegation, perhaps ask why a presidential candidate turned a ₦25,000 parking dispute into another chapter of his persecution story. When politicians make serious allegations against public institutions, ministers SHOULD investigate them. And when the evidence contradicts the political drama, don't blame the CCTV camera. |
PlasmaTV:NO SIR.Campaigning is a two-way street, my dear obidient friend. You sell your candidate's achievements AND interrogate the alternative asking voters to replace him. That's Politics 101. If Obi says Tinubu has failed, Tinubu's supporters are entitled to defend the record and ask Obi what he would do differently. You cannot throw punches every morning and complain about "obsession" when somebody punches back. 😂 And “a good product sells itself”? Even Coca-Cola still advertises. 2027 will involve both sides of the ledger: Tinubu's policies versus Obi's alternatives, achievements versus promises.** You don't get to campaign against the incumbent while placing your own candidate inside a glass box marked “DO NOT EXAMINE.” If Obi wants Tinubu's job, scrutiny comes with the application. |
PlasmaTV:You ain't seen nothing yet. 😂 You obidients think this is still 2023, when Obi enjoyed relatively favourable political weather and many of his claims travelled around social media without serious interrogation? 2027 will be different. And please understand the distinction: someone does not have to be an electoral threat to deserve scrutiny. Obi wants to be President, attacks the incumbent almost daily and makes claims about the economy, security and governance. Naturally, those claims will be examined. A mosquito is hardly a threat to an elephant's size, but its buzzing will still attract attention. 😄 The real nuisance is the idea that Obi should be free to criticise everybody while anybody scrutinising Obi has suddenly developed an “obsession.” No, my brother. Criticism is a two-way street. If Peter Obi wants Tinubu's job, then his record, statistics, promises, interviews, contradictions and proposed alternatives will be examined relentlessly. So prepare yourselves. 2023 was largely the season of packaging. 2027 will be the season of unpacking. |
Borrow2222:Morning PO. Afternoon PO. Night PO. 😂 Perhaps ask your PO why he keeps supplying the material. Peter Obi is a presidential candidate who comments almost daily on government policy and wants Tinubu's job. When he makes claims that are inaccurate, exaggerated or disputed, naturally people will fact-check and respond. Opposition politicians do not acquire immunity from scrutiny merely because Nigerians are suffering. And listing hardship does not validate every statistic you throw into the pot. “65% in abject poverty,” “140 million facing severe hunger,” “insecurity at an all-time high”—each is a specific factual claim requiring evidence and proper definitions, not dramatic adjectives. Yes, Nigerians face serious hardship. Food and transport costs remain painful, and insecurity remains unacceptable. But acknowledging hardship does not require pretending that reserves have not risen, the trade balance has not improved, FX distortions have not narrowed, local refining has not expanded, or reforms are not underway. Back to topic. So why does PO keep appearing in the conversation? Simple: he wants the presidency, speaks frequently, attacks government frequently and therefore gets scrutinised frequently. If Obi wants fewer rebuttals, the solution isn't complicated: make fewer questionable claims, stop misrepresenting statistics, and—most importantly—start explaining what he would do differently and how he would fund it. You cannot apply for somebody's job every morning and complain that people keep examining your CV every afternoon. |
What Obidients are doing with the Delta incident is best described as Violence Narrative Laundering: Violence Narrative Laundering is about turning every violent incident into a campaign Strategy for 2027. They used it very successfully in 2023. This is dangerous because once you establish the rule that any assault involving a political figure may automatically beused as a campaign tactics, that same reckless standard can be used against you tomorrow. THE MODUS OPERANDI: MANUFACTURE THE NARRATIVE, THEN SHADOW-BOX WITH IT. Here is the familiar trick. A violent incident involving an APC supporter occurs. Before the police establish the motive, somebody produces a video and supplies the missing storyline: “He was attacked because he supports Tinubu. This proves APC is hated!” Then the clip is circulated repeatedly across sympathetic social-media circles until an allegation begins masquerading as established fact. Remember the Nasarawa video? Same formula. Fact A: An assault occurred. Then they insert an unsupported Claim B: APC/Tinubu's unpopularity caused the assault. Finally, Claim B is circulated as proof