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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NENMJxzMm9U They Must Use The BVAS Protest Rocks Abuja Over 2023 General Election In Nigeria https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=V2WcrGz_z7g Women Storm Abuja In Protest Against INEC On Collation Of 2023 Election Results |
David160:According to the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, can a Drug Baron run for President and be declared winner? |
ForG:8 . There has never been a Drug Baron elected as President |
Can you guess the name of the only country in the world where a Drug Baron have the right to run for President ?
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Imagine a drug baron as President
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MarketDispatch:The Admin can be an astute Hacker who was bribed with a huge sum of money by one of the political party or candidate running in Nigeria's presidential election. Something definitely doesn't add up here |
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BMWbdc9ptLg International Observers Say The 2023 Election In Nigeria Falls Short Of International Standard The International Observers have decried abuses of incumbency in the electoral process, say the 2023 Presidential and National House of Assembly Elections fall short of the International Standard and, also call for prosecutions |
MarketDispatch:INEC is not really the owner of the website. Did you notice that the INEC website is registered and hosted in the UK? This is weird for a website used to upload and store very sensitive informations such as Election Results Imagine a foreign power (UK) having access to, files or web servers containing sensitive or personal data for Election Results in Nigeria |
European Union says Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election ‘distorted’, not credible “INEC lacked efficient planning and transparency during critical stages of the electoral process, while on election day trust in INEC was seen to further reduce due to delayed polling processes PRESS RELEASE • FEBRUARY 27, 2023 Nigerians went to the polls in highly anticipated presidential and National Assembly elections that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) kept on schedule despite a volatile and challenging environment. Fundamental freedoms of assembly and movement were largely respected, yet the full enjoyment of the latter was impeded by insufficient planning, insecurity and the prevailing Naira and fuel shortages. Abuse of incumbency by various political office holders distorted the playing field and there were widespread allegations of vote buying. Media provided an extensive coverage of the three leading campaigns, while disinformation interfered with voters’ right to make an informed choice on election day. The EU EOM is continuing its observation of the ongoing collation and tabulation of results throughout the country. INEC’s operational capacity was hampered by the ongoing fuel and Naira shortage. Insecurity prevented it from accessing some Local Government Areas (LGAs), notably in the South. Attacks on INEC premises, including just days before polling, hindered preparations in affected areas, while instilling fear in voters. Overall, stakeholders had expressed confidence in INEC’s independence, professionalism, and voter information efforts, but this decreased ahead of elections. INEC lacked efficient planning and transparency during critical stages of the electoral process, while on election day trust in INEC was seen to further reduce due to delayed polling processes and information gaps related to much anticipated access to results on its Results Viewing Portal (IReV). In the lead-up to elections, the widely welcomed Electoral Act 2022 introduced measures aimed at building stakeholder trust, however leaving some important gaps in terms of accountability and INEC’s power to enforce the law. Weak points include a lack of INEC empowerment to enforce sanctions for electoral offences and breaches of campaign finance rules. Positively, INEC benefited from more timely financing than for previous contests. Other new provisions also aimed to enhance transparency of results. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the IReV for the 2023 elections was perceived as an important step to ensure the integrity and credibility of elections. However, delayed training of technical personnel, an inadequate mock testing exercise, and a lack of public information on the election technologies diminished expectations and left room for speculation and uncertainty. During the early stages of collation, presidential result forms from polling units were not displayed on the IReV, while Senate and House of Representative results were slowly published. Presidential election result forms started to be uploaded after 10 pm on election day, raising concerns and reaching only 20 per cent by noon on 26 February. Later the same evening, INEC explained the delay with “technical hitches.” Among 93.4 million registered voters, 9.5 million additional voters were registered ahead of the 2023 polls, of whom two-thirds were youth following mobilisation efforts during the registration period. Yet, the collection of permanent voter cards (PVC), a requirement to vote, was negatively affected by poor institutional planning. Two days before elections, INEC stated that 93.3 per cent of PVCs were collected. Without an independent audit of the voter register, quality and inclusiveness could not be assured. Following contentious candidate registration processes there were18 contestants for the presidential office and over 4200 for 461 national assembly seats. They were selected in party primaries that reportedly lacked transparency and inclusiveness, marked by very chronically low levels of participation of women and youth. This compounded an overall stark lack of legal measures for inclusion and barriers to participation which do not align with international standards. The conduct of contesting parties and candidates, as well as some gaps in the law, led to a spate of pre- election court cases, with