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“All the people talking today were at the helm of affairs, and things were growing. The poverty level in northern Nigeria grew from almost 50%, 15 years ago, to 70% on average as of 2023, and someone can look at me and tell me the problem was caused by Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Come on,” Governor Sani said.Governor Sani refused to tell us that the poverty level has grown by over 100% in just two years of the Tinubu administration. |
Saturday Vanguard visits their IDP camps, the living graveyards, and captures their horror stories By Stephanie Shaakaa I did not carry bread, tea, pap, water and toiletries into the Makurdi International Market Camp as only a journalist chasing a story, or as a lecturer with a title. I did not only go as an observer, but also as a witness. I also went because I could no longer look away. I also went as a daughter of the soil and a neighbour. My house is just a stone’s throw from the camp. One of the IDP camps at North Bank has become an integral part of my daily routine. Every morning on my way to school, I stop there. They know me now not as a passerby, but as one of their own. Some of the mothers visit me every Saturday at home. We sit, we talk, we share and sometimes we cry. What started as a small gesture has grown into a bond that will outlive displacement. A quiet sisterhood carved out of resilience and shared humanity. What humbles me most is how they carry their pain with such profound grace, remaining unshaken by the weight of their challenges, that it makes you pause. It makes you question why you even complain about the trivialities in your own life. In their laughter, in their strength, in their dignity, there is a lesson, one that the world desperately needs to learn. These are no longer nameless faces on the margins of a tragedy. They are my people. And in the ruins of what was, we have built something enduring, something the world must see, must feel, must never forget. We have formed a bond that no circumstance can undo, a sisterhood that would remain even when they return to the ancestral homes they were forced to flee. Inside the camp, hope hung thinner than the smoke that rose from makeshift kitchens. Children trailed behind me barefoot, not begging for food, but simply curious, curious that someone came who wasn’t handing them ration cards or preaching peace. The first woman I met had no name to give. She simply said, “I’ve lost too many people to remember what to call myself.” Her eyes were rimmed red, not from tears, but from staring too long at the ground, hoping maybe it would open up and return her sons. “I lost four that night,” she told me. “They came after we had just returned from the farm. We hadn’t even made luam (Tiv name for Fufu) There was a girl, Dooshima, barely 15, holding a screaming baby. The baby was her little sister, their mom had died in the attack. “She doesn’t stop crying,” she told me. “My mum asked us to run, leaving her behind. The baby was on my back when we ran. I turned to call my mother. I didn’t see her again.” Days later, they found her by the burnt barn. Her words were still. Her pain had fossilized. I said nothing, because what does one say when death is the most constant presence in a child’s life? I met a boy named Terver. Eight years old. He looked like any other child, except he had no smile, no song, no mischief in his eyes. When I asked him where he came from, he said, “I don’t come from anywhere. I come from running.” He had lost both parents in the Yelewata massacre. He said, “my Dad and Mom were burnt like charcoal I couldn’t differentiate which corpse was Mom’s or Dad’s.” He said it the way you describe the weather. Like it didn’t matter anymore. Further inside the camp, I found a woman with twins who gave birth in a makeshift pit latrine shack because the clinic was overcrowded and far. “I didn’t scream,” she told me. “I bit my hand to stop myself from making noise. I was scared they would hear me.” The twins lived. But for how long? This was no ordinary attack. This was terror scripted and directed for maximum horror. They came at night, at about 10 pm, herded families into their homes, locked the doors from outside and set fire to everything. In one house, forty-five people burned to death, entire generations turned to ash. In another house, twenty-eight people were charred beyond recognition. A mother lost her five children, burnt alive alongside her aging mother. Nothing was spared. No one. At the teaching hospital, I met a man cradling a miracle. His six-month-old baby had just been pulled from rubble three days after the attack, alive. Dehydrated, bruised, but alive. “My wife and four other children were found in pieces,” he said, voice shaking. “Only this one survived. Maybe God still sees me. I don’t know.” Every single family in Yelewata recorded multiple deaths. Some compounds had no survivors. They are