₦airaland Forum

zoghys:
All these write up for a washed up president whom under his administration there is evidence of monumental corruption and gross insecurity that has never been witnessed in this country. Obi may not be the man but definitely Tinubu has failed and doesn't deserve additional four years. I hope and pray we get it right this time around.

So, after all the noise, you have finally admitted that Peter Obi may not be the man.

That admission is important.

But once you remove Obi from the conversation, your argument suddenly becomes incomplete. You say Tinubu has failed—but failed by what measurable standard?

Has he failed because he removed an unsustainable fuel subsidy previous governments were afraid to touch?
Because he ended the multiple exchange-rate system that rewarded connected middlemen?
Because federal allocations to states and local governments have risen substantially?
Because student loans, tax reforms, local-government autonomy, electricity decentralisation and major infrastructure projects are now being implemented?

You may disagree with the reforms. You may argue that the cushioning measures were inadequate, inflation remains painful and insecurity is still unacceptable. Those are legitimate criticisms.

But hardship during structural reform is not automatic proof that nothing is working.

So define failure properly.

Which indicators are you using? Revenue? Reserves? GDP growth? Infrastructure? Education financing? State allocations? Investment? Security? Cost of living?

Then comes the bigger question.

Now that you admit Obi may not be qualified, who exactly is the person Nigeria should elect?

What is his security blueprint?

What economic reforms will he reverse or retain?

Will he restore fuel subsidy? Reintroduce multiple exchange rates? Cancel tax reforms? Stop infrastructure projects?

What precisely will this unnamed saviour do differently?

It is easy to shout, “Tinubu must go.”

The serious democratic question is:

Who should replace him, and where is that person’s superior, costed and workable programme?

Nigeria cannot replace difficult reform with another beautifully packaged experiment.

Sheuns:
The Tinubu you support didn’t tell us how he’ll achieve all he claimed he will achieve.

He only kept saying “Look at Lagos”. “I built Lagos”. In fact he delegated questions asked him at Chatham House to El Rufai and others.

You guys cheered him on as a “master strategist”, you shouldn’t be the ones condemning another person for acting as Tinubu acted now.

What precisely is your point here, except the usual Obidient attempt to derail a discussion about Peter Obi by dragging Tinubu into it?

This thread is about Peter Obi’s interview with Seun Okinbaloye yesterday. It is not about Tinubu, Chatham House, Lagos or El-Rufai.

Stay on topic.

The issue is simple: Peter Obi was given ample opportunity to explain his plans, especially on security, the economy and governance. Instead of presenting a clear blueprint, he offered broad statements, familiar complaints and vague promises.

Tinubu’s record—good or bad—does not magically supply Peter Obi with a security plan. Pointing at another politician does not answer the questions Obi failed to answer.

In that interview, I saw a man not prepared, not informed, not convincing, not strategic, not detailed, not realistic, not presidential, not dependable and not ready to govern a country as complex as Nigeria.

The standard is not whether another candidate once performed poorly in an interview. The standard is whether Peter Obi, after years of campaigning for the presidency, can clearly explain what he intends to do, how he will do it, who will implement it, how it will be funded and how success will be measured.

He did not.

The clearest thing to emerge from that interview was therefore a new political nickname:

BLUEPRINTLESS PETER.

Whenever he is asked for a plan, he gives Nigerians another description of the problem.

Nigeria is not looking for a national commentator.

It is looking for a president with a blueprint.

ratcock:
I cannot affirm nor deny Obasanjo’s involvement with Tinubu’s reelection bid but I can tell that his projection of Mr Peter Obi is a face saving measure and an atonement for his past opposition to Igbo presidency.
This doesn’t take away the fact that he remains one of the best leaders this country has produced.

I also cannot affirm or deny the allegation that former President Olusegun Obasanjo is secretly working for President Tinubu’s re-election.

However, I am surprised by the accusation because we were previously told that Obasanjo was the brain behind efforts to bring Peter Obi and Rabiu Kwankwaso together for a 2027 ticket.
He publicly endorsed Obi in 2023, while recent reports have again credited him with facilitating the proposed Obi–Kwankwaso partnership.

So which story are we expected to believe?

Nevertheless, I would not be shocked if he eventually withdrew support from Obi. Many prominent Nigerians who embraced Obi in the emotional atmosphere of 2023 have since examined him more closely and quietly stepped back.

Exposure has a way of separating political packaging from presidential capacity.

But should Obasanjo openly support Tinubu, he must prepare for the inevitable Obidient attacks.

By Obidients, I mean the political movement built around Peter Obi—particularly its most fanatical online wing, which treats support for Obi as a moral certificate and disagreement with him as corruption, betrayal or stupidity.

They celebrate respected elders while those elders praise Obi. The moment such people exercise independent judgment, the same Obidient mob abuses them, rewrites their history and declares them compromised.

Obasanjo will quickly discover their standing rule:

You are a statesman only for as long as you remain obedient to Obi.

ratcock:
The interview of the century.
Peter Obi is truly exceptional and an antidote this country needs for the institutional madness presently bedeviling our nation.

Are you joking? exceptional in the sense that After years of presidential campaigning, blueprintless Peter remains far better at describing national suffering than designing a publicly testable machinery for ending it

in the interview Comparative-Country Peter

he lists foreign countries without providing a Nigerian implementation plan.

in the interview , i saw Microphone Peter

he mistakes constant personal communication for executive performance.

in the interview, i saw Invisible-Scoreboard Peter
he claims to have won 2023 without presenting a complete alternative national result.

in the interview, i saw Rome-Was-Not-Built Peter

he evades timelines after promising rapid transformation.

In the interview, I saw a man not qualified, not prepared, not informed, not convincing, not strategic, not detailed, not realistic, not presidential, not dependable and not ready to govern a country as complex as Nigeria.

[quote author=chopnaira post=140153192]Peter obi said he cut grass when they asked if he built any school..

Seun: “As Anambra governor, did you build any schools? If not, why?”

Peter Obi: reply 👇🏼

Me : Anyone who think that this Agulu man is better than Tinubu should be stoned to d€ath 👇😭 pic.twitter.com/OuE6Z3TWtc

— A. Ayofe (@abdullahayofel) July 26, 2026

ABOUT SCHOOLS, OBI ANSWERED WITH COMPUTERS by CharlesCNG

One of the most revealing moments in Peter Obi's interview with Seun Okinbaloye came when education was discussed.

The question was straightforward: What did you actually build in education as governor?

Instead of giving a direct account of schools constructed, renovated or expanded, Obi spoke about providing computers, school buses, laboratory equipment and improving the learning environment.

Those are worthwhile interventions.

But they were not the question.

This is a recurring pattern that surfaced throughout the interview.

Side-Step Peter:"Whenever the question becomes specific, Side-Step Peter appears.

A request for measurable outcomes became a discussion of intentions.

Computers are valuable.

School buses matter.

Laboratories improve learning.

But they are not the same as explaining the number of schools built, major classroom projects completed, or the physical educational infrastructure delivered under an administration.

This is what has become the trademark of Blueprintless Peter.

He rarely ignores a question completely.

Instead, he often substitutes it with a different conversation.

Nigerians are mature enough to distinguish between educational support and educational infrastructure.

Both are important, but they are not interchangeable.

Question-Dodge Peter knows. he is just being evasive and intellectually dishonest as usual.

Why? because he does not have a blueprint. he has not thought it through. He is a talker not a doer.

A presidential interview is an opportunity to provide verifiable facts, measurable achievements and concrete records—not simply to broaden the scope of the discussion.