some matters not finalised ahead of elections. During the pre-election period, EU EOM interlocutors criticised various court rulings for being too technical, some leading to belated primary re-runs, others to substitutions of perceived legitimate candidates, thereby eroding public trust, exposing intra-party conflicts, and contributing to a volatile campaign environment. The campaign was highly competitive, and contestants conducted rallies nationwide, but the Naira cash and fuel scarcity reduced activities and attendance. Political parties denounced unequal campaign conditions due to interference of opponent governors. Reports of vote and PVC buying were also frequent. Internal party conflicts weakened the presidential campaigns of PDP and APC with personal accusation obscuring issue-based messages shortly before the elections. There was a lack of prosecution of electoral offences and a significant increase in violent incidents closer to elections, including attacks on candidates, reportedly, aimed to disturb the elections and suppress voter participation, particularly in the South-East. Media offered an extensive campaign coverage, despite economic hardships, institutional pressures, and electoral violence. Prime-time newscasts focused on the Naira swap, and APC and PDP animosities, granting both parties equitable exposure, although mostly negative in tone. Politicians used polarising rhetoric on air and conspiracy theories, originating online, were frequently discussed in the most popular talk shows. Analytical reporting on party policies was scant. Lead contestants could not be compared directly, as APC and PDP rebuffed presidential debates, undermining voters’ right to an informed choice. Social media was actively used by political actors as a campaign tool. However, the platforms were misused to spread harmful content, including disinformation on key electoral processes; the measures the platforms took to protect electoral integrity were insufficient. Misleading information also came from political actors and contributed to a blurred information environment for voters. Online and offline media joined forces with civil society and fact checkers to safeguard the integrity of the pre-election information environment. Real-time fact checking of gubernatorial and other contestants’ debates strived to hold candidates accountable, while various formats of voter information, raised voter awareness and helped to counter electoral insecurity, complementing INEC efforts. Civil society organisations observed and scrutinised different aspects of the election, issued several pre- election reports, at times probing INEC’s operational preparedness, offering voters a non-partisan assessment of election preparations. Over 144,800 citizen observers monitored election day proceedings. |
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European Union says Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election ‘distorted’, not credible “INEC lacked efficient planning and transparency during critical stages of the electoral process, while on election day trust in INEC was seen to further reduce due to delayed polling processes PRESS RELEASE • FEBRUARY 27, 2023 Nigerians went to the polls in highly anticipated presidential and National Assembly elections that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) kept on schedule despite a volatile and challenging environment. Fundamental freedoms of assembly and movement were largely respected, yet the full enjoyment of the latter was impeded by insufficient planning, insecurity and the prevailing Naira and fuel shortages. Abuse of incumbency by various political office holders distorted the playing field and there were widespread allegations of vote buying. Media provided an extensive coverage of the three leading campaigns, while disinformation interfered with voters’ right to make an informed choice on election day. The EU EOM is continuing its observation of the ongoing collation and tabulation of results throughout the country. INEC’s operational capacity was hampered by the ongoing fuel and Naira shortage. Insecurity prevented it from accessing some Local Government Areas (LGAs), notably in the South. Attacks on INEC premises, including just days before polling, hindered preparations in affected areas, while instilling fear in voters. Overall, stakeholders had expressed confidence in INEC’s independence, professionalism, and voter information efforts, but this decreased ahead of elections. INEC lacked efficient planning and transparency during critical stages of the electoral process, while on election day trust in INEC was seen to further reduce due to delayed polling processes and information gaps related to much anticipated access to results on its Results Viewing Portal (IReV). In the lead-up to elections, the widely welcomed Electoral Act 2022 introduced measures aimed at building stakeholder trust, however leaving some important gaps in terms of accountability and INEC’s power to enforce the law. Weak points include a lack of INEC empowerment to enforce sanctions for electoral offences and breaches of campaign finance rules. Positively, INEC benefited from more timely financing than for previous contests. Other new provisions also aimed to enhance transparency of results. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the IReV for the 2023 elections was perceived as an important step to ensure the integrity and credibility of elections. However, delayed training of technical personnel, an inadequate mock testing exercise, and a lack of public information on the election technologies diminished expectations and left room for speculation and uncertainty. During the early stages of collation, presidential result forms from polling units were not displayed on the IReV, while Senate and House of Representative results were slowly published. Presidential election result forms started to be uploaded after 10 pm on election day, raising concerns and reaching only 20 per cent by noon on 26 February. Later the same evening, INEC explained the delay with “technical hitches.” Among 93.4 million registered voters, 9.5 million additional voters were registered ahead of the 2023 polls, of whom two-thirds were youth following mobilisation efforts during the registration period. Yet, the collection of permanent voter cards (PVC), a requirement to vote, was negatively affected by poor institutional planning. Two days before elections, INEC stated that 93.3 per cent of PVCs were collected. Without an independent audit of the voter register, quality and inclusiveness could not be assured. Following contentious candidate registration processes there were18 contestants for the presidential office and over 4200 for 461 national assembly seats. They were selected in party primaries that reportedly lacked transparency and inclusiveness, marked by very chronically low levels of participation of women and youth. This compounded an overall stark lack of legal measures for inclusion and barriers to participation which do not align with international standards. The conduct of contesting parties and candidates, as well as some gaps in the law, led to a spate of pre- election court cases, with some matters not finalised ahead of elections. During the pre-election period, EU EOM interlocutors criticised various court rulings for being too technical, some leading to belated primary re-runs, others to substitutions of perceived legitimate candidates, thereby eroding public trust, exposing intra-party conflicts, and contributing to a volatile campaign environment. The campaign was highly competitive, and contestants conducted rallies nationwide, but the Naira cash and fuel scarcity reduced activities and attendance. Political parties denounced unequal campaign conditions due to interference of opponent governors. Reports of vote and PVC buying were also frequent. Internal party conflicts weakened the presidential campaigns of PDP and APC with personal accusation obscuring issue-based messages shortly before the elections. There was a lack of prosecution of electoral offences and a significant increase in violent incidents closer to elections, including attacks on candidates, reportedly, aimed to disturb the elections and suppress voter participation, particularly in the South-East. Media offered an extensive campaign coverage, despite economic hardships, institutional pressures, and electoral violence. Prime-time newscasts focused on the Naira swap, and APC and PDP animosities, granting both parties equitable exposure, although mostly negative in tone. Politicians used polarising rhetoric on air and conspiracy theories, originating online, were frequently discussed in the most popular talk shows. Analytical reporting on party policies was scant. Lead contestants could not be compared directly, as APC and PDP rebuffed presidential debates, undermining voters’ right to an informed choice. Social media was actively used by political actors as a campaign tool. However, the platforms were misused to spread harmful content, including disinformation on key electoral processes; the measures the platforms took to protect electoral integrity were insufficient. Misleading information also came from political actors and contributed to a blurred information environment for voters. Online and offline media joined forces with civil society and fact checkers to safeguard the integrity of the pre-election information environment. Real-time fact checking of gubernatorial and other contestants’ debates strived to hold candidates accountable, while various formats of voter information, raised voter awareness and helped to counter electoral insecurity, complementing INEC efforts. Civil society organisations observed and scrutinised different aspects of the election, issued several pre- election reports, at times probing INEC’s operational preparedness, offering voters a non-partisan assessment of election preparations. Over 144,800 citizen observers monitored election day proceedings. Source https://gazettengr.com/european-union-says-nigerias-2023-presidential-election-distorted-not-credible/ |
European Union says Nigeria’s 2023 presidential election ‘distorted’, not credible “INEC lacked efficient planning and transparency during critical stages of the electoral process, while on election day trust in INEC was seen to further reduce due to delayed polling processes PRESS RELEASE • FEBRUARY 27, 2023 Nigerians went to the polls in highly anticipated presidential and National Assembly elections that the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) kept on schedule despite a volatile and challenging environment. Fundamental freedoms of assembly and movement were largely respected, yet the full enjoyment of the latter was impeded by insufficient planning, insecurity and the prevailing Naira and fuel shortages. Abuse of incumbency by various political office holders distorted the playing field and there were widespread allegations of vote buying. Media provided an extensive coverage of the three leading campaigns, while disinformation interfered with voters’ right to make an informed choice on election day. The EU EOM is continuing its observation of the ongoing collation and tabulation of results throughout the country. INEC’s operational capacity was hampered by the ongoing fuel and Naira shortage. Insecurity prevented it from accessing some Local Government Areas (LGAs), notably in the South. Attacks on INEC premises, including just days before polling, hindered preparations in affected areas, while instilling fear in voters. Overall, stakeholders had expressed confidence in INEC’s independence, professionalism, and voter information efforts, but this decreased ahead of elections. INEC lacked efficient planning and transparency during critical stages of the electoral process, while on election day trust in INEC was seen to further reduce due to delayed polling processes and information gaps related to much anticipated access to results on its Results Viewing Portal (IReV). In the lead-up to elections, the widely welcomed Electoral Act 2022 introduced measures aimed at building stakeholder trust, however leaving some important gaps in terms of accountability and INEC’s power to enforce the law. Weak points include a lack of INEC empowerment to enforce sanctions for electoral offences and breaches of campaign finance rules. Positively, INEC benefited from more timely financing than for previous contests. Other new provisions also aimed to enhance transparency of results. The introduction of the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and the IReV for the 2023 elections was perceived as an important step to ensure the integrity and credibility of elections. However, delayed training of technical personnel, an inadequate mock testing exercise, and a lack of public information on the election technologies diminished expectations and left room for speculation and uncertainty. During the early stages of collation, presidential result forms from polling units were not displayed on the IReV, while Senate and House of Representative results were slowly published. Presidential election result forms started to be uploaded after 10 pm on election day, raising concerns and reaching only 20 per cent by noon on 26 February. Later the same evening, INEC explained the delay with “technical hitches.” Among 93.4 million registered voters, 9.5 million additional voters were registered ahead of the 2023 polls, of whom two-thirds were youth following mobilisation efforts during the registration period. Yet, the collection of permanent voter cards (PVC), a requirement to vote, was negatively affected by poor institutional planning. Two days before elections, INEC stated that 93.3 per cent of PVCs were collected. Without an independent audit of the voter register, quality and inclusiveness could not be assured. Following contentious candidate registration processes there were18 contestants for the presidential office and over 4200 for 461 national assembly seats. They were selected in party primaries that reportedly lacked transparency and inclusiveness, marked by very chronically low levels of participation of women and youth. This compounded an overall stark lack of legal measures for inclusion and barriers to participation which do not align with international standards. The conduct of contesting parties and candidates, as well as some gaps in the law, led to a spate of pre- election court cases, with some matters not finalised ahead of elections. During the pre-election period, EU EOM interlocutors criticised various court rulings for being too technical, some leading to belated primary re-runs, others to substitutions of perceived legitimate candidates, thereby eroding public trust, exposing intra-party conflicts, and contributing to a volatile campaign environment. The campaign was highly competitive, and contestants conducted rallies nationwide, but the Naira cash and fuel scarcity reduced activities and attendance. Political parties denounced unequal campaign conditions due to interference of opponent governors. Reports of vote and PVC buying were also frequent. Internal party conflicts weakened the presidential campaigns of PDP and APC with personal accusation obscuring issue-based messages shortly before the elections. There was a lack of prosecution of electoral offences and a significant increase in violent incidents closer to elections, including attacks on candidates, reportedly, aimed to disturb the elections and suppress voter participation, particularly in the South-East. Media offered an extensive campaign coverage, despite economic hardships, institutional pressures, and electoral violence. Prime-time newscasts focused on the Naira swap, and APC and PDP animosities, granting both parties equitable exposure, although mostly negative in tone. Politicians used polarising rhetoric on air and conspiracy theories, originating online, were frequently discussed in the most popular talk shows. Analytical reporting on party policies was scant. Lead contestants could not be compared directly, as APC and PDP rebuffed presidential debates, undermining voters’ right to an informed choice. Social media was actively used by political actors as a campaign tool. However, the platforms were misused to spread harmful content, including disinformation on key electoral processes; the measures the platforms took to protect electoral integrity were insufficient. Misleading information also came from political actors and contributed to a blurred information environment for voters. Online and offline media joined forces with civil society and fact checkers to safeguard the integrity of the pre-election information environment. Real-time fact checking of gubernatorial and other contestants’ debates strived to hold candidates accountable, while various formats of voter information, raised voter awareness and helped to counter electoral insecurity, complementing INEC efforts. Civil society organisations observed and scrutinised different aspects of the election, issued several pre- election reports, at times probing INEC’s operational preparedness, offering voters a non-partisan assessment of election preparations. Over 144,800 citizen observers monitored election day proceedings. |
Over 200,000 Nigerians Sign Petition Asking UK, US, Others To Cancel Governor Wike’s Visa The petitioners said that Governor Wike has been trying to destroy the electoral process in Rivers State, alleging that he is stirring up violence in the state with the belief that he can travel out of the country any time he wants. More than 200,000 Nigerians have signed an online petition demanding that the United Kingdom (UK), the US, Canada, Europe and Asia cancel the visa of Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State. The petitioners said that Governor Wike has been trying to destroy the electoral process in Rivers State, alleging that he is stirring up violence in the state with the belief that he can travel out of the country any time he wants. Onyebuchi Ezeagabu, who started the petition, said, “The Rivers State Governor, Nyesom Wike, has been operating to destroy the electoral process in the state he governs. “He is stirring up violence in Rivers State because he feels can travel out of the country at any time. “We demand that the visa eligibility for him and his family be revoked immediately.”
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FZ6TCBspsLw PDP Joins The Call For Cancellation Of February 25 Presidential Election Results |
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FZ6TCBspsLw PDP Joins The Call For Cancellation Of February 25 Presidential Election Results |
Obasanjo Demands Cancellation Of Presidential Election In Violent Areas Former President, Olusegun Obasanjo said the Saturday’s presidential election failed integrity test and as such, the election must be cancelled. He particularly asked the chairman… Former President, Olusegun Obasanjo said the Saturday’s presidential election failed integrity test and as such, the election must be cancelled. He particularly asked the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission, Prof Mahmood Yakubu, to save Nigeria from the looming danger and disaster waiting to happen He said this in a statement titled “2023 Nigeria Presidential Election: An Appeal For Caution and Rectification.” According to him, it is no secret that INEC officials at operational level have been allegedly compromised following the manual transmission of results which he alleged had been manipulated and doctored. Daily Trust reports that on January 1, Obasanjo openly endorsed the Presidential candidate of the Labour Party, Peter Obi, as his preferred candidate for the February election. Obasanjo made this known in a new year message titled “My appeal to all Nigerians particularly Young Nigerians.” The former president noted that none of the president candidates is a saint, but when compared on the knowledge, discipline and what they can offer, Obi has an edge. “None of the contestants is a saint but when one compares their character, antecedent, their understanding, knowledge, discipline and vitality that they can bring to bear and the great efforts required to stay focused on the job particularly looking at where the country is today and with the experience on the job that I personally had, Peter Obi as a mentee has an edge,” Obasanjo had said. During the Saturday’s presidential election, Obasanjo failed to deliver his polling unit in Abeokuta, Ogun State, for his preferred candidate as the APC’s Bola Tinubu defeated Obi at the unit. Our correspondent reports that the ongoing collation of the presidential election results at the National Collation centre earlier today was thrown into confusion as the PDP agent, Dino Melaye and others stormed out of the venue, citing alleged compromise. Obasanjo’s letter is coming barely few hours after the party agents staged a walkout. He told President Muhammadu Buhari that “tension is building up and please let all elections that do not pass the credibility and transparency test be cancelled and be brought back to areas where elections were disrupted for next Saturday, March 4, 2023, and BVAS and Server officials be changed.” |
Election Rigging in Progress........ |
Youths Storm INEC Collation Centre in Abuja, Say INEC Failed Over Conduct of 2023 Presidential Election
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Mother Of 3 Dies After Being Shot At Polling Unit A 41-year-old mother of three, identified as Elizabeth Arigo Owie, has died after being shot in the chest by suspected political thugs who invaded their polling unit on Saturday, February 25, in Ogheghe community in Ikpoba Okha Local Government Area, Benin City, Edo State. The Executive Director of Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre (RULAAC), Mr Okechukwu Nwanguma, in a Facebook post, said: “Elizabeth was hit by a bullet from shots fired by political thugs at Ogheghe community in Ikpoba Okha L.G.A, Benin City. Her brother-in-law who informed us about her killing is ‘still trying to get her polling unit name and code’. “He reported that INEC officials and materials arrived late at her polling unit. She made a post about the election at about 7:28 pm while the counting was going on. Suddenly, some armed men drove in and came out of their car, and opened fire. She was hit on her chest and died instantly.” The attack on the polling unit where Elizabeth was killed happened moments after another woman, Efidi Bina Jennifer, was attacked and stabbed by political thugs at her polling unit while voting at a local government in Surulere, Lagos. Jennifer, who has become a symbol and representation of violent election and determination for a change of government, returned to cast her vote after receiving First Aid from a nearby clinic. The presidential and senatorial elections in Lagos State were characterised by violence, with thugs attacking voters and forcing them to vote for a particular political party. The thugs were also said to have snatched ballot papers and boxes in some instances. Elizabeth’s brother, Ejike Michael, who spoke with our reporter, revealed that reports from eyewitness accounts at the deceased’s polling unit maintained some people were shot and sustained injuries. He said further information revealed that aside from Elizabeth, other two persons died from gunshot, while another victim is in hospital, battling to live. His words: “She was shot at her polling unit last night. According to reports we got, INEC came to the polling unit late, at about 6pm. They voted and soon officials started counting the votes. At a point, it became clear that Labour Party was leading and she, among others started rejoicing. “Suddenly, some men drove into the place and opened fire. They shot at people and escaped. She was not the only person shot. We heard that about three people died, while another person is in the hospital.” |
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What? $1m to Turkishs? . Why not use the money to build an hospital in Nigeria? |
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ... 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 (of 625 pages)