of itself. Imagine two neighbours who have quarrelled over land for months. One wearing an APC cap is eventually assaulted. Somebody immediately announces: “They attacked him because he supports Tinubu!” Where is the evidence connecting the cap to the assault? That is essentially the problem with the Delta narrative. Simon Mudi, alias Temple, was attacked. The violence should be condemned and those responsible prosecuted. But where is the evidence that he was attacked because he supported Tinubu”? None Absolutely none. Temple's own account reportedly linked the incident to an earlier dispute dating back about a month. Other participants have offered competing explanations. There is, so far, no established police finding that support for Tinubu caused the attack. And another important fact: the Delta Central APC stakeholders' meeting itself was held at the PTI Conference Centre, Effurun, where Tinubu, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, Senator Ede Dafinone and other APC candidates were unanimously endorsed. The meeting was peaceful without incidence. And this is hardly an isolated gathering. In recent months there have been the Itsekiri endorsement gathering in Warri, statewide APC direct primaries across the 25 LGAs, a Delta Mandate mobilisation in Asaba and the latest Delta Central stakeholders' meeting. Now look at the wider political reality Obidients are desperately trying to explain away. Delta is governed by APC Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. The entire 22-member PDP bloc in the House of Assembly crossed to APC in 2025, joining the seven APC legislators already there. All the state's local-government chairmen moved with the governor into APC. Delta's three senators—Ned Nwoko, Ede Dafinone and Joel-Onowakpo Thomas—are APC. Most strikingly, APC has 467,815 registered members in Delta, with 407,646 participating in its May presidential primary. None of this guarantees APC victory in 2027. Elections still have to be fought and won. But portraying APC as some persecuted, unpopular fringe in Delta is simply delusional. |
Lordhanzo:DELTA APC FRACAS: BEWARE OF OBIDIENTS VIOLENCE NARRATIVE LAUNDERING. What Obidients are doing with the Delta incident is best described as Violence Narrative Laundering: Violence Narrative Laundering is about turning every violent incident into a campaign Strategy for 2027. They used it very successfully in 2023. This is dangerous because once you establish the rule that any assault involving a political figure may automatically beused as a campaign tactics, that same reckless standard can be used against you tomorrow. THE MODUS OPERANDI: MANUFACTURE THE NARRATIVE, THEN SHADOW-BOX WITH IT Here is the familiar trick. A violent incident involving an APC supporter occurs. Before the police establish the motive, somebody produces a video and supplies the missing storyline: “He was attacked because he supports Tinubu. This proves APC is hated!” Then the clip is circulated repeatedly across sympathetic social-media circles until an allegation begins masquerading as established fact. Remember the Nasarawa video? Same formula. Fact A: An assault occurred. Then they insert an unsupported Claim B: APC/Tinubu's unpopularity caused the assault. Finally, Claim B is circulated as proof of itself. Imagine two neighbours who have quarrelled over land for months. One wearing an APC cap is eventually assaulted. Somebody immediately announces: “They attacked him because he supports Tinubu!” Where is the evidence connecting the cap to the assault? That is essentially the problem with the Delta narrative. Simon Mudi, alias Temple, was attacked. The violence should be condemned and those responsible prosecuted. But where is the evidence that he was attacked because he supported Tinubu”? None Absolutely none. Temple's own account reportedly linked the incident to an earlier dispute dating back about a month. Other participants have offered competing explanations. There is, so far, no established police finding that support for Tinubu caused the attack. And another important fact: the Delta Central APC stakeholders' meeting itself was held at the PTI Conference Centre, Effurun, where Tinubu, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, Senator Ede Dafinone and other APC candidates were unanimously endorsed. The meeting was peaceful without incidence. And this is hardly an isolated gathering. In recent months there have been the Itsekiri endorsement gathering in Warri, statewide APC direct primaries across the 25 LGAs, a Delta Mandate mobilisation in Asaba and the latest Delta Central stakeholders' meeting. Now look at the wider political reality Obidients are desperately trying to explain away. Delta is governed by APC Governor Sheriff Oborevwori. The entire 22-member PDP bloc in the House of Assembly crossed to APC in 2025, joining the seven APC legislators already there. All the state's local-government chairmen moved with the governor into APC. Delta's three senators—Ned Nwoko, Ede Dafinone and Joel-Onowakpo Thomas—are APC. Most strikingly, APC has 467,815 registered members in Delta, with 407,646 participating in its May presidential primary. None of this guarantees APC victory in 2027. Elections still have to be fought and won. But portraying APC as some persecuted, unpopular fringe in Delta is simply delusional. |
Macphenson:You mean your own partisan interpretation of his words somehow overrides what he actually said? 😂 Where did Tinubu mention ballot-box snatching, rigging or “glitches”? NOWHERE. Obidients and the opposition supplied those words yourself and then accused him of saying them. That's like writing your own examination question, answering it wrongly, and blaming the teacher. Context matters. He spoke about political competition and, in the same engagement, assured the Catholic bishops that INEC would remain neutral and all parties would have equal opportunity. If you have evidence that “all is fair” meant “rig the election,” produce it. Otherwise, you are not interpreting Tinubu's statement; you are manufacturing a statement for him and then shadow-boxing with your own invention. |
Oracleee:Ah, the famous “Na ChatGPT” defence. 😂 When you cannot dispute the figures, interrogate the keyboard that typed them. Forget ChatGPT completely. Which fact is false? Are reserves not rising? Is Nigeria not recording trade surpluses? Have capital inflows not increased? Has local refining not reduced petrol-import dependence? Has the huge official/parallel FX distortion not narrowed? Bring your counter-data. And please don't confuse “lived reality” with the entire economy. Nigerians are genuinely experiencing hardship, and I have never denied it. But macroeconomic stabilisation and household hardship can exist simultaneously. A patient recovering from major surgery can still be in pain; the pain does not prove the operation failed. Call me "sycophant" if that helps. Call the computer names too. 😄 But eventually you must confront the argument. Facts have no ChatGPT account, APC membership card or polling unit. Refute them with better facts. |
Originalsly:I understand your argument better now, but you are confusing attacking the messenger with[i] examining the alternative[/i]. If Atiku merely said, "Nigerians are suffering," then his political history or electoral structure would indeed be irrelevant to whether Nigerians are suffering. But Atiku is not an independent commentator or spokesman for the masses. He is a presidential candidate asking Nigerians to replace Tinubu with him. The moment he says, in effect, "this government has failed; vote for my alternative," examining Atiku becomes part of examining the message. Your robber analogy therefore doesn't fit. Here is a better one: Two doctors want to treat a sick patient. Doctor Atiku says, "The present doctor's treatment is terrible; give me the patient." Perfectly legitimate. But surely the family is entitled to ask: What is your diagnosis? What medicine will you prescribe? What would you stop doing? What is your own medical record? And do you even have a functioning hospital? Asking those questions is not "attacking the doctor." It is called due diligence. And saying, "I'll reveal my treatment during the campaign" creates another problem. Atiku is already campaigning politically when he issues statements telling Nigerians why Tinubu should be removed. You cannot open the prosecution's case today and tell us the defence of your own candidacy will arrive whenever INEC blows the whistle. By all means, Atiku should pressure government. That is healthy democracy. But criticism establishes only that A has problems. It does not establish that B is better. That second proposition must be proved. So when Atiku says, "Judge Tinubu by his record," I completely agree. My response is simply: Wonderful. Now let us judge Atiku by his record, examine his alternative, and ask whether the ADC machinery he wants to use can actually deliver it. That isn't attacking the messenger. The messenger has submitted his CV for the job. We are entitled to read it. |