The issue is not whether computers should be supplied to schools. Of course they should.

The issue is whether a question about school infrastructure deserves a direct answer.

Once again, the interview followed a familiar script.

Question: How many schools did you build or significantly expand?

Answer:Here are the computers, buses and equipment we supplied.

What this part of the interview reveals more than anything is that peter obi , aside from the Aba trader syndrome , does not have ANY anambra records worthy to point to.

oz4real83:
I am not a supporter of any of them, but the only thing I know is that any elected candidate that didn't work well in four years shouldn't be allowed to come back for another four years, be you Tinubu, Obi, Atiku , Sowore or whatever name you bear. This isn't time for trial, error or any other experiment, once you fail, you go.

FIRST DEFINE “WORKED WELL” ALSO DEFINE "YOU GO" AND REPLACE WITH WHOM?

Also understand that elections are based on rational choice.

The Person who wants to replace must present an alternative blueprint. Must answer the question convincingly : What would i do diffrently?

And before declaring failure, what exactly does “worked well” mean?

Is it preserving an economy built on fuel subsidy, multiple exchange rates and collapsing public revenue, or taking difficult decisions to rebuild it?

Under Tinubu, petrol-subsidy reform and exchange-rate restructuring have increased government revenue, strengthened foreign reserves and reduced the fiscal deficit. The World Bank says Nigeria’s reforms have restored greater macroeconomic stability, although their benefits have not yet reached enough households.

Tinubu has also introduced student loans, with the government reporting over ₦282 billion disbursed to more than 1.5 million beneficiaries; enacted major tax reforms; raised the minimum wage to ₦70,000 ( of course this is not enough); pursued local-government financial autonomy; increased allocations to states and councils; expanded major road construction; and advanced electricity-market decentralisation.

No serious country judges structural reform as an overnight experiment. IMF analysis estimates that broad reforms can deliver gains over two to four years, while deeper output improvements commonly take[b] five to ten years[/b].

Therefore, define your standard. Is it immediate comfort, measurable institutional repair or sustainable long-term growth?

Tinubu should be judged rigorously—but not as though rebuilding a damaged economy is instant noodles.

Jossyman0007:
Today's interview of Peter Obi in Sunday Politics with Seun Okinbaloye was explosive.

It was so tensed tat I felt the interview was aborted and I suspect the APC folks were responsible for that.
Share your view and let's hear your take on it.
It's obvious Obi is the favoured and chosen one.
Nigeria will be OK!!

I did. And Nigeria can never be ok with Blueprintless Peter.

DESTINATION POLITICS: Blueprintless Peter Knows Where He Wants to Go, But Never Shows Nigerians the Road by CharlesCNG

After watching Peter Obi's interview with Seun Okinbaloye, one thing became crystal clear.

Blueprintless Peter like most nigerian critic knows the destination / the problems of nigeria.

He just never tells Nigerians how to get there.

He wants to secure Nigeria.

Question: How exactly?

Answer: "I'll be more committed."

He wants to unite Nigeria.

Question: Through which constitutional, political and institutional reforms?

Answer: "I'll unite everybody."

He wants to move Nigeria from consumption to production.

Question: Which crops? Which industries? Which timeline? Which financing model? Which implementation sequence?

Answer: Bangladesh... Netherlands... Belgium... Morocco... Ethiopia...

By the end of the interview, Nigerians had travelled across four continents but still hadn't seen a Nigerian blueprint.

That is the recurring problem with Blueprintless Peter.

He diagnoses problems .

He describes destinations passionately.

But once Seun asked the most important question—"How?"—the answers suddenly became stories, foreign examples and motivational speeches.

Nigeria needs production.

But how?

Nigeria needs security.

But how?

Nigeria needs unity.

But how?

Nigeria needs cheaper loans.

But how?

Nigeria needs jobs.

But how?

A presidential election is not a motivational seminar.

It is an interview for the biggest management job in Africa.

Nobody expected Peter Obi to disclose military secrets. Nobody expected him to reveal confidential cabinet papers.

Nigerians simply expected what every serious presidential candidate should present—a clear, measurable roadmap.

Instead, Blueprintless Peter kept giving destinations without directions.

Perhaps that should become his new campaign slogan:

"Trust me, we'll get there."

The only unanswered question is the one Seun Okinbaloye kept asking throughout the interview:

"How exactly?"

Unfortunately, after nearly two hours, Nigerians were still waiting for the road map.

It even got the wife asking in local parlance "LIKE HOW NOW!!"

PETER OBI’S SECURITY BLUEPRINTLESSNESS IS HIS FIRST DISQUALIFICATION.

One moment in Peter Obi's Channels Television interview with seun yesterday may ultimately define the entire conversation.

The interviewer asked what every presidential candidate should expect to answer:

"Give us three things you would do to ensure insecurity is dealt with."

It was the perfect opportunity to unveil a security blueprint.

Instead, BLUEPRINTLESS Obi declined to provide one.

He said he would not disclose his plans publicly. He promised to be "more committed," support the security architecture, work with partners, personally visit troubled communities and show stronger leadership.

No one expected him to reveal classified military operations. But Nigerians were entitled to hear broad policy proposals.

Would he create state police? Tinubu Already did.

Would he establish regional counter-terrorism commands? Tinubu has already done.

Would he expand military recruitment? Tinubu has already Approved.

Would he deploy surveillance technology? Tinubu has already done and is doing.

Would he secure forests and borders differently from what Tinubu is already doing?

Would he reform intelligence coordination? The intelligence community has never been better cordinated.

None of these questions received concrete answers.

Instead, commitment became the policy.

Compassion became the strategy.

Visibility became the blueprint.

A president's duty is not merely to arrive first at the scene of tragedy. It is to build institutions that prevent tragedies from happening in the first place.

There is an important distinction between operational secrecy and policy secrecy. Military tactics should remain confidential. But presidential priorities, institutional reforms and strategic direction should never be mysteries during an election campaign.

For years, Peter Obi has argued that Nigeria needs a new direction. Yet when presented with perhaps his best opportunity to explain that direction, he largely described his passion rather than his plan.

Nigeria deserves more than reassurance.

General promises and motivational speeches are not security policy.

Leadership requires more than repeatedly describing Nigeria’s problems. It requires presenting practical solutions, timelines, institutions, funding plans and measurable targets.

Until Peter Obi produces a serious security programme, Nigerians are justified in questioning his preparedness for the presidency.

His inability to offer a credible security blueprint is not a minor omission.
It is the first major proof that he is not ready, not adequately prepared and not qualified to govern a complex country like Nigeria.

LagosOrigin:
All the corrupt politicians in Nigeria will run away from this country immediately Peter Obi is declared president , he will jail all of them and recover so much of what were stolen from the national coffers

You are being absolutely simplistic.
You talk as if corruption will faint the moment he enters Aso Rock. But countries are not cleaned by slogans.

They are cleaned by systems: procurement reform, digital audit trails, independent anti-graft agencies, transparent budgeting, judicial efficiency, civil-service reform, whistleblower protection and punishment based on evidence.

Peter Obi’s promise to “eradicate corruption” should not be judged by applause lines, emotional speeches or moral posturing. It should be judged by the specific reforms he is proposing to strengthen institutions, improve transparency, protect due process and support the rule of law.

The problem is that Peter Obi has no serious anti-corruption blueprint.

Obi offers vibes where serious candidates should offer architecture.

That is why his anti-corruption talk sounds like a man promising to kill mosquitoes by giving motivational speech to the drainage.

Corruption does not disappear because a president ( Like Buhari before him ) looks frugal on camera.

It disappears when institutions are built strong enough to catch thieves, prosecute them properly and recover stolen funds lawfully.

So when Obidients say “Peter Obi will jail all corrupt politicians,” the real question is: through which process, which law, which reform, which agency upgrade, which court mechanism, and which evidence system?

Until they can answer that, it remains empty noise from Blueprintless Peter — the man who keeps selling morality without machinery.

Egobetafor9ja:
https://observerstimesng.com/olusegun-obasanjo-and-the-burden-of-atikuphobia/

Atikuphobia or Performance Appraisal? Why Obasanjo's Criticism Won't Go Away

Calling Obasanjo's criticisms of Atiku "Atikuphobia" may sound clever, but it avoids the real issue.

Obasanjo did not wake up one morning to issue a random press statement about Atiku. He was Atiku Abubakar's boss for eight years. If anyone is qualified to assess his competence, judgment and suitability for Nigeria's highest office, it is the man who worked with him daily at the highest level of government.

That does not automatically make Obasanjo right. But it certainly makes his opinion relevant.

Ironically, the same Obasanjo whom Atiku's supporters now dismiss as bitter was enthusiastically embraced when he endorsed Atiku in 2019. So, was Obasanjo wise when he supported Atiku but suddenly irrational when he criticised him? It cannot be both.

After all, the strongest recommendation letter—or the strongest caution—often comes from the former employer who knows the applicant best.

THE JOINT-ACCOUNT BLACK BOX: HOW COUNCIL MONEY DISAPPEARS BEFORE REACHING THE PEOPLE

Every month, Nigerians hear that billions of naira have been allocated to local governments.

Yet many council chairmen still complain that they cannot repair a rural road, equip a clinic or clear blocked drainage.

The problem often lies inside the State Joint Local Government Account.

Section 162 of the Constitution created this account for allocations belonging to councils within each state. In practice, however, many state governments became the controllers, accountants and spenders of local-government money.

Before a council receives its balance, deductions may be made for primary-school teachers, pensions, traditional councils, healthcare programmes, security or “joint projects.” Some deductions may be legitimate. The danger is that citizens rarely see a detailed statement showing what was deducted, why it was deducted and what service was delivered.

This is the black box: Abuja publishes what each council was allocated, but the public cannot easily trace what finally reached the council.

In July 2024, the Supreme Court ordered that allocations belonging to democratically elected councils should be paid directly to them. President Tinubu’s administration deserves credit for initiating the case and challenging a system previous governments merely complained about.

But nearly two years later, NULGE says states still largely control council allocations. One recent investigation estimated that more than ₦10 trillion had passed through state-controlled arrangements since the judgment.

Tinubu has warned governors to comply and even threatened further executive action.

Warning is no longer enough.

Every council needs a verified treasury account, monthly electronic payment and a public dashboard showing:

Amount allocated. Amount deducted. Amount received. Projects delivered.

Direct allocation should not create 774 new corruption centres. Councils must publish budgets, contracts and audited accounts.

Tinubu opened the door to grassroots autonomy.

The next step is to remove the joint-account middleman and make every naira traceable from Abuja to the community.

1vandragon:
Building infrastructure is the bare minimum expected of any government, civilian or military.

There is nothing spectacular about the scale of roads being constructed under bat, it is people like you that are hyping it. How many roads have been completed by bat?

In 5 years, GEJ built over 6 power stations, no noise. But you people won't let sane Nigerians hear word over uncompleted roads that were dubiously awarded in the first place.

You can make noise all you desire, it is your right. But people also have a duty to call out your bull dung...

My brother, you've inadvertently answered your own argument.

If infrastructure is the "bare minimum" expected of government, then surely a government delivering major highways, rail, bridges, ports, power, schools and hospitals should at least receive credit for doing the very thing you say government is supposed to do.

More importantly, infrastructure isn't about pouring concrete. It is an economic investment. A dualised highway reduces travel time, lowers vehicle operating costs, attracts businesses, raises land values and expands markets. That is why countries compete to build infrastructure.

As for Jonathan, let's stick to the facts. His administration did complete and commission several NIPP power projects, but many were part of a programme initiated years earlier and delivered in phases across different administrations.

That achievement deserves acknowledgment, just as ongoing infrastructure projects today deserve to be assessed on their own merits—not dismissed because "government is expected to build roads."

Finally, what exactly is the grudge here? When a government builds infrastructure, we're told it's "nothing special." If it doesn't build infrastructure, we're told it has failed.

That sounds less like an objective standard and more like moving the goalposts. Nigerians should judge projects by their quality, strategic value and eventual impact—not by whether acknowledging them is politically inconvenient.

shox:
I suspect you Apc supporters have gone into divination since una Oga don fail patapata

PUBLIC WARNING: BEWARE OF THE OBIDIENT QUOTE-AND-DISTRACT SCHEME.

This public notice is issued by the Nairaland Concerned Readers and Debate Protection Committee to warn forum members about a growing discussion-evading tactic known as the Obidient Quote-and-Distract Scheme.

The method is simple. A detailed post presents facts, figures and a clear argument. Unable to answer it, the affected responder ignores the subject and posts something irrelevant.

The purpose is not to debate. It is to bury the original argument beneath insults and drag the conversation into a meaningless personal quarrel.

The perpetrators understand that Nairaland replies usually display only the most recent quoted comment, not the original article.

They therefore hope that new readers will see the abuse, miss the main issue and forget that no argument was answered.

Members of the public are advised not to be deceived.

This condition is officially known as Obidient Argument-Evasion Syndrome: a sudden loss of comprehension whenever facts become uncomfortable.
Please remain alert. Do not feed the distraction. Return them immediately to the original argument.
Signed:
CharlesCNG
Nairaland Concerned Readers and Debate Protection Committee.

The Political Condition Where Every Defeat Is Treated as "Not Yet."

Imagine a politician who has contested for the presidency so many times that each new election is seen not as a fresh contest, but as another chapter in a decades-long quest for a destiny he believes is already written.

Welcome to what may be called Atiku's Prophecy Trap Syndrome (PTS).

PTS is a political phenomenon in which a leader becomes so invested in a long-held prediction, prophecy or personal sense of destiny that changing political realities hardly matter anymore. Zoning shifts. Party defections. Coalition collapses. Electoral defeats. None of them is treated as a final verdict.

Instead, every loss becomes merely another postponement of an "inevitable" victory.

To the sufferer, elections do not end aspirations—they simply reset the countdown.

The trap is subtle but dangerous. Rather than asking, "Is this the right time for the country?" the overriding question becomes, "Is this finally my time?"

Politics then risks becoming less about national renewal and more about completing a personal prophecy by an islamic soothsayer.

Whether one agrees with Atiku Abubakar's politics or not, his extraordinary persistence has become one of the defining features of Nigeria's democratic era. Admirers see resilience. Critics see ambition without an expiry date.

Perhaps that is the essence of Prophecy Trap Syndrome: when destiny becomes so compelling that every election is interpreted not as the people's verdict, but as another delayed appointment with fate.

HIGHESTPOPORI:
Tinubu can't get 5percent in Anambra and 25percent in any SE state,as far as Obi is on the ballot.Governorship elections ,can go to Apga but Presidential and Senate elections goes to Obi

You are still missing the central argument.

My point is not that Tinubu’s political survival depends on winning the South-East. He became president in 2023 despite receiving very little support from the zone.

So, if Tinubu again records weak numbers there in 2027, it will not prevent his re-election.

The greater loss would belong to the South-East political players who failed to demonstrate electoral value within the ruling coalition.

Politics is built on leverage.

When governors, senators, ministers and party leaders tell the president that they command structures in their states, election results are the evidence used to measure that claim.

If they cannot produce even 25% for their party’s presidential candidate, their bargaining power after the election becomes weaker.

They cannot demand maximum influence while delivering minimum electoral value.

You also contradict yourself by saying governorship elections can go to APGA, while presidential elections must automatically go to Obi. If voters truly have independent minds, why must every federal election belong to one man regardless of the candidates, parties or local interests involved?

That is not independent voting. It is political ownership.

And recent elections have already shown that Obi’s endorsement is not an automatic electoral transfer. APGA remains powerful in Anambra, while APC and other parties still maintain measurable structures.

Tinubu may or may not reach 25% in SE. That remains a projection—not a prophecy.

But understand the consequence correctly: if South-East APC leaders fail to deliver meaningful votes, Tinubu may still win nationally.

They, however, will arrive at the post-election negotiation table carrying speeches instead of electoral receipts.
The original write -up was not meant for obidients. It was meant for APC SE members who voted for obi in 2023.

Dalohad:
You don't care about SE votes but you are losing sleep and tacitly begging for it.

Your so called political pro-Tinubu heavyweights are aware they cannot deliver your fraudulent lord and master called Tinumbu..

You want to know why?

In your SW region, since time immemorial you have been used to Feudo-fascist-monarchy type of rulership where one man ( Oba or Baale) tells you to jump and everyone asks 'how high?' That is why you are currently bedeviled with Godfatherism and Baba Sope politicism..

In the East, people there have a mind of their own. They are not sheeps that you can push into a cart to be delivered for slaughter to the highest political bidder..

There is a reason the British colonial overlords used direct rule in SW, but had a tough time controlling the East, fighting numerous multi-decade wars like the Aro-Anglo and Ekumeku wars to get a foothold in Igboland.


When you understand a people's native and historical political thought processes, you will understand how they make their political decisions.

You can go desperately look for 25% SE votes in Kanu's prison cell in Sokoto, it won't change anything.

Go figure..

Your argument defeats itself in several places.

First, saying Tinubu does not need the South-East to win is not the same as saying he should reject South-East votes. A candidate may not be mathematically dependent on one region and still campaign there. Seeking additional support is politics, not desperation.

Second, you dismissed every pro-Tinubu politician in the South-East as incapable of influencing voters. Yet governors, senators, lawmakers, traditional leaders and party organisers do not hold office by magic. You may dislike them, but pretending they have no followers simply because they do not support Peter Obi is political denial.

Third, your description of the South-West is crude historical stereotyping. The South-West has produced some of Nigeria’s fiercest opposition movements, from the Action Group tradition to NADECO, pro-democracy activism, organised labour and repeated electoral rebellions against incumbents. A region that has repeatedly challenged federal power cannot honestly be described as a population that merely asks an oba or godfather, “How high should we jump?”

Even the colonial comparison is oversimplified. Indirect rule was used across much of Nigeria, with varying degrees of success. The fact that eastern societies resisted colonial authority does not mean every modern Igbo voter must make the same political choice.

That brings us to your most revealing argument: Kanu.

Why is Tinubu’s South-East vote supposedly hidden inside Nnamdi Kanu’s prison cell? Are you saying Kanu’s separatist agenda is the collective political agenda of the Igbo people? Are you implying that supporting Peter Obi is connected to actualising that agenda?

Because unless that is your argument, Kanu’s detention does not logically determine how millions of Igbo citizens must vote.

The South-East is not a political prison yard owned by Kanu, Obi or any online movement. Igbo voters are individuals. Some support Obi, some APC, some APGA, some PDP, and many will make decisions based on local interests.

You cannot boast that Igbo people “have minds of their own” and then declare that all of them must vote exactly as you command.

That is not independence of thought.

It is ethnic groupthink wearing the costume of political sophistication.

1vandragon:
Long before bat came to power, construction happened at nights, infrequently, but it happened.

The only difference is that you guys are more into optics, so every little thing that happens, you take pictures and make it seem as if it is something new or revolutionary.

Roads were constructed long before bat came into power, but you people have made it seem as if it is some new development.

Anyway, enjoy.

So your argument is that because roads were constructed before Tinubu, Nigerians should not acknowledge the current scale of construction?

By that logic, no president deserves credit for building roads because roads existed before they assumed office.

The issue was never whether Nigeria had road projects before 2023. The issue is scale, spread and intensity.

If this wave of construction is merely "optics," why are governors across party lines—from APC, PDP, APGA and LP—simultaneously pointing to unprecedented infrastructure spending made possible by increased FAAC allocations after the reforms?

You call it optics.

Road users call it shorter travel time.

Contractors call it mobilization.

Workers call it jobs.

Communities call it development.

And if the government is documenting completed and ongoing projects with photographs, what exactly is wrong with that? Every serious government in the world showcases its achievements. Nobody accuses them of "optics" for publishing evidence of work done.

Ironically, your comment is an admission that construction is happening. Your only complaint is that people are talking about it.

Well, achievements deserve publicity.

If something is genuinely happening on a larger scale than before, pointing it out is not propaganda—it is called reporting.

The real question is not whether roads existed before Tinubu.

It is whether the volume, geographical spread and funding capacity of road projects today compare favourably with previous years. That is the debate worth having.

HIGHESTPOPORI:
Tinubu does not need SE votes according to you but you are hoping for politicians that the people don't follow to provide 25percent against Obi,tinubu won't get more than 5percent,the politicians you are hoping for can't deliver 25percent for tinubu against Obi,Obi would win tinubu in SE and SS,in the North,Obi now has Kwankwanso unlike 2023 with Datti,so Obi will get enough votes in the North this time around.Tinubu no longer have Buhari votes since he is no more,SW votes alone can't make tinubu president even the Lagos would be divided

You are treating political hope as electoral arithmetic.

First, dismissing South-East politicians as people “nobody follows” is contradicted by recent elections. In the 2025 Anambra governorship election, Soludo and APGA won all 21 LGAs with 422,664 votes—about 80%. APC came second with 99,445, while Labour managed only 10,576 votes. At Peter Obi’s own polling unit, APC scored 73 votes against Labour’s 57. Obi was not on the ballot, but the result certainly disproves the myth that his endorsement automatically controls Anambra voters.

Earlier that year, APGA also won both the Anambra South senatorial and Onitsha North I Assembly by-elections. In Imo’s 2023 off-season election, APC’s Hope Uzodimma won all 27 LGAs with 540,308 votes, while Labour received 64,081.

So kindly name one recent South-East election in which Obi personally delivered victory to his preferred candidate.

My position remains unchanged: Tinubu does not mathematically require South-East votes to win nationally.
He won in 2023 with only 127,370 votes from the entire zone. Naturally, every serious candidate should seek more votes everywhere, but Obi’s South-East landslide did not prevent Tinubu’s national victory.

As for Kwankwaso, he is not a magic Northern vote-transfer machine. Of his 1.27 million North-West votes in 2023, about 997,000 came from Kano alone. Outside Kano, his supposed Northern army largely disappeared.

Obi’s 2023 strongest Northern performances came mainly from Plateau, Nasarawa, the FCT and parts of the Christian Middle Belt. Those votes are not permanently stored in his account. In 2027, he must defend them against APC incumbency, new coalitions, local structures and changing religious and political calculations. In the North-East he secured only 315,107 votes, and in the entire North-West just 350,182.

Kwankwaso may strengthen Obi in Kano. He cannot automatically manufacture sufficient Northern votes to replace losses elsewhere.

Tinubu did not inherit “Buhari’s votes” even in 2023. Buhari was not on the ballot, and Tinubu built his own coalition.

He secured 5.6 million votes across the three Northern zones, relying on APC organisations, governors, legislators and local political networks—not Buhari’s personal charisma.

What Tinubu possesses going into 2027 is even more valuable: organised state machinery. In the North-West, APC now has governors and structures in Kaduna, Katsina, Kebbi, Jigawa and Sokoto, while the governors of Kano and Zamfara have also joined APC. Kano’s Abba Yusuf moved with 22 state lawmakers and several federal legislators, while Zamfara’s Dauda Lawal crossed with much of the state establishment.

Add APC governments and entrenched structures in Borno, Yobe, Gombe, Niger, Kwara, Kogi, Benue and Nasarawa, alongside Vice President Kashim Shettima and powerful local stakeholders.

So Buhari’s death did not make Northern voters politically homeless.

Tinubu’s Northern strength is no longer dependent on borrowing one man’s popularity. It rests on governors, councillors, legislators, ward executives and party organisations capable of mobilising voters community by community.

Buhari had personal followership.

Tinubu has constructed a broader institutional network—and that network is stronger today than it was in 2023.

From February 2026 revenue, Nigeria’s 774 local governments were allocated approximately **₦456.47 billion** through the Federation Account.

That works out to an average of about **₦589.75 million per council in one month**, although actual allocations differ according to population, revenue formulas and statutory deductions.

This is no longer small money.

Consider primary healthcare. The 2025 federal budget provided ₦7.4 billion for constructing and furnishing 25 primary healthcare centres—an average benchmark of roughly ₦296 million each. Just 10% of one month’s national LGA allocation could theoretically finance about 154 similarly priced centres.

The councils’ full ₦456 billion should, of course, also cover salaries and other obligations. But Nigerians should still see repaired rural roads, functional clinics, drainage, streetlights, clean markets, waste collection and maintained primary schools.

This is where the Tinubu administration deserves credit. Revenue reforms have significantly expanded funds available to subnational governments. More importantly, the administration instituted the Supreme Court case that affirmed local governments’ constitutional right to control their allocations. Tinubu correctly argued that local councils had been weakened, leaving basic roads, drains, parks and community services neglected.

But the reform remains incomplete until direct payments become transparent and traceable.

Every council should publish monthly:

* its FAAC receipt;
* all deductions;
* salaries and overheads;
* contracts awarded;
* and completed projects.

Governors must stop treating council funds as extensions of state finances. Council chairmen must also stop hiding behind governors.

Tinubu has increased the money and opened the door to autonomy.

The next reform must ensure that every naira produces visible government where Nigerians live.

Streetinvestor2:
That otti said he supported the drug baron reforms in subsidy removal and exchange unification. Show whr ever he said he support his re election and SE should vote him.Those policies whr not his sole ideas. Infact he stole it from other contestant as we supported it.For how corrupt he is he made mess of good initiative and brought no gain to messes from recoved funds from it.
The SE will never vote the drug baron because he lacks all aspect of integrity. Even combination of Kanu and obi will not make us vote him.He won't see 10k votes this time and don't forget hope was in apc in 2023 and could not make us vote him.Is it now the hate for him has trippled in SE...jokers
What reason will anyone from SE vote him
Is it because he jailed Kanu or igbos properly being destroyed in lagos

A simple question:

If Alex Otti has not indicated support for Tinubu, where has he recently called on Nigerians to support Peter Obi or the NDC?

I'll wait.

What Otti has actually done is publicly commend Tinubu's subsidy removal and exchange-rate reforms, describing them as bold and necessary. Politicians communicate not only through endorsements but also through consistent words and actions.

I suspect many Obidients are going to be deeply disappointed because they are refusing to read the political signals. Don't be surprised if Otti eventually comes out openly for Tinubu before 2027.

Secondly, why are you speaking for every Igbo person?

Are the Igbo men and women currently in the APC no longer Igbo?
Is Governor Hope Uzodimma,soludo, peter mbah etc no longer Igbo?
Like Keneth Okonkwo,Have they lost their igbo identity simply because they do not support Peter obi ?
Are APC senators, House members, ministers and thousands of APC members across the South-East no longer Igbo?

That is the danger of claiming ownership of an entire ethnic group.

Your integrity argument is equally self-defeating.

If the South-East votes only for people with integrity, are you saying every governor, senator, House member and public office holder elected across the South-East automatically possesses unquestionable integrity simply because they won elections?

That is not how politics works.

Finally, be careful with absolute statements like, "The South-East will never vote Tinubu."

By that logic, someone else could just as easily say, "No Northerner should ever vote Peter Obi because of the civil war."

Both arguments reduce millions of independent voters to a single ethnic emotion.

Nigeria is more complex than that.

And that is exactly why projections should be settled by ballots—not by sweeping declarations.

There is a Yoruba expression making the rounds lately: "Ogbeni yìí ti ṣe àwọn ará ìbí yìí lẹ́sẹ̀... ó ń gbìyànjú."

Loosely translated, it means: "This man has left his critics struggling to keep up. The truth is, he is making a serious effort."

Whether one voted for President Bola Ahmed Tinubu or not, it is becoming increasingly difficult to deny the sheer breadth of reforms his administration has undertaken in just over three years.

State police are now receiving serious national consideration after decades of hesitation.
The military has expanded its operational footprint with additional army divisions to strengthen security.

Long-delayed electricity reforms are giving states greater freedom to generate, transmit and distribute power.

Mining reforms are opening the solid minerals sector to attract investment and diversify government revenue beyond oil.

Tax reforms seek to simplify Nigeria's complex tax system, while road infrastructure is witnessing one of the most ambitious construction programmes in decades.
The exchange-rate distortions created by multiple foreign-exchange windows have largely been dismantled, replacing them with a more transparent market-based framework.

Government agencies have also intensified seizures against crude oil theft, smuggling and other forms of economic sabotage.

None of these reforms is painless. Neither are they perfect.
But they are reforms that previous administrations acknowledged were necessary yet repeatedly postponed because of the political cost.

That is why the debate should no longer revolve around whether every Nigerian feels immediate relief. The more important question is whether Nigeria is confronting structural problems that have held back its development for decades.

Critics are free to oppose President Tinubu. That is democracy. But they should also be honest enough to acknowledge what even many reluctant observers now admit.

Ó ń gbìyànjú.

Indeed, history often remembers leaders not for avoiding difficult decisions, but for having the courage to make them.

NO CONFERENCE, NO NOISE — TINUBU’S QUIET RESTRUCTURING OF NIGERIA.

For decades, Nigerian politicians treated restructuring as a campaign slogan.

They organised conferences, produced reports, formed committees and delivered emotional speeches about devolution, resource control and true federalism. Yet after every election, the documents gathered dust while the centralised system remained largely untouched.

President Bola Tinubu appears to be taking a different route.

And Nasarawa State is quietly demonstrating what resource-based federalism can look like.

THE NASARAWA LITHIUM EXAMPLE

In July 2026, a major lithium mining and processing facility was commissioned in Endo, Nasarawa State. The Diamond New Energy plant has the capacity to process approximately 6,000 metric tonnes daily and represents an investment of about $250 million. It was developed through a partnership involving the Nasarawa State Government and Chinese investors.

This matters because Nigeria is moving away from the old colonial pattern of exporting raw minerals without substantial local processing.

The Federal Government has adopted a policy direction requiring new mining investors to demonstrate plans for local value addition. Rather than digging up Nigerian minerals, shipping them abroad and importing the finished products at higher prices, processing plants can create Nigerian jobs, technical skills, supporting industries, tax revenue and export earnings.

Nasarawa has also negotiated more direct commercial benefits.

Under an agreement involving Ganfeng Mining Company and the Nasarawa Mining Company, the state is expected to receive approximately $15 million over ten years, reportedly structured as $1.5 million annually. The host Endo community is also expected to receive $500,000 for locally selected development projects.

Separately, an arrangement with Avatar New Energy included a reported $1.5 million signature bonus, a profit-sharing framework and other benefits for the state-owned mining company. Nasarawa described this as the first mining signature bonus received by the state since its creation.

Governor Abdullahi Sule recently stated that Nasarawa was targeting at least $10 million in lithium-related earnings before the end of 2026, while monthly solid-minerals revenue in the state had reportedly exceeded ₦1 billion. Those figures are government claims and should ultimately be measured against independently audited accounts, but they illustrate the scale of the opportunity.

This is what practical resource federalism should look like: a state identifying its comparative advantage, obtaining legitimate mining rights, negotiating equity or revenue-sharing arrangements, attracting processing facilities, protecting host communities and earning additional revenue from economic activity within its territory.

HIGHESTPOPORI:
HiWhat did OBJ say about tinubu?

What Obasanjo says about Tinubu is the opinion of a longstanding political opponent assessing another administration from the outside.

Tinubu never served under Obasanjo, never belonged to Obasanjo’s party and was, in fact, one of the leading opposition figures who resisted his presidency.

Atiku’s case is completely different. He worked directly under Obasanjo for eight years as Vice-President. Obasanjo appointed him, entrusted him with major responsibilities and observed his character, loyalty and conduct at the closest possible range.

So this is not merely an opponent criticising Atiku. It is a former boss writing an appraisal of his deputy—and the appraisal is devastating.

Tinubu may dismiss Obasanjo as an old political adversary. Atiku cannot dismiss him so easily, because the Obasanjo presidency remains the biggest qualification on Atiku’s political résumé.

Tinubu was Obasanjo’s opponent. Atiku was his deputy. One received criticism from across the aisle; the other received a warning label from his own former boss.

1vandragon:
Lol...

So this is the latest achievement in town?

Ok.

Yes. and for the reasons stated here

CONTRACTORS NOW WORK AT NIGHT: TINUBU’S INFRASTRUCTURE REVOLUTION IS CREATING AN ECONOMY AROUND CONSTRUCTION.

Something remarkable is happening across Nigeria’s construction corridors: contractors are no longer working only from morning until evening. On several major projects, work now continues deep into the night.

Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, road construction is gradually becoming a round-the-clock activity.

This is not merely about headlights, bulldozers and concrete mixers operating after sunset. It is evidence of a new urgency in infrastructure delivery—and of an entire economy being activated around public works.

When a contractor introduces night operations, one workforce is no longer enough. A second shift becomes necessary.

That means more machine operators, engineers, surveyors, welders, drivers, artisans, security personnel, safety officers, labourers and supervisors. It also means extra mechanics and technicians must remain available to maintain equipment and prevent costly delays.

Therefore, every additional construction shift creates more working hours, more wages and more opportunities for Nigerian families.

And the employment does not stop at the project site.

Night workers must eat. Food vendors, cooks, water suppliers and small restaurants around construction locations gain new customers. Transport operators move workers to and from the sites. Nearby shops sell protective equipment, clothing, phone credit, medicines and everyday necessities.

A road project can therefore become a temporary commercial district, supporting livelihoods far beyond those whose names appear on the contractor’s payroll.

Then there is the enormous supply chain behind the physical work.

Cement must be manufactured, transported and delivered. Iron rods and reinforcement steel must be supplied. Quarries must produce granite, stone and aggregates. Sand suppliers, bitumen dealers, concrete producers, haulage companies, diesel suppliers and equipment-leasing businesses all receive additional demand.

Each trailer of cement requires a driver and support workers. Every delivery of iron rods involves manufacturers, warehouse operators, loaders and transporters. Every piece of heavy machinery requires operators, spare parts, servicing and repairs.

This is why infrastructure spending has consequences far beyond the completed road or bridge. The World Bank explains that transport infrastructure supports economic activity by reducing travel and transaction costs and improving access to jobs and markets. Its research also notes that public investment can generate wider economic activity through a multiplier effect.

Nigeria now has thousands of kilometres of roads under construction or development, alongside rail and other major infrastructure projects. President Tinubu said in May 2026 that more than 2,700 kilometres of roads were being developed, although the administration’s record must ultimately be judged by completion, quality, value for money and measurable public benefit.

The significance of contractors working at night is therefore much greater than it first appears.

It means machinery that once stood idle for half of the day is now being used more intensively.

It means projects can progress faster when properly funded, supervised and supplied.

It means workers who might otherwise be unemployed can be engaged on additional shifts.

It means manufacturers and suppliers receive larger and more regular orders.

It means local economies surrounding construction sites remain active beyond normal business hours.

Most importantly, it means Nigeria is beginning to treat infrastructure delivery as an economic emergency rather than a ceremonial exercise.

For decades, Nigerians became accustomed to projects that moved slowly, contractors who disappeared from sites and roads that remained unfinished for years. The emerging sight of construction continuing after dark represents a welcome change in tempo.

Of course, speed must never replace quality. Night operations must comply with labour rules, environmental safeguards and strict safety standards. Workers need proper lighting, protective equipment, reasonable shifts and adequate rest. Communities must also be protected from unnecessary noise, dust and traffic hazards.

But where these safeguards are observed, round-the-clock construction is evidence of serious mobilisation.

President Tinubu’s infrastructure programme should not be measured only by the number of bridges commissioned or kilometres announced. It should also be measured by the economic activity created while those projects are being built.

The labourer earning a wage is part of the story.

The woman selling food beside the construction site is part of the story.

The truck driver delivering cement at midnight is part of the story.

The quarry worker producing aggregates is part of the story.

The welder repairing equipment, the security guard watching the site and the young engineer gaining practical experience are all part of the story.

This is how infrastructure development travels through an economy: from government investment to contractors, from contractors to workers, from workers to traders, and from major projects to thousands of smaller businesses.

The lights shining on construction sites at night are therefore not merely illuminating roads.

They are illuminating jobs.

They are illuminating commerce.

They are illuminating supply chains.

They are illuminating a country building urgently after years of infrastructure deficits.

Nigeria’s infrastructure revolution is no longer operating only from nine to five.

Under President Bola Tinubu, the work continues after sunset—and so do the jobs, businesses and opportunities created around it.

blamingthedevil:
Contractors now work in Day and Night Under President Bola Tinubu

Never seen this kind of thing before in Nigeria….contractors working inthe night 😮 😳

This can only happen under President Tinubu. Omo, see solid work👇🔥🇳🇬 pic.twitter.com/s5TdS5shkO

— A. Ayofe (@abdullahayofel) July 24, 2026

Under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, road construction is gradually becoming a round-the-clock activity.

This is not merely about headlights, bulldozers and concrete mixers operating after sunset. It is evidence of a new urgency in infrastructure delivery—and of an entire economy being activated around public works.

When a contractor introduces night operations, one workforce is no longer enough. A second shift becomes necessary.

That means more machine operators, engineers, surveyors, welders, drivers, artisans, security personnel, safety officers, labourers and supervisors. It also means extra mechanics and technicians must remain available to maintain equipment and prevent costly delays.

Therefore, every additional construction shift creates more working hours, more wages and more opportunities for Nigerian families.

Atiku Abubakar’s recent response to former President Olusegun Obasanjo is an pathetic exercise in evasion.

Obasanjo, the man under whom Atiku served as Vice-President for eight years, has offered Nigerians what amounts to a former employer’s appraisal of his deputy. Unfortunately for Atiku, it is not a pleasant testimonial.

Imagine a man applying for the most important job in the country and announcing that his greatest qualification is his experience as Vice-President.

The interview panel then asks:

“Very good. What does the President you served under say about your character, loyalty and conduct in office?”

Suddenly, the applicant becomes angry.

He does not want the testimonial examined. He does not want his former boss questioned. He insists that the employer’s assessment is politically motivated because the employer may prefer another applicant.

That is essentially Atiku’s predicament.

Obasanjo alleged that his deputy encouraged attempts to remove him from office and gave the late Speaker Ghali Na’Abba ₦5 million to commence impeachment moves. Atiku has denied the allegation, and it must be stressed that no court has established it as fact. But instead of confronting the broader appraisal directly, Atiku’s response is built around three distractions:

Na’Abba is dead.

Obasanjo supposedly supports a kinsman.

And the allegation is intended to influence 2027.

But none of these arguments answers the central question:

What exactly was the nature of Atiku’s conduct and loyalty while serving as Obasanjo’s Vice-President?

“The grave is not a witness box” is a dramatic headline, but Na’Abba was not the only participant in that government.

Obasanjo is alive.

Atiku is alive.

Many officials who served in the Presidency, National Assembly, security services and political establishment at the time are also alive.

But Obasanjo’s possible political preference does not automatically invalidate his recollection of the government he headed.

A bad reference does not become a good reference merely because the referee may prefer another candidate.

Atiku’s strongest claim to presidential competence has always been his eight years as Vice-President. He regularly presents that period as evidence of economic experience, administrative capacity and readiness to govern.

Fair enough.

Atiku cannot claim the benefits of that employment history while rejecting the appraisal of the employer under whom the experience was acquired.

He cannot proudly display “Vice-President, 1999–2007” on his political résumé and then declare the President he served under an irrelevant, malicious stranger whenever the man discusses his conduct.

A testimonial cannot be accepted only when it praises the applicant.

This is what makes Obasanjo’s intervention politically devastating for Atiku. It does not come from an APC spokesman, a Tinubu campaign official or an opponent who observed the administration from outside.

It comes from the man who selected him, worked beside him, assigned him enormous responsibilities and witnessed his conduct at the highest level of government.

Atiku wants Nigerians to employ him as President principally because he once served as Vice-President.

But when Nigerians request a reference from the President he served, the reference letter reportedly reads like a warning notice.

That is Atiku’s real problem.

The problem is that the former boss whose administration supplies the most important entry on Atiku’s résumé appears unwilling to recommend him for the promotion he has pursued for decades.

Atiku has submitted his application for President—but his former employer’s testimonial may be the biggest reason Nigerians should return it marked: “NOT RECOMMENDED.”

ogododo:
PRESS STATEMENT



Source

ATIKU APPLIES FOR THE PRESIDENCY—BUT HIS FORMER BOSS WRITES A DAMNING TESTIMONIAL by CharlesCNG.

Atiku Abubakar’s response to former President Olusegun Obasanjo is an pathetic exercise in evasion.

Obasanjo, the man under whom Atiku served as Vice-President for eight years, has offered Nigerians what amounts to a former employer’s appraisal of his deputy. Unfortunately for Atiku, it is not a pleasant testimonial.

Imagine a man applying for the most important job in the country and announcing that his greatest qualification is his experience as Vice-President.

The interview panel then asks:

“Very good. What does the President you served under say about your character, loyalty and conduct in office?”

Suddenly, the applicant becomes angry.

He does not want the testimonial examined. He does not want his former boss questioned. He insists that the employer’s assessment is politically motivated because the employer may prefer another applicant.

That is essentially Atiku’s predicament.

Obasanjo alleged that his deputy encouraged attempts to remove him from office and gave the late Speaker Ghali Na’Abba ₦5 million to commence impeachment moves. Atiku has denied the allegation, and it must be stressed that no court has established it as fact. But instead of confronting the broader appraisal directly, Atiku’s response is built around three distractions:

Na’Abba is dead.

Obasanjo supposedly supports a kinsman.

And the allegation is intended to influence 2027.

But none of these arguments answers the central question:

What exactly was the nature of Atiku’s conduct and loyalty while serving as Obasanjo’s Vice-President?

“The grave is not a witness box” is a dramatic headline, but Na’Abba was not the only participant in that government.

Obasanjo is alive.

Atiku is alive.

Many officials who served in the Presidency, National Assembly, security services and political establishment at the time are also alive.

But Obasanjo’s possible political preference does not automatically invalidate his recollection of the government he headed.

A bad reference does not become a good reference merely because the referee may prefer another candidate.

Atiku’s strongest claim to presidential competence has always been his eight years as Vice-President. He regularly presents that period as evidence of economic experience, administrative capacity and readiness to govern.

Fair enough.

Atiku cannot claim the benefits of that employment history while rejecting the appraisal of the employer under whom the experience was acquired.

He cannot proudly display “Vice-President, 1999–2007” on his political résumé and then declare the President he served under an irrelevant, malicious stranger whenever the man discusses his conduct.

A testimonial cannot be accepted only when it praises the applicant.

This is what makes Obasanjo’s intervention politically devastating for Atiku. It does not come from an APC spokesman, a Tinubu campaign official or an opponent who observed the administration from outside.

It comes from the man who selected him, worked beside him, assigned him enormous responsibilities and witnessed his conduct at the highest level of government.

Atiku wants Nigerians to employ him as President principally because he once served as Vice-President.

But when Nigerians request a reference from the President he served, the reference letter reportedly reads like a warning notice.

That is Atiku’s real problem.

The problem is that the former boss whose administration supplies the most important entry on Atiku’s résumé appears unwilling to recommend him for the promotion he has pursued for decades.

Atiku has submitted his application for President—but his former employer’s testimonial may be the biggest reason Nigerians should return it marked: “NOT RECOMMENDED.”

2027: THE SOUTH-EAST BATTLE IS NOT REALLY ABOUT TINUBU—IT IS A REFERENDUM ON IGBO POLITICAL HEAVYWEIGHTS.

Let us get one thing clear: Tinubu does not need south east votes to secure the presidency in 2027.

Tinubu’s principal pathway to victory runs through his established South-West base, the North-West, the North-Central, parts of the North-East and the expanding APC structure across the South-South.
My projection is that he can still win nationally—even decisively—even with ZERO South-East votes.

Therefore, the real battle in the South-East for me , is not primarily Tinubu versus Peter Obi.

It is a test of whether the governors and major political actors who control government structures in the region can translate their endorsements, achievements, appointments and organisations into actual votes.

In practical terms, the contests will look like this:

Anambra: Chukwuma Soludo and the APGA establishment versus Peter Obi and the Obidient movement.

Enugu: Peter Mbah and the emerging pro-Tinubu political coalition versus Peter Obi.

Imo: Hope Uzodimma and the APC machinery versus Peter Obi.

Ebonyi: David Umahi and the consolidated APC establishment versus Peter Obi.

Abia: Should Alex Otti eventually align publicly with Tinubu, the contest will become Otti’s personal political structure versus Peter Obi’s emotional hold on the state.

That is the proper framework.

Soludo and Obi have already engaged in an increasingly open political rivalry. In Enugu, political leaders led by Governor Peter Mbah have publicly pledged support for Tinubu’s re-election. In Ebonyi, Umahi, Nwifuru and APC stakeholders have equally begun mobilising and issuing endorsements.

Consequently, Tinubu does not necessarily need to win these states. A respectable performance is sufficient for his national calculations.

The more important question is:

Can these governors and political heavyweights produce at least 25% for the candidate they endorse?

Can Soludo demonstrate that he—not Obi—currently commands the dominant political structure in Anambra?

Can Peter Mbah prove that the enormous coalition gathering around his administration exists beyond rallies and elite endorsements?

Can Uzodimma show that APC’s control of Imo State can produce presidential votes?

Can Umahi and Nwifuru prove that Ebonyi has genuinely moved away from the Obidient wave?

And should Otti endorse Tinubu, can he transfer his personal popularity and gubernatorial structure to a presidential candidate rejected by much of the Obidient base?

Those are the consequential questions.

In 2023, many South-East politicians could excuse their poor performance by pointing to an unprecedented emotional wave behind an Igbo presidential candidate. By 2027, that explanation will no longer be sufficient.

They have had four years to build structures, execute projects, distribute political opportunities and explain their alignment with the Federal Government.

If they cannot produce even 25% after publicly endorsing Tinubu, the embarrassment will belong primarily to them—not to Tinubu.

It would mean their endorsements carried no electoral weight.

It would mean their supposed grassroots structures existed mainly in press releases.

It would mean they could control government houses but could not influence presidential voting in their own states.

And most importantly, it would substantially weaken their bargaining position in a future APC government.

Politics is negotiation backed by evidence. After the election, nobody will be impressed by photographs of endorsement ceremonies or speeches promising “massive support.” The figures announced from the polling units will determine who genuinely controls what.

A governor who delivers 25%, 30% or 40% can enter Abuja after the election and demand greater representation, projects and influence.

A governor who promises everything but delivers 5% will enter the same room carrying nothing but excuses.

Therefore, South-East APC leaders and Tinubu-aligned governors are not merely campaigning for the president.

They are campaigning to establish their own political relevance.

Tinubu DOES not need the South-East to survive nationally.

But South-East political heavyweights need a respectable Tinubu result to prove that they themselves are politically alive.

Justnation:
The able governor of Abia state, HE Alex Otti has debunked the false narrative of hope uzodinma who claimed that all the south East governors are backing tinubu re-election.
I immediately said on this forum that such statement is an obvious lie intended to deceive tinubu and his tiny group of supporters.
Come 2027 tinubu will never get up to 5% of votes in any Igbo state and other other Igbo speaking regions of Nigeria.

The entire NORTH and SOUTH EAST/SOUTH SOUTH will massively vote for PETER OBI.

You take it to the bank.

My brother, what exactly did Alex Otti “debunk”?

Otti merely said Hope Uzodimma could not speak for every South-East governor. He did not endorse Peter Obi. He did not promise Obi Abia’s votes to obi. He did not even mention Obi as his preferred candidate.

It seems you obidients have suddenly developed selective amnesia to see the obvious.

Instead, Otti carefully said people would make their decisions “at the appropriate time.” That is political language, not an Obidient victory parade.

It takes remarkable political blindness not to notice that Otti has repeatedly praised President Tinubu’s courage, supported the removal of fuel subsidy, backed exchange-rate reforms and publicly described Tinubu as a longstanding friend with whom he agrees on many important issues.

Here is what you should actually take to the bank:

By 2027, Tinubu does not need to defeat Obi outright in every South-East state. His basic strategy is simpler: expand APC’s vote, cross or approach the 25% threshold in strategic states, and drastically reduce Obi’s extraordinary 2023 margins.

Should Obi’s South-East total fall from roughly 1.95 million to below 1.3 million, while Tinubu rises substantially in Abia, Ebonyi, Imo and Enugu, it would represent a devastating political humiliation for Obi—even where he still finishes first.

Tinubu does not need the South-East to win the presidency, but South-East political heavyweights need to deliver votes for Tinubu to prove their own relevance and secure a political future in APC.

And therein lies the real 2027 battle in the South-East.

It is not Obi versus Tinubu; it is Soludo, Mbah, Umahi, Uzodimma and Otti versus Obi.

They do not even have to defeat him. They only need to secure 25%. If they fail, the embarrassment is theirs—not Tinubu’s.

Richtaiwo:
Congratulations to the family.

Obidients have been cursing and swearing for Wike's downfall since his days as governor. One has to ask, which god have they been praying to? Because the requests don't seem to be getting through.

Obidients' curses do not only return empty-handed. As the Yoruba proverb says, "A curse without foundation returns to the mouth that uttered it." The Bible expresses a similar principle: "An undeserved curse does not come to rest." (Proverbs 26:2).

For years, some Obidient supporters have poured out curses, fasting and prayers for the political downfall of anyone who disagrees with them, especially President Tinubu and Nyesom Wike. Yet, in their view, those they curse continue to thrive politically, while their own preferred candidate continues to face repeated setbacks.

This is the danger of turning politics into a ministry of bitterness. When a political movement becomes driven by resentment and constant curses against opponents, it ceases to be politics and becomes an exercise in emotional hostility.

A healthy political supporter debates policies.

A bitter political cult wishes for people's lives to collapse.

That is why some mistake anger for influence, insults for persuasion, and curses for political strategy.

But neither democracy nor life is governed by the bitterness of strangers on the internet.

The recent Obasanjo–Osoba exchange has reopened an old but important window into Atiku Abubakar’s political character.

According to Obasanjo, the impeachment plot involving former Speaker Ghali Na’Abba did not begin as innocent legislative activism. He alleged that it began inside the Presidency, driven by his own Vice-President, Atiku Abubakar, who allegedly wanted Obasanjo to serve only one term. Obasanjo further claimed that Atiku invited Na’Abba to his office and gave him ₦5 million to begin impeachment work. The same account is reported in recent coverage of Obasanjo’s reply to Osoba.

If true, what character traits does this reveal?

First, premature ambition. From Obasanjo’s account, Atiku did not even wait for governance to settle before raising campaigners for his own presidency.

Second, disloyalty. Obasanjo said this was a man he “brought up from governorship to Vice-President.” Yet, allegedly, the same deputy was already plotting how to remove the principal.

Third, backdoor politics. Instead of testing popularity openly, the allegation suggests a politician willing to use impeachment pressure as a shortcut to power.

Fourth, power-by-any-means instinct. Obasanjo’s phrase is devastating: Atiku wanted to take over “by hook or by crook.”

This matters for 2027.

Atiku is again presenting himself as a democratic alternative. But the historical baggage keeps following him like an unpaid debt collector. A man repeatedly surrounded by stories of internal sabotage, ambition without restraint, and elite manoeuvring cannot suddenly pretend to be the innocent victim of Nigeria’s broken politics.

The implication is simple: Atiku’s problem is not age alone. It is trust.

And in 2027, Nigerians should ask whether a man accused by his own former principal of plotting from inside the Villa can be trusted with the Villa again.