CharlesCNG's Posts
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Professor Odinkalu-that profesorial political illiterate, That obidient professor afflicted with The Learned Confusion Syndrome The Professor Without Political Common Sense may have advised Peter obi and the lunatic obidients mob again, and you can already see the post-election excuse factory warming up like an old generator. By 2027, Peter Obi and his Obidient choir may have more excuses than polling agents. First excuse: “Our people travelled and couldn’t vote.” Second: “The election came too soon.” Third: “INEC refused to extend voter registration.” Fourth: “The weather discouraged our voters.” Fifth: “Too much sunlight affected turnout.” Sixth: “Fuel price made our people stay home.” Seventh: “Network failed, so our WhatsApp mobilisation collapsed.” Eighth: “Our supporters were spiritually ready but logistically oppressed.” Ninth: “The ballot paper confused our base.” Tenth: “Our votes were waiting to vote but INEC closed.” My brother, by the time they are done, even the village cock that crowed late on election morning will be accused of voter suppression. Anything except the obvious: campaign, canvass, build structure, recruit powerful influencers like governors, train agents, persuade voters, enter communities, sell policies, and test your popularity like every serious politician. But no. Pity-Party Peter prefers politics by grievance. Odinkalu and co will supply the grammar. Obidients will supply the hashtags. Then after losing, they will gather online to declare victory in the Republic of Twitter. That is their strategy: prepare excuses first, campaign later. A serious candidate builds polling-unit structure. Persecution Peter Obi’s camp builds post-defeat literature. At this rate, they are not contesting an election; they are rehearsing a condolence speech. 2027 has not even arrived, yet the excuses are already queuing like passengers at a delayed airport boarding gate. The truth is simple: elections are not won by explaining why you lost. They are won by doing the work before voting day. |
DmonSlayer10:Exactly. But can we really blame them? When the head of the mob himself spends most of his time chasing shadows, manufacturing persecution stories, replying every political inconvenience, and turning airport parking into national oppression, what do you expect the followers to become? A movement usually reflects its leader. If Peter Obi had spent the past months building ward structures, recruiting governors, strengthening party machinery, pushing voter registration, training polling agents, selling a clear economic plan and presenting a serious security blueprint, his supporters would probably have followed that serious direction. But when the leader’s political style is grievance, victimhood and endless “they are after me,” the followers naturally become online activists, outrage merchants and hashtag warriors. The simple reason why Obidient politics is heavy online but light on structure is because they are learning from Shadow-Chasing Peter The man who keeps mistaking noise for mobilisation and sympathy for strategy. |
Trustyourself:You are manifesting Obidient Self-Generated Outrage Syndrome. first manufacture a claim nobody made and that is pappably false Then get angry or keep parroting the claim manufactured by you pathetic lot Then accuse others of wickedness based on your own imagination. It is political shadow-boxing. Obidients throw the punch, dodge the punch, declare themselves wounded, and then blame you for the fight. APC and tinubu supporter do not get upset over "vote wisely" You are the one- suffering from Obidient Self-Generated Outrage Syndrome. |
fergie001:Peter Obi should have spent more time mobilising young people to register early instead of waiting until the closing whistle to ask INEC for extra time. That is his usual Last-Minute Sympathy Politics — misplacing priority first, then turning the consequence into public drama. A serious opposition leader would have made voter registration a daily campaign months ago: town halls, campus drives, social media reminders, ward-level mobilisation and PVC awareness. But Pity-Party Peter waited until the gate was closing before shouting that the gatekeeper should extend mercy. That is like a student who spent the whole term motivationally quoting textbooks, then on exam morning starts begging WAEC to postpone because his pen just remembered democracy. Obi- If he is sincere and serious- should have mobilised registration early, not wait until INEC is packing chairs to start preaching participation. Typical Plastic peter. |
The biggest political story many people are missing is not just what Abuja is building, but what governors are now able to build. Increased state allocations, subsidy savings and stronger fiscal room are turning governors into real chief executives again. That is why projects are rising from Abia to Enugu, Edo, Delta, Plateau and beyond. From Abia to Enugu, Edo to Delta, Plateau and beyond, governors are suddenly embarking on projects at a scale we did not see under the old fiscal squeeze. Roads, transport terminals, hospitals, schools, urban renewal, power projects and industrial corridors are springing up because the states now have more oxygen. This is where Tinubu’s reform genius is showing. He is not shouting “restructuring” from a conference hall. He is quietly devolving power by putting more fiscal capacity in the hands of governors. Enugu Governor Peter Mbah openly attributed his state’s infrastructure transformation to increased allocation to subnational governments under Tinubu, saying states previously struggled to pay salaries after FAAC, leaving little for capital projects. The Federal Ministry of Information also reported Mbah saying subsidy removal freed resources for Enugu’s infrastructure drive. In Abia, Alex Otti’s government is pushing infrastructure through road projects, power initiatives, industrial development and the Abia Integrated Infrastructure Development programme backed by federal and development-finance collaboration. Now add state police. The Presidency says the constitutional framework is near completion, while Reuters reported that parliament has advanced a bill allowing states to establish and run their own police forces, pending state-assembly approval. That is devolution in practice. More money to states. More responsibility to governors. More infrastructure at subnational level. More security power moving closer to communities. Tinubu is achieving restructuring without drama, devolution without shouting, and federalism without waiting for another national conference. This is why governors understand him. He is not merely preaching federalism. He is pushing resources, responsibility and soon security power closer to the states. The result is beginning to show in the infrastructure boom across several states. |
yemre:Thanks my brother. Have you also noticed the infrastructure revolution quietly spreading across the states? From Abia to Enugu, Edo to Delta, Plateau and beyond, governors are suddenly embarking on projects at a scale we did not see under the old fiscal squeeze. Roads, transport terminals, hospitals, schools, urban renewal, power projects and industrial corridors are springing up because the states now have more oxygen. This is where Tinubu’s reform genius is showing. He is not shouting “restructuring” from a conference hall. He is quietly devolving power by putting more fiscal capacity in the hands of governors. Enugu Governor Peter Mbah openly attributed his state’s infrastructure transformation to increased allocation to subnational governments under Tinubu, saying states previously struggled to pay salaries after FAAC, leaving little for capital projects. The Federal Ministry of Information also reported Mbah saying subsidy removal freed resources for Enugu’s infrastructure drive. In Abia, Alex Otti’s government is pushing infrastructure through road projects, power initiatives, industrial development and the Abia Integrated Infrastructure Development programme backed by federal and development-finance collaboration. Now add state police. The Presidency says the constitutional framework is near completion, while Reuters reported that parliament has advanced a bill allowing states to establish and run their own police forces, pending state-assembly approval. That is devolution in practice. More money to states. More responsibility to governors. More infrastructure at subnational level. More security power moving closer to communities. Tinubu is achieving restructuring without drama, devolution without shouting, and federalism without waiting for another national conference. This is why governors understand him. He is not merely preaching federalism. He has provided atmosphere for funding. I call it tinubu’s Quiet Devolution: No Conference, Just Fiscal Power. |
Beautifulday:APC hired consultants to support a structure; Atiku is looking for consultants because he lacks one. Yes, APC hired U.S.-based campaign consultants in 2014. That is not a secret. But hiring campaign strategists is not the same thing as running to Obama to make Buhari president. APC did not win in 2015 because Obama carried ballot boxes. APC won because Nigerian opposition parties merged, governors moved, PDP cracked, structures aligned, grassroots mobilisation intensified, and voters were ready to remove Jonathan. That is politics. APC 2015 used foreign consultants to sharpen a Nigerian campaign. APC hired consultants to support a structure; Atiku is looking for consultants because he lacks one. |
Validated:Unlike you, Trump knows the true meaning of **drug lord**. He knows a drug lord is not someone Obidients hate politically and therefore decorate with cartel vocabulary. A drug lord is someone who runs, controls, finances or commands a drug trafficking organisation — with evidence, networks, operations, prosecution and conviction. Obidients have turned “drug lord” into a lazy insult for Tinubu because they cannot defeat him politically. At this point, if Tinubu drinks Panadol, they will call him pharmaceutical kingpin. You people shout Noriega, Maduro and El Chapo as if name-dropping foreign criminals will magically convert political propaganda into legal proof. If America wanted to treat Tinubu as a drug lord, America has agencies, courts, records, intelligence systems and diplomatic channels. They do not need Obidient WhatsApp lawyers to teach them their own file. The funniest part is that the same Trump you are invoking has now written Tinubu in the language of cooperation, not criminal indictment. So maybe Trump knows something Obidients refuse to accept: hatred is not evidence, repetition is not conviction, and campaign insult is not international law. Call him names from now till 2027. He remains President. And your “drug lord” slogan remains what it has always been: political frustration wearing cartel costume. |
Dalohad:Cry harder? My brother, nobody’s neck is being pressed here except Atiku’s tired political neck. This is the funny thing about Obidient-Atiku opposition: they think sending files to Washington is the same thing as building a winning coalition in Nigeria. APC did not win in 2015 because Buhari and Tinubu “ran to Obama.” APC won because opposition parties merged, governors moved, structures aligned, the National Assembly shifted, grassroots campaigns intensified, and Nigerians were given a clear anti-incumbent alternative. APC had governors. APC had senators. APC had House members. APC had state structures. APC had polling-unit machinery. APC had a national coalition. That is politics. What does Atiku have now? A troubled ADC platform with no serious governor harvest, weak by-election performance, scattered PDP machinery, reduced Adamawa grip, and a campaign strategy that now looks like: “Dear Trump, please help me remove Tinubu.” That is not strategy. That is embassy begging with opposition letterhead. And please, stop flattering yourselves with “press APC’s neck.” What exactly is pressing APC? A letter? A lobbyist? Old U.S. records America already has? Trump does not need Atiku to explain America’s own files to America. If Atiku wants power, let him face Nigerian voters. Let him build structure. Let him win councils, states, governors, senators, blocs and trust. APC 2015 was not childish “press neck” politics. It was merger, machinery and mass mobilisation. Atiku 2027 is looking like Washington-Waiting-Room Opposition — a candidate who cannot convince Nigerians but is hoping America will mark his homework. |
Atiku’s Trump Telegram: When A Weak Candidate Campaigns To Washington Instead Of Nigerians Atiku Abubakar’s latest anti-Tinubu manoeuvre is political comedy with diplomatic envelope. Instead of campaigning to Nigerians, rebuilding structure, selling a clear programme, or testing his popularity at home, Atiku now appears to believe that Washington can do what Nigerian voters have repeatedly refused to do for him: make him president. Reports say a U.S.-based lobbying firm linked to Atiku’s ADC campaign intensified efforts to circulate Tinubu’s old U.S. records to officials in the Trump administration and Congress. Almost immediately, the Presidency released Trump’s July 6 letter praising Tinubu’s “decisive leadership” and pledging continued U.S.-Nigeria security cooperation. Reuters also reported that Trump commended Tinubu’s actions against violence and signalled warmer Abuja-Washington ties. So what exactly is Atiku’s 2027 strategy? Not mass mobilisation. Not governor recruitment. Not ADC structure. Not even Adamawa dominance. His own home-state machinery has largely shifted toward APC, while the powerful PDP structure he carried in 2023 has scattered. The recent electoral tests are even more embarrassing. In the 2026 FCT area council polls, APC won five of six councils, while ADC only appeared as distant runner-up in AMAC and Bwari. In Ekiti, APC’s Oyebanji won with 319,224 votes, PDP had 40,543, and ADC managed 12,872. In Ondo South’s senatorial by-election, APC won with 68,474 votes while ADC was not even among the listed leading contenders. And Atiku wants Trump to rescue this? That is not campaign strategy. That is Embassy-Gate Opposition — a man who cannot convince governors trying to convince foreigners. The funniest part is Atiku thinking an American president does not already have access to U.S. records. The U.S. Senate once reported that Jennifer Douglas, Atiku’s now divorced fourth wife, helped move over $40 million in suspect funds into the United States. Obasanjo also repeatedly accused Atiku of corruption before later endorsing him after claiming he had forgiven him. So before Atiku carries files to Washington, he should remember: America has files too. If Atiku wants to be president of Nigeria, let him campaign to Nigerians, build party structure, win governors, win by-elections, and present a serious alternative. Trump will not disqualify Tinubu and install Atiku from the Oval Office. Nigeria is not a U.S. embassy appointment. |
SlavaUkraini:Atiku’s Trump Telegram: When A Weak Candidate Campaigns To Washington Instead Of Nigerians. by CharlesCNG. Atiku Abubakar’s latest anti-Tinubu manoeuvre is political comedy with diplomatic envelope. Instead of campaigning to Nigerians, rebuilding structure, selling a clear programme, or testing his popularity at home, Atiku now appears to believe that Washington can do what Nigerian voters have repeatedly refused to do for him: make him president. Reports say a U.S.-based lobbying firm linked to Atiku’s ADC campaign intensified efforts to circulate Tinubu’s old U.S. records to officials in the Trump administration and Congress. Almost immediately, the Presidency released Trump’s July 6 letter praising Tinubu’s “decisive leadership” and pledging continued U.S.-Nigeria security cooperation. Reuters also reported that Trump commended Tinubu’s actions against violence and signalled warmer Abuja-Washington ties. So what exactly is Atiku’s 2027 strategy? Not mass mobilisation. Not governor recruitment. Not ADC structure. Not even Adamawa dominance. His own home-state machinery has largely shifted toward APC, while the powerful PDP structure he carried in 2023 has scattered. The recent electoral tests are even more embarrassing. In the 2026 FCT area council polls, APC won five of six councils, while ADC only appeared as distant runner-up in AMAC and Bwari. In Ekiti, APC’s Oyebanji won with 319,224 votes, PDP had 40,543, and ADC managed 12,872. In Ondo South’s senatorial by-election, APC won with 68,474 votes while ADC was not even among the listed leading contenders. And Atiku wants Trump to rescue this? That is not campaign strategy. That is Embassy-Gate Opposition — a man who cannot convince governors trying to convince foreigners. The funniest part is Atiku thinking an American president does not already have access to U.S. records. The U.S. Senate once reported that Jennifer Douglas, Atiku’s fourth wife, helped move over $40 million in suspect funds into the United States. Obasanjo also repeatedly accused Atiku of corruption before later endorsing him after claiming he had forgiven him. So before Atiku carries files to Washington, he should remember: America has files too. If Atiku wants to be president of Nigeria, let him campaign to Nigerians, build party structure, win governors, win by-elections, and present a serious alternative. Trump will not disqualify Tinubu and install Atiku from the Oval Office. Nigeria is not a U.S. embassy appointment. |
SlavaUkraini:Atiku has moved from ballot-box politics to inbox politics — emailing Washington because Nigerians keep returning his ambition undelivered. |
Some people in Nigeria behave like official arbiters of bad news. If the story is negative, they amplify it. If the story is positive, they start looking for how to poison it. That is why President Donald Trump’s reported letter to President Bola Tinubu will disappoint the doomsday Obidient caucus. According to Politics Nigeria, Trump wrote Tinubu in a July 6, 2026 letter, praising his “decisive leadership” and saying it was “a true honor” to stand with Nigeria in the fight against terrorism. The report also says Trump referenced the U.S.-Nigeria 2026 Defence Cooperation Roadmap and the deployment of U.S. Special Operations Forces to train Nigerian troops and strengthen security cooperation. This matters because the usual merchants of disaster have spent months selling the narrative that Nigeria is isolated, Tinubu is rejected globally, and the world sees his government as a failure. Yet here is the American president, not merely engaging Tinubu, but publicly acknowledging cooperation on counter-terrorism. Even earlier, AP reported a joint U.S.-Nigerian mission in which an Islamic State leader was killed, with Tinubu confirming the operation in the Lake Chad Basin. That shows the relationship is not just diplomatic grammar; it is producing security cooperation. Of course, Nigeria still has serious security problems. Nobody should pretend otherwise. But only a bitter mind sees international cooperation against terrorism and gets angry because it does not fit the “Tinubu has failed everywhere” script. The letter will not end insecurity overnight. But it punctures the propaganda that Tinubu is alone, abandoned and internationally dismissed. For the Obidient arbiters of bad news, that is the real tragedy. |
Streetinvestor2:Thank you for demonstrating **Obidient Empty-Reply Syndrome** in real time. The article asked one simple question: **Can Kwankwaso deliver the North, or only Kano?** Your reply? > "Kwankwaso chose Obi..." That answers absolutely nothing. Whether he chose Obi, Tinubu or Atiku is not the issue. The issue is whether he can deliver Northern votes beyond Kano. Once again, facts arrived, comprehension departed, and the argument was replaced with abuse. The question is still waiting. |
givedemwotowoto:Which Nigerians? Your Obidient WhatsApp groups? X spaces? Facebook pages? Or your online echo chamber? The opinions of Nigerians are expressed at the ballot box and in real political developments—not by conducting surveys within your own caucus and presenting them as national consensus. Since 2023, we've seen off-season elections, by-elections, defections, governors changing alignment, and millions of verified party registrations. Those are measurable political indicators. They may not guarantee the outcome of 2027, but they certainly tell us more than social media applause. The irony is that you accuse others of living in a bubble while treating your own online community as if it represents over 200 million Nigerians. If that isn't an echo chamber, I don't know what is. |
Streetinvestor2:You have abandoned the article for another round of Obidient conspiracy theories. The point was simple: Tinubu has become governors' friend because his reforms have expanded state revenues and fiscal space. Alex Otti himself publicly acknowledged that by praising the subsidy removal and exchange-rate reforms. More importantly, if Otti is truly campaigning for Obi or the NDC, kindly point us to a recent speech or action where he has urged Nigerians to vote for them. I'll wait. I can easily point to Otti's public praise for Tinubu's policies. You should be able to do the same for Obi—if the evidence exists. |
Justnation:You are the one building hope on denial. Alex oti words and actions have consistently validated Tinubu's reforms and pointed toward working with the centre. How else do reasonable people verify politicians—through dreams, or through what they publicly say and do? As for "only mad people support Tinubu," that means, by your own logic, Governor Alex Otti, Governor Charles Soludo and other non-APC leaders in the south east who have openly commended Tinubu's policies are all "mad." That is the problem with Obidient politics: anyone who departs from the approved script is immediately abused. The real delusion is believing that your Obidient caucus speaks for every Nigerian. |
givedemwotowoto:As usual, you are confusing the opinion of your Obidient caucus for the opinion of Nigerians. Because a few people online are angry that Trump wrote Tinubu does not mean Nigeria is angry. It only means the usual bad-news merchants are disappointed that the story did not fit their “Tinubu is isolated” script. Obidients think Nigeria is angry because their group chat is noisy. |
Newsgeek24:Trump’s Letter To Tinubu: Bad News For Nigeria’s Doomsday Obidients. Some people in Nigeria behave like official arbiters of bad news. If the story is negative, they amplify it. If the story is positive, they start looking for how to poison it. That is why President Donald Trump’s reported letter to President Bola Tinubu will disappoint the doomsday Obidient caucus. According to Politics Nigeria, Trump wrote Tinubu in a July 6, 2026 letter, praising his “decisive leadership” and saying it was “a true honor” to stand with Nigeria in the fight against terrorism. The report also says Trump referenced the U.S.-Nigeria 2026 Defence Cooperation Roadmap and the deployment of U.S. Special Operations Forces to train Nigerian troops and strengthen security cooperation. This matters because the usual merchants of disaster have spent months selling the narrative that Nigeria is isolated, Tinubu is rejected globally, and the world sees his government as a failure. Yet here is the American president, not merely engaging Tinubu, but publicly acknowledging cooperation on counter-terrorism. Even earlier, AP reported a joint U.S.-Nigerian mission in which an Islamic State leader was killed, with Tinubu confirming the operation in the Lake Chad Basin. That shows the relationship is not just diplomatic grammar; it is producing security cooperation. Of course, Nigeria still has serious security problems. Nobody should pretend otherwise. But only a bitter mind sees international cooperation against terrorism and gets angry because it does not fit the “Tinubu has failed everywhere” script. The letter will not end insecurity overnight. But it punctures the propaganda that Tinubu is alone, abandoned and internationally dismissed. For the Obidient arbiters of bad news, that is the real tragedy. |
Abia State Governor Alex Otti has said aloud what many governors already know privately: Tinubu’s reforms are painful, but they have changed the fiscal oxygen available to states. Otti praised Tinubu’s removal of fuel subsidy and floating of the naira as bold decisions requiring courage. That matters because Otti is not an APC governor. He is Labour Party. Yet even he can see that the reforms have expanded what governors can do. This is why Tinubu may be the most governor-friendly president in Nigeria’s history. He understands what governors need: revenue, fiscal space, infrastructure support, and less Abuja strangulation. Before Tinubu, many states were drowning. 13 states had salary arrears and 27 states were burdened by pension arrears. Today, NGF chairman AbdulRahman AbdulRazaq says all 36 states no longer need to borrow to pay salaries under Tinubu’s reforms. The politics is even louder. After the 2023 elections, APC controlled 20 states, while PDP had 13. By 2026, APC controls about 31 of 36 states. Even non-APC governors like Otti, Soludo and Adeleke have found reasons to work with, commend or align with Tinubu’s centre. That is the opposition’s failure. Atiku and Obi cannot even convince a single governor to stand with them, while Tinubu keeps turning reform pain into political structure. Governor Oti who hitherto belonged to the same labour party with Platform-pilgrim Peter has endorsed tinubu - not pity-party Peter- for 2027 |
Awillologo:The point about Daniel Bwala and Garba Shehu is fair. There is something mature about serving a new political camp without making your former principal your permanent punching bag. But we must also admit one major difference: Atiku is not Peter Obi, and Atiku supporters are not Obidients. Atiku does not usually unleash a mob on everyone who changes political direction. Atiku supporters may disagree with defectors, but they don’t usually turn every former ally into a traitor, sellout, food-is-ready politician or enemy of the people. That is where the Obi movement is different. Obidients practise what I call Defector-Demonisation Politics. The moment you stop clapping for Obi, your biography becomes evidence. Your past becomes crime scene. Your house, career, tribe, bank account and character will suddenly enter political autopsy. So Kenneth Okonkwo’s constant fire cannot be understood outside that toxic reaction. He was praised when he was defending Obi. The moment he changed his mind, they started insulting him, questioning his integrity and rewriting his entire history. In politics, people change camps. It is normal. In America, J.D. Vance was once a fierce critic of Donald Trump before later becoming Trump’s running mate and then Vice President. His shift was controversial, but it shows that politics allows realignment. So yes, loyalty matters. But when a movement treats disagreement like apostasy, it should not cry when former insiders start responding with fire. Atiku’s camp permits political disagreement. Obidients operate like a cult court-martial. |
Streetinvestor2:You can make your argument without the endless abuse. Most contributors here are debating civilly; calling everyone who disagrees with you “mental” does not strengthen your projection. First, your figures are wrong. In the South-East and South-West combined, Obi scored about 2.80 million votes, not 3.1 million, while Tinubu scored about 2.41 million, not 2.8 million. Obi’s advantage came overwhelmingly from his 1.95 million South-East votes. Tinubu, however, defeated Obi heavily in the South-West by approximately 2.28 million to 846,478. More importantly, Obi’s 2023 South-East landslide did not merely defeat APC. It destroyed the region’s previously dominant PDP presidential structure. Atiku received only 90,968 votes across the entire South-East, while Tinubu received 127,370. Obi’s victory was therefore a home-region wave that swept away both traditional parties. The original article does not say Tinubu will win the South-East. It asks whether established structures such as APGA, APC incumbency and new alliances can raise his numbers and reduce Obi’s extraordinary 2023 margins. Do not confuse what is “taboo” within your like-minded Obidient circle with the opinion of every Igbo voter. Loudness is not unanimity. You also claim the City Boy movement has disappeared, yet Obi Cubana was publicly appointed its South-East coordinator in January 2026 and acknowledged the development. That does not prove he can deliver the region, but it disproves the claim that no prominent South-Easterner is willing to associate with Tinubu’s mobilisation. It is reasonable to infer that some potential Tinubu supporters may avoid noisy public confrontation because of harassment. But private sentiment cannot be measured confidently until ballots are cast. That is why this remains a projection, not a prophecy. You may ultimately be proved right. I may be proved right. The election result—not threats from a timber market or opinions from an online caucus—will settle it. |
yarimo:This is my honest projection as well. Atiku’s Southern weakness in 2027 may be even more severe than the raw 2023 map suggests. In 2023, he obtained 1,750,817 votes across the 17 Southern states—941,941 in the South-West, 717,908 in the South-South and only 90,968 in the South-East. Much of that support came through the PDP structures that then controlled important states. His biggest Southern pools included Osun—354,366; Akwa Ibom—214,012; Oyo—182,977; Delta—161,600; Ogun—123,831; Ondo—115,463; Cross River—95,425; Edo—89,585; Ekiti—89,554; Rivers—88,468; Lagos—75,750; and Bayelsa—68,818. But that political infrastructure has been dramatically rearranged. The governors and substantial PDP structures in Delta, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa and Rivers have moved to APC, while Edo is now governed by APC. These were states where PDP officials, local networks and campaign agents helped produce Atiku’s 2023 numbers. Atiku is also no longer running on the familiar PDP platform; he is now the ADC presidential candidate and must build a fresh Southern organisation. Therefore, I would not say Tinubu will automatically inherit every Atiku vote—voters are not transferable property. But Tinubu could inherit a significant share of the machinery-produced vote, particularly in Delta, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa and Rivers. My projection is that Atiku may struggle to reach 10% in several Southern states because he has lost both the PDP label and many of the structures that delivered his 2023 support. Tinubu’s greatest Southern opportunity is not merely taking votes from Obi; it is absorbing much of the old PDP establishment that once worked for Atiku. |
AMINDA:You are mistaking states won for electoral depth. First, Tinubu did not win only four Southern states. He won four Yoruba states—Ekiti, Ogun, Ondo and Oyo—and also won Rivers, making five Southern states. More importantly, he remained highly competitive elsewhere. He lost Lagos to Obi by only 9,848 votes: 582,454 to 572,606. He lost Osun to Atiku by just 10,421 votes: 354,366 to 343,945. Those are narrow defeats, not political rejection. Outside the South-East, Tinubu actually led the Southern vote count. Across the South-West and South-South combined, he scored 3,079,364 votes, compared with Obi’s 2,057,153 and Atiku’s 1,659,849. So the claim that his “one and only foundation is the North” collapses under elementary arithmetic. Here is another revealing comparison. In the four non-South-East Southern states won by Obi—Lagos, Edo, Delta and Cross River—Tinubu still accumulated about 937,780 votes. By contrast, in Tinubu’s five Southern victories—Ekiti, Ogun, Ondo, Oyo and Rivers—Obi collected roughly 418,757 votes. Tinubu therefore had substantially more depth inside Obi-won Southern territory than Obi had inside Tinubu-won territory. And the map has changed since 2023. Atiku won Akwa Ibom and Bayelsa, but both governors—Umo Eno and Douye Diri—have since defected from the PDP to the APC. That transfers incumbency, state machinery and many established networks to Tinubu’s party. Osun i can assure you is going to be landslide tinubu as the governor and APC structure will be working for tinubu. Atiku will not have 10 %. that's my state and i should know. Edo and Delta further weaken the claim that Tinubu’s Southern position is static. In Edo, Obi won in 2023 with 331,163 votes, but Tinubu was already a respectable second with 144,471—well ahead of Atiku’s 89,585. Since then, APC has captured the governorship under Monday Okpebholo and absorbed significant sections of the old PDP structure, including prominent leaders, council officials and grassroots operatives. That is why I project Tinubu could win Edo convincingly in 2027, although the final result must still be decided by voters. Delta has changed even more dramatically. In 2023, Obi won with 341,866 votes while APC lacked the dominant state machinery. Today, Governor Sheriff Oborevwori, former governor Ifeanyi Okowa and much of the Delta PDP establishment have formally moved into APC. That does not mean every PDP voter will transfer automatically, but it gives Tinubu access to the governorship, local networks and an organisation that once delivered Delta for PDP presidential candidates. His Delta vote should therefore improve substantially. So the Southern map is not frozen in 2023. But saying the North is his “only foundation” ignores over **three million votes** he already secured outside the South-East. Presidential elections are not won by colouring the most states on a map. They are won through total votes, broad distribution and competitive margins. |
gidgiddy:My brother, thank you for the polite response. This is the kind of disagreement that can produce a useful debate. But what I made was a **projection**, not a prophecy. A projection looks at 2023 results, party structures, incumbency, local actors, voter behaviour and changed political incentives, then asks what may likely shift in 2027. Yes, APGA had a presidential candidate in 2023 and Peter Obi still won Anambra massively. But there is a major difference between **APGA merely fielding its own presidential candidate** and **APGA deliberately collapsing its structure to support an incumbent president**. That is the point of the article. In 2023, APGA’s presidential candidate was not the same thing as APGA’s full structure, governor, ward network, local actors and existing APC machinery working in one direction for Tinubu. If Soludo is truly determined, and if APGA plus APC structures coordinate seriously, Tinubu does not need to win Anambra. He only needs a dramatically improved margin or a push toward 25%. This has happened before in the South-East. In 2019, Buhari improved significantly in parts of the South-East . he scored more than 25% in imo and abia states due to the deployment of local structure. So no, Anambra voters are not remote-controlled. But structure still matters. My projection simply invites discussion. The actual election will prove who read the terrain better. But dismissing APGA’s endorsement as “Soludo only” may be underestimating what a determined governor, party machinery and federal incumbency can do when they all pull in one direction. |
bigpicture001:Thank you for making a civil argument. That's how political discussions should be. I actually agree that Anambra has a history of split-ticket voting. But that is precisely why I described the article as a projection, not a prediction. Also, let's not rewrite history. Before 2023, Anambra was not permanently an "Obi presidential state." In 2003 and 2007, the PDP under Obasanjo dominated. In 2011 and especially 2015, Jonathan carried Anambra by an overwhelming margin—about 98% in 2015. APGA and PDP have also won governorships and legislative elections over the years. My point is simple: the 2023 presidential result was driven by a unique convergence of factors—the Obi home-state effect, Labour's novelty, protest voting and an unprecedented emotional wave. Many of those conditions have weakened or changed. Can APGA's structure narrow Obi's 2023 margin? That is the question. We'll know the answer only when Anambra votes in 2027. |
Streetinvestor2:Your Comprehension Has Lost Battery: APGA Structure Is Not a Remote Control. This is typical Obidient emotion in full throttle. The article made a cautious electoral projection. It did not say every Anambra voter would automatically obey APGA and vote for Tinubu. In fact, it expressly stated: “Anambra voters are not remote-controlled.” Yet your comprehension apparently lost battery immediately you saw Tinubu’s name. Instead of addressing the argument, you supplied the usual abuse, market-square threats and “drug baron” chants. Please learn to debate without insults. Abuse cannot substitute for electoral analysis. The argument is straightforward: Tinubu received only 5,111 votes in Anambra in 2023. If APGA deploys its governor, ward executives, local candidates, campaign agents and grassroots networks for him in 2027, could that increase his vote and reduce Obi’s margin? That is the question. Nobody said Soludo owns Anambra voters. But pretending that APGA’s structure is politically irrelevant because your Obidient caucus dislikes Tinubu is equally unserious. You are also projecting the opinions of your online circle onto the entire Igbo electorate. The South-East is not one giant Obidient WhatsApp group. History provides another warning against your certainty. In 2019, Muhammadu Buhari secured 26.31% in Abia and 27.46% in Imo, despite the South-East’s overwhelming preference for Atiku. He also received 12.93% in Enugu, 5.50% in Anambra and lower support elsewhere in the zone. In other words, an APC presidential candidate has previously crossed 25% in two South-East states. The original article did not predict that Tinubu must win Anambra. It suggested that APGA’s endorsement could transform his support from symbolic to measurable and perhaps place 25% within discussion. That is a projection—not a prophecy. It can only be validated or disproved by the actual election result. So calm down, keep the insults in your pocket and answer the real question: Will an APGA machinery campaigning for Tinubu make absolutely no difference to his 2023 total of 5,111 votes? Screaming “drug baron” is not an electoral model. |
Some people misunderstand election projection. Projection is not prophecy. It is not wishful thinking. It is the comparison of past results, voting patterns, structures, incentives, regional shifts and changing political conditions. In 2023, Peter Obi’s South-East performance was driven by a rare political wave. That wave combined protest mood, EndSARS energy, youth anger, religious anxiety, ethnic solidarity, anti-PDP/APC fatigue and a carefully packaged “new candidate” brand. But waves are not permanent structures. A wave is like floodwater after heavy rain: it may sweep through the street once, but no serious builder constructs his house assuming the same flood will return on schedule. Tinubu’s 2023 South-East numbers were extremely poor. He scored about 127,370 votes, roughly 5.72% of the zone’s valid votes, while Obi scored about 1,952,998 votes, around 87.78%. Yet Tinubu still won the presidency. That is the first major point: Tinubu does not need the South-East to win in 2027. Any improvement there is a bonus, not his foundation. The second point is structure. Nobody says governors alone vote. People vote. But in Nigerian elections, governors, commissioners, council chairmen, appointees, candidates, ward leaders and polling-unit agents help mobilise, persuade, fund, coordinate and protect votes. In 2027, every South-East governor and major power bloc will have stronger incentive to avoid another APC collapse in the zone. The realistic target is not necessarily for Tinubu to win the South-East outright. The target is to improve margins, push toward 25%, and reduce Obi’s overwhelming 2023 advantage. Obi, meanwhile, has the harder job. He must reproduce a 2023 emotional landslide after the novelty has faded, the brand has been tested, the platform has become unstable, and the movement has grown more abusive. So “we will defend our votes” is not a projection. It is a slogan. The real question is simple: will the same conditions that produced Obi’s 2023 South-East wave still exist in 2027? My answer is no. |
helinues:Is there a way to know precisely how many threads daily? 5,10 ? Can you help me with a mod contact? I just discover a bigger issue just now. it may have to do with a bug. My Likes & Shares and Followed Topics Suddenly Disappeared. numbers of followers still showing. also how can i get to PM a mod when i have these issues. |
APGA’s reported endorsement of President Bola Tinubu for 2027 may become one of the most politically significant developments in Anambra ahead of the presidential election. For the first time in Nigeria’s current democratic era, APGA — the party most closely identified with Anambra’s political identity since the Peter Obi years — is openly aligning with the APC presidential candidate instead of fielding its own presidential flagbearer or staying neutral. Daily Post and Vanguard both reported that APGA’s National Publicity Secretary, Mazi Ejimofor Opara, said the party did not upload a presidential candidate to INEC’s portal because its NEC had resolved to support Tinubu’s re-election. That is historically important. In 2023, Anambra was almost a Peter Obi political fortress. Obi scored about 584,621 votes, roughly 95.24%, while Tinubu got only about 5,111 votes. But 2027 will not simply be 2023 photocopied. APGA has deep roots in Anambra: governor, state structures, ward networks, local political actors, House of Assembly presence, and decades of emotional ownership of the state’s political space. That does not mean APGA can automatically transfer every vote to Tinubu. Anambra voters are not remote-controlled. But it means Tinubu will not be entering Anambra in 2027 as an abandoned APC candidate carrying his own bag alone. The effect may not be to make Tinubu win Anambra outright. That is not the immediate projection. The realistic impact is margin reduction: Tinubu moving from symbolic votes to measurable votes, possibly pushing toward the 25% conversation if APGA’s structure, Soludo’s political influence, federal incentives and local candidates work seriously. For Obi, this is the danger. His 2023 Anambra vote was a wave. APGA’s 2027 endorsement is structure. And waves can roar. But structures can quietly count. |
lexylaw09:Can APGA’s Tinubu Endorsement Break Obi’s 2023 Anambra Wall? APGA’s reported endorsement of President Bola Tinubu for 2027 may become one of the most politically significant developments in Anambra ahead of the presidential election. For the first time in Nigeria’s current democratic era, APGA — the party most closely identified with Anambra’s political identity since the Peter Obi years — is openly aligning with the APC presidential candidate instead of fielding its own presidential flagbearer or staying neutral. Daily Post and Vanguard both reported that APGA’s National Publicity Secretary, Mazi Ejimofor Opara, said the party did not upload a presidential candidate to INEC’s portal because its NEC had resolved to support Tinubu’s re-election. That is historically important. In 2023, Anambra was almost a Peter Obi political fortress. Obi scored about 584,621 votes, roughly 95.24%, while Tinubu got only about 5,111 votes. But 2027 will not simply be 2023 photocopied. APGA has deep roots in Anambra: governor, state structures, ward networks, local political actors, House of Assembly presence, and decades of emotional ownership of the state’s political space. That does not mean APGA can automatically transfer every vote to Tinubu. Anambra voters are not remote-controlled. But it means Tinubu will not be entering Anambra in 2027 as an abandoned APC candidate carrying his own bag alone. The effect may not be to make Tinubu win Anambra outright. That is not the immediate projection. The realistic impact is margin reduction: Tinubu moving from symbolic votes to measurable votes, possibly pushing toward the 25% conversation if APGA’s structure, Soludo’s political influence, federal incentives and local candidates work seriously. For Obi, this is the danger. His 2023 Anambra vote was a wave. APGA’s 2027 endorsement is structure. And waves can roar. But structures can quietly count. |
**Subject: Possible Bug: Likes, Shares and Followed Topics Counters Suddenly Disappeared** Hello Seun, I believe I've encountered a bug affecting my account statistics. As of approximately **6:42 AM today (Friday, 17 July 2026)**, my account header displayed: * **Followed Topics:** 288 * **Likes & Shares:** 1,824 Likes & 353 Shares * **Followers:** 7 After simply refreshing the page at around **8:24 AM**, the header changed to: * **Followed Topic:** 1 * **L&S** (the Likes & Shares counts disappeared completely) * **Followers:** 7 (unchanged) I did not modify any account settings, unfollow topics, or perform any actions that would explain these changes. The issue appeared immediately after a normal page refresh. Since the follower count remains intact while the Likes & Shares counter disappeared and the Followed Topics count dropped from 288 to 1, this appears to be a display, cache, or database synchronization issue rather than an account-related problem. I have screenshots showing both the before and after states, including the timestamps, and I'm happy to provide them if needed. Could you please investigate this issue? Thank you.
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