Originalsly:What exactly is the "message"? Telling Nigerians that food is expensive, insecurity exists and people are suffering? Nigerians already know these things. The primary job of an opposition presidential candidate is not merely to describe the problem; it is to convince voters that he has a better solution than the incumbent. Otherwise, he is like a football commentator describing every mistake from the stands while refusing to show us whether he can actually play. Atiku should therefore answer the harder questions: What exactly would he do differently? Which Tinubu reforms would he reverse? What would replace them? How would he fund his alternatives? And then there is the little matter of[b] political structure.[/b] Atiku abandoned the PDP—the nationwide machine he used in 2023—for the ADC. What comparable structure has he built there? Start from his own Adamawa State. How many governors, senators, House members, state legislators and major grassroots structures followed him into the ADC? That is the real problem. The structure that carried Atiku in 2023 has largely remained behind, while he has moved to another vehicle and expects Nigerians to assume the passengers automatically followed him. Opposition is more than issuing devastating press statements. You must provide the alternative policy, build the alternative coalition and demonstrate the electoral pathway. So nobody is attacking the messenger to avoid the message. We are simply asking the messenger: Where is the message beyond "Tinubu bad"—and where is the political machinery that will deliver your alternative? |
Streetinvestor2:Afraid of this fragmented,weak,pathetic opposition? That's like an elephant being warned to fear two goats arguing over who should lead the charge. 😄 Atiku and Obi that could not work out and merge their competing ambitions ? And that "neck pressing" made me laugh. Peter Obi's immediate problem is not pressing Tinubu's neck; it is surviving his next interview without his own supporters begging him to leave the microphone alone. 😂 Campaign poetry is easy. Electoral arithmetic is stubborn. |
emkz:The most lauhable part of Atiku Atiku’s Doomsday Sermon cannot withstand verifiable economic record. Atiku speaks of “exchange-rate instability” as though the naira is still jumping between multiple official windows. Nigeria now operates a unified, market-driven foreign-exchange system. The naira recently traded around ₦1,375/$, while the IMF says the flexible regime is serving Nigeria better. Net foreign-exchange reserves rose to about $34.8 billion in 2025, from only $3.99 billion two years earlier, while gross reserves climbed above $45 billion. That is not perfect stability, but it is certainly not the chaos Atiku describes. Then comes the astonishing claim of “dwindling investor confidence.” Dwindling from where to where? Nigeria attracted $23.22 billion in capital inflows in 2025, up about 90% from $12.32 billion in 2024. In the first quarter of 2026 alone, capital importation reached $10.37 billion, an 83.8% increase over the same period of 2025. But where is Atiku’s detailed alternative? Would he restore the fuel subsidy? At what annual cost? Would he re-peg the naira? At what rate, and with which reserves? Would he reverse the tax reforms? How would he finance the budget? Would he abolish NELFUND? What would replace it? Would he reduce borrowing while simultaneously increasing subsidies, wages, security spending and social programmes? Where would the money come from? Democracy is indeed a marketplace of ideas. But Atiku has arrived at the marketplace carrying only a megaphone. |
Stanna2025:Calling everyone who disagrees with you "demons" says more about your intolerance than President Tinubu. If Tinubu truly has "no pathway" to re-election, then tell us: which opposition candidate has one, and what exactly is that pathway? Since 2023, the APC has won the overwhelming majority of governorship, National Assembly and off-cycle elections. Apart from APC, only the PDP and APGA have managed to win governorship elections. Those are electoral facts, not propaganda. Winning elections requires organisation, structures, alliances and votes—not wishful thinking or calling political opponents "demons." |
Macphenson:All is fair in elections" So what is wrong with the statement except the cynical and deliberate that a confused opposition taking the phrase out of context.. Tinubu was referring to legitimate political competition, not election rigging. In the very same remarks, he reaffirmed that INEC would remain independent and that every party would have equal opportunity. You cannot quote one sentence while pretending the next sentence never existed. |
Oracleee:No goalpost needs shifting. It is Atiku and his opposition choir that appear to be hallucinating. Who should Nigerians believe: the IMF, the World Bank and respected global economic authorities such as Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, who acknowledge that the reforms are difficult but necessary and are beginning to stabilise the economy— or a clueless opposition establishment that offers no credible alternative beyond recycled lamentations, dramatic press statements and election-season prophecy? The reserves are rising. The trade balance is improving. Exchange-rate distortions have reduced. Capital inflows are increasing. Local refining is replacing imports, and revenue has expanded. These are measurable facts, not APC poetry. You may debate the speed of recovery or the hardship accompanying the reforms, but denying visible progress because Atiku needs a campaign slogan is like covering the scoreboard because your team is losing. The opposition is free to criticise. But it must eventually answer the questions it keeps dodging: What will it reverse? What will it replace? How will it fund the alternative? Until then, the real hallucination is pretending that loud rhetoric is superior to economic data. |
Streetinvestor2:Your response suggests you either didn't read the article or completely missed its central argument. The article was not about whether Obasanjo can deliver South-West votes to Tinubu or Peter Obi. In fact, it acknowledged that Obasanjo's electoral influence is often overstated. The question the article raised was much simpler: What happens if Obasanjo does not endorse Peter Obi in 2027? Will Obidients respect his democratic right to support another candidate—or no candidate at all? Or will they do what they have repeatedly done to former allies such as Doyin Okupe, Kenneth Okonkwo and others: suddenly declare him compromised, tribalistic or irrelevant? Instead of answering that question, you invented a completely different argument and then attacked it. That's called arguing with a straw man. It wins applause only from people who never read the original piece. |
daniwise:The claim is misleading because it compares the estimated total cost of constructing the entire Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway over several years with Nigeria's 2024 budget for just one year. That is like saying someone who takes a 30-year mortgage has already spent 30 years' salary on the first day. The ₦20.8 trillion figure is an estimated long-term project cost, not money paid to Gilbert Chagoury. In addition, the 2024 budget was later increased from about ₦28.8 trillion to over ₦35 trillion, making the "74%" calculation even more misleading. The first section of the highway is being financed in stages, including a $747 million syndicated loan, not by handing over ₦20.8 trillion in one payment. This is becoming a familiar opposition propaganda tactic: take a long-term infrastructure project, pretend the entire cost was paid immediately, then present it as corruption. If there are questions about procurement, project cost or transparency, they should be debated with facts. But claiming Chagoury has already "received 74% of Nigeria's budget" is simply false. It is like adding up the cost of building an entire house, then telling people the contractor collected all the money before laying the foundation. |
Ambivert77:This is no longer ordinary disagreement. It is organisational confusion. Who has the authority to appoint? Who can dismiss? Who controls the official communication platforms? Which constitution governs these movements? And most importantly, who is actually in charge? |
Flangelo12:This is what happens when the Head of a Movement Is Not in Charge. There is an old joke about a badly managed motor park: every conductor is shouting a different destination, while nobody knows who owns the bus. HEADLESS MOB!! |
naptu2:Supporters frequently present Peter Obi as a man capable of bringing discipline and order to Nigeria. Yet the movement built around his name has repeatedly struggled to define its membership, leadership and relationship with political parties. When factions can publicly claim to sack the man whose identity created the movement, the comedy has already written itself. |
givedemwotowoto:“The Real Reforms Nigeria Needs”? Tinubu Is Already Working on Most of Them. Please look honestly at the reforms listed in your own image: police reform, anti-corruption, judicial reform, electoral reform, constitutional reform, public procurement reform and healthcare reform. Which Nigerian government has attempted reforms across this many difficult sectors simultaneously like the tinubu govt has done in the last three Years? Police reform. The Tinubu administration has begun modernising police training, intelligence gathering, equipment and technology. It approved the rehabilitation of security-agency training institutions and ordered the withdrawal of thousands of police officers from VIP duties for redeployment to core policing. These reforms are incomplete, but pretending nothing is happening is dishonest. Judicial reform. Tinubu doubled federal judiciary funding in the 2024 budget, restored the Supreme Court to its full constitutional complement of 21 justices and initiated the first major increase in judicial officers’ salaries since 2007—reportedly exceeding 300%. Electoral reform. Nigeria now has an Electoral Act 2026, while INEC is reviewing regulations and implementing recommendations from previous elections ahead of 2027. Electoral legislation is principally the responsibility of the National Assembly; the President’s role is to assent or return the bill—not personally rewrite the law. Constitutional reform. Constitutional amendment is not an executive decree. It requires passage by the National Assembly and approval from at least two-thirds of state assemblies. Yet alteration bills covering governance and institutional reforms are already before the legislature. Blaming Tinubu alone for their pace is like blaming a football goalkeeper because the referee has not restarted the match. Anti-corruption and procurement reform. The ICPC adopted a 2024–2028 strategic plan centred on technology, prevention, enforcement and asset recovery. The government also established a central database for forfeited and recovered assets, while the Bureau of Public Procurement is pursuing procurement reforms and stronger debarment measures. Healthcare reform. Thousands of primary healthcare centres are being renovated or upgraded; cancer-treatment centres are being established; free caesarean sections and subsidised dialysis have been introduced; and health-insurance coverage reportedly rose from 16 million to 20 million within two years. Has every reform been completed? No. Should implementation be scrutinised? Certainly. But calling a government a “colossal failure” while displaying a reform checklist containing several areas in which it is already acting is like standing inside a construction site and declaring that no building exists because the roof has not yet been installed. You may dislike Tinubu, but dislike is not evidence—and an unfinished reform is not the same thing as an absent reform. |
emydnobl:Yes, buying petrol at about ₦1,300 is painful. Nobody should pretend otherwise. But the old ₦187 price was not proof of a healthy economy; it was the price displayed at the pump after government hid the remaining bill in the national budget. Nigeria was living a[b] fake life[/b]—like a man earning ₦100,000 monthly but driving a luxury car, eating in expensive restaurants and secretly paying the difference with loans. His neighbours call him prosperous until the debts arrive. In 2022 alone, NNPC recorded about ₦4.39 trillion in petrol-subsidy costs—nearly $10 billion at the time—and consequently remitted no money to the federation account. Nigeria was borrowing, surrendering oil revenue and spending scarce foreign exchange to import petrol merely to maintain an artificially cheap pump price. The cheap petrol was therefore not free. Nigerians paid through: * reduced funds for roads, schools and hospitals; * higher borrowing and debt servicing; * pressure on the naira; * smuggling to neighbouring countries, where petrol was more expensive; * an import system that rewarded politically connected middlemen. Blaming Tinubu alone for today’s price is like blaming the ambulance for the accident because it arrived at the crash scene. The wreckage—dead refineries, import dependence, subsidy debt and a distorted exchange rate—had accumulated over decades. There is now an important structural change. The 650,000-barrel-per-day Dangote Refinery has expanded local production, while Nigeria temporarily stopped issuing petrol-import licences when domestic supply became sufficient. That reduces import dependence, conserves foreign exchange and keeps more refining activity inside Nigeria. Local refining does not make petrol magically cheap: crude oil still has an international value, and distribution, taxes and exchange rates still affect the price. But it removes freight costs, import financing and part of Nigeria’s exposure to foreign suppliers. So yes, the medicine is bitter and government must do much more to cushion citizens. But demanding a return to ₦187 without explaining who pays the hidden difference is asking Nigeria to resume the fake lifestyle that helped cause the crash. The old price was comfortable fiction; the challenge now is to turn painful reform into affordable, sustainable reality. |
JuanDeDios:Your point is interesting, but it is based on a misunderstanding. NFEM is not a second exchange-rate window—it is the market itself. It is where banks and authorised dealers buy and sell foreign exchange, and the official rate is determined from actual trades. Scrapping NFEM would be like shutting down the Stock Exchange because people also trade shares privately. The other rate you are probably refering to to is the parallel (black) market, not another official CBN window. Even countries with floating currencies can have parallel markets. The real objective is not to eliminate every unofficial rate, but to narrow the gap between the official and parallel markets. The real arbitrage happened under the old system, when government sold dollars at artificially low official rates like 350 while the black market valued them much higher-700 / 750. That encouraged people to buy cheap official dollars and resell them for huge profits. The Cardoso system is a[b] managed float[/b]. The market largely determines the exchange rate, while the CBN occasionally intervenes to reduce excessive volatility—something many central banks around the world also do. The answer is therefore not to scrap NFEM, but to deepen it with more liquidity and transparency until the parallel market becomes largely irrelevant. |
jojo1415:Every economy undergoing major structural reforms experiences pain before the gains become widespread. That is why serious analysis and development economists looks beyond emotion and asks: Is the economy stabilising? Is it moving in the right direction? Yes, many Nigerians are still hurting. Nobody denies that. But to claim that "nothing is moving" is simply a doomsday narrative detached from reality. Roads are being built. Refineries are coming back. States are receiving record FAAC allocations. Foreign reserves have strengthened. Private investment is returning. Inflation remains a challenge, but the economy is no longer being propped up by unsustainable fuel subsidies and artificial exchange rates. Saying "everything is on standstill" is like standing in the emergency ward and declaring the patient dead because he has not been discharged. Nigeria's economy is not where we want it to be, but neither is it where it was in May 2023. The real question for the opposition is no longer "Things are hard." Nigerians already know that. The question is: What exactly would you do differently tomorrow morning, and how would you fund it without returning Nigeria to the very policies that created today's problems? Until that question is answered, the doomsday sermons may generate applause—but they do not generate solutions. |
Olofofo247ng:THE CUP IS NO LONGER HALF EMPTY: CARDOSO, OKONJO-IWEALA AND THE QUIET RETURN OF ECONOMIC CONFIDENCE. By CharlesCNG, "We are not where we want to be, but thank God we are no longer where we used to be." That old saying perfectly captures the message that emerged from the fireside conversation between WTO Director-General Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala and Central Bank of Nigeria Governor Olayemi Cardoso. For perhaps the first time in years, Nigeria's economic conversation is gradually shifting from survival to opportunity. Neither economist pretended that Nigeria's problems have disappeared. Neither suggested that inflation has vanished or that Nigerians are not still feeling economic pain. Instead, they argued that the difficult reforms of the last two years have begun restoring something every successful economy requires before prosperity can return—confidence. Governor Cardoso recalled inheriting an economy marked by depleted reserves, weakened confidence, policy inconsistency and severe distortions in the foreign exchange market. His response, he explained, was to restore credibility through transparent processes, orthodox monetary policy, clearer communication and difficult but necessary reforms. "The figures speak for themselves," he said. What made the conversation particularly significant was that these remarks were immediately reinforced—not by politicians—but by one of the world's most respected development economists. Dr. Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala openly acknowledged that the Central Bank had built "an island of excellence" and commended its efforts to restore credibility and discipline to monetary policy. But she also delivered an important reminder. Macroeconomic stability alone is not enough. The benefits must now flow into the real economy where ordinary Nigerians can feel them through jobs, investment, lower inflation and expanding opportunities. Perhaps the most encouraging part of the discussion was its optimism about Nigeria's future. While many see global trade tensions as a threat, Okonjo-Iweala sees an opportunity. As global supply chains diversify away from excessive dependence on a few countries, Africa—and Nigeria in particular—can position itself as a manufacturing, logistics and critical minerals hub, provided governance, infrastructure and the investment climate continue to improve. Cardoso echoed the same philosophy. Nigeria, he argued, cannot continue depending primarily on foreign capital. Domestic resource mobilisation, stronger institutions, banking recapitalisation, policy consistency and closer collaboration between fiscal and monetary authorities must become the foundation of sustainable growth. He noted that approximately **75% of the funds raised during the recent banking recapitalisation came from domestic sources**, demonstrating that Nigeria possesses far greater internal financial capacity than many assume. The hardest ECONOMIC decisions are rarely the most popular at the beginning. They become appreciated only after stability begins replacing uncertainty. Nigeria has not crossed the finish line. Inflation remains high. Many families continue to struggle. Businesses still face serious challenges. But the conversation has changed. Not from denial to celebration. From crisis management to long-term rebuilding. Perhaps the glass is no longer almost empty. Perhaps, for the first time in many years, it is becoming more than half full. As another old saying reminds us: We are not yet where we want to be. But thank God we are no longer where we used to be. |
MamaFryo:You speak as though Nigeria's economic problems began on 29 May 2023. Who created the fuel subsidy regime that bled the treasury for decades? Who maintained multiple exchange rates that rewarded arbitrage instead of production? Who borrowed heavily to finance consumption while postponing difficult reforms? Blaming Tinubu for all of Nigeria's accumulated economic distortions is like blaming the ambulance for an accident simply because it arrived at the crash scene. Nigeria is like a patient who spent decades drinking sugared water while refusing proper treatment. The sugar tasted good, but beneath the surface diabetes was quietly destroying the body. When the patient finally reaches the hospital, the physician prescribes painful treatment instead of more sugar. The injections hurt. The recovery is slow. But that does not mean the doctor caused the disease. That is the challenge President Tinubu inherited: an economy that looked stable on the surface but was being sustained by fuel subsidies, exchange-rate distortions and borrowing that could not continue indefinitely. Is there still pain? Absolutely. Should government continue working to reduce that pain? Without question. But there is a difference between pain from an illness and[b] pain from treatment[/b]. Confusing the two is like demanding that a surgeon stop operating because the patient feels pain. For years, Nigeria lived beyond its means. Today, the medicine is bitter, but the patient is showing signs of stabilisation. Revenue has improved, foreign reserves are stronger, fuel queues have disappeared, states receive significantly higher FAAC allocations, and investors are gradually regaining confidence. Criticise the implementation where necessary—that is democracy. But don't rewrite history by pretending the physician created the disease. The sickness was decades in the making. The real debate is whether anyone proposing to replace THIS doctor has a better diagnosis, a better treatment plan and a credible way to pay for it. Until then, demanding a return to the sugared water that nearly killed the patient is not compassion—it is malpractice. Finally, madam policewoman, before you arrest the doctor, kindly produce the medical report and introduce the replacement physician. Nigeria has suffered enough from miracle healers. |
AMINDA:Calling an argument "AI-generated" is not a rebuttal; it's an admission that you cannot answer the facts. That's like a student failing a mathematics exam and blaming the calculator instead of solving the equation. Now to your question. Why is Tinubu retaining the Muslim-Muslim ticket in 2027? Even has the political circumstances have changed. In 2023, the ticket generated understandable fears among Christians. Since assuming office, however, Tinubu has sought to allay those concerns through appointments, inclusion and engagement across religious lines. Even Northern CAN leaders have acknowledged that his administration’s inclusiveness reduced some of the initial anxiety surrounding the ticket. So tinubu could change the ticket and still win but Tinubu's nature will never do that to a loyal ally. Tinubu and Shettima have developed a stable working relationship. Dropping a loyal vice-president after one term could create an unnecessary perception of betrayal—using him to win northern votes and then discarding him. Politics also requires trust and continuity. Secondly, the Tinubu-Shettima combination has already won a national election and remains the APC’s established ticket. Politicians do not dismantle a functioning partnership merely to satisfy commentators. In simple terms, the political arithmetic is still viable: why repair what the party believes is not broken? Uba Sani’s case is different. He inherited the Muslim-Muslim arrangement created under El-Rufai and retained El-Rufai’s deputy in 2023. It was not Uba Sani’s original political philosophy. Having governed Kaduna and studied the narrow 2023 result, he is now free to correct an inherited formula and broaden reconciliation by choosing Christian running mate Jerry Adams. So there is no contradiction. Tinubu is retaining a tested partnership whose initial fears he believes his record has reduced; Uba Sani is replacing an inherited arrangement that deepened Kaduna’s peculiar religious divisions. One is preserving continuity. The other is correcting a local political liability. |
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