still pulling bodies from the ruins. Some have no heads. Some, no legs. Some, just piles of charcoal and bone. These are the people the federal government calls displaced. No, they are not displaced. They are erased. Names of some dead ones released The names tell the story of a people being wiped out while the world watches in silence. Fanen Chii. Doom Chii. Terzungwe Chii. Edeember Uke. Aondodoo Uke. Adohi Dooga. Mbanyiar Dooga. Ikyoche Dooga. Awanboi Dooga. Regina Dooga. Adoo Dooga. Aondofa Dooga. Mathew Iormba. Apam Iormba. Philomena Iormba. Akama Iormba. Ngodoo Iormba. Kumawues Iormba. Nensha Iormba. Victoria Tsegba. Ngodoo Tsegba. Mimidoo Tsegba. Dorathy Tsegba. Msendoo Tsegba. Iorgyer Kyule. Ute Dooga. Shaadye Koornam. Sewuese Iorember. Dooshima Aondoana. Agbogo Aondoana. Erdoo Aondoana. Orsoja Ikpakyaa. Injinia Ikpakyaa. Chia Orshio. Uyina Orshio. Katie Orshio. Myuega Orshio. Usha Orshio. Philomena Orshio. Alia Orshio. Lydia Ajah. Terdoo Ajah. Iwuese Ajah. Orbuter Anya. Terzungwe Akpen. Aondohemba Akpen. Ushana Akpen. Shater Akpen. Mercy Akpen. Isaac Akpen. Doowuese Ugbah. Ngodoo Ugba. Manta Simon. Manta Laadi. Manta Iwuese. Doose Asoo. Aondosoo Asoo. Terlumun Fidelis. Yakov Shagwa. Margaret Shagwa. Erdoo Shagwa. Dooauur Shagwa. Sewuese Shagwa. Logo Ukô. Eunice Tyokuwa. Jude Aza. Kwaghhar Ordue. Doosuur Ordue. Terngu Nongotse. Msugh Nongotse. Dooshima Nongotse. Orlogbo Lamaaondo. Laadi Lamaaondo. Awan Shiôr. Aondohemba Ucha. Bonashe Uzer. Amaki Dende. Angbiandoo Dende. Festus Amaki. Mbaufe Ubi. Matthew Uto. Doopinen Uto. Kumater Uto. Terhile Uto. Versuwe Zerkohol. Mbakeren Aondovihi. Monday Aondovihi. Erdoo Aondovihi. Joe Aondovihi. Mwarga Aondovihi. Felicia Gwabo. Mary Gwabo. Terhemba Gwabo. Jirgema Gwabo. Mercy Dende. Lubem Dende. Uwundu Iorhemen. Gabriel Fide. Aondoana Fide. Ukese Fide. Averter Fide. Mwaraorga Fide. Terkimbir Solomon. Amina Kongo. Terkula Kongo. Aboi Asoo. Shater Amaki. Lumunga Gbem. Doose Ayom. Mama Mfanyi. Samson Uke. Aboi Korna. Aondoawase Lamaaondo. Ormbagba Utim. Mermber Lamaaondo. Doose Ordue. Torsaar Adam. Doose Adam. Nguyilan Adam. Terver Ucha. Agon Ucha. Aondohemba Ucha. Atuur Asom. Uvershigh Asom. Nongo Ulam. Aondoaver Ulam. Ayangealumun Azahan. Nguzugwen Torgeri. Washima Nyiyongu. Tarnum Zerhemba. We are yet to gather the names from Tse-Ikyoon, Tse-Viambe, Tse-Hwar, Tse-Iortyer, Tse-Aguun, Mbagbanger, Tse-Ikyegh, Tse-Chule, and more villages where nothing remains but silence. Tinubu visits as Benue displaced indigens rise to 900,000 Over 900,000 people are now displaced across Benue State. Children are growing up in camps with no access to proper food, education, or medical care. And in the face of this unspeakable tragedy, the federal response has been delayed, muted, perfunctory. It took yet another massacre over 200 people wiped in Yelewata for the President to visit. And even when he came, he brought platitudes and prescriptions, not policies or presence. A committee here, a blood donation call there, a mention of ranching, and vague promises. But the blood had already dried by then. The soil had already soaked it in. He called for peace. He asked why arrests had not been made. He suggested a committee of elders and said, “We will convert this tragedy into prosperity.” But Mr. President, have you ever stood beside a mother who just buried her five children in one grave? Have you seen a man cradle the only surviving piece of his family, a six-month-old baby with burns? You came to Benue, but you didn’t come to us. You came to speak, but you didn’t come to feel. Sir, we didn’t need poetry. We needed presence. Precision. Protection What Benue people expected to hear from President Tinubu What we hoped the President would say was to name what is happening, terrorism. Genocide. Ethnic cleansing. We wanted him to say, “This is a war on the Nigerian farmers, and I will deploy all federal might to stop it.” We wanted him to say, “We are launching Operation Save Benue Now.” Instead, he told us to lead the way. As if a people hunted from their ancestral homes are the ones meant to blaze the trail for national security. We wanted him to say, “Here is N100 billion for rebuilding, for restoring, for returning displaced people to their lands.” Instead, we heard talk of peace committees. We wanted him to say, “I hear your cries, I see your graves, I feel your loss.” But the only thing we heard clearly was that peace is good for development. But where is development without survival? How does one talk of ranching while children burn? How do we ask displaced farmers to return to ashes? How do we ask them to form peace committees with hands still covered in the dirt of fresh graves? Where is the plan for resettling displaced persons? When will military bases be established in the vulnerable areas of Guma, Gwer-West, Logo, and Agatu? Where is the justice for the thousands of lives lost? Will the Federal Government declare the attackers as terrorists, or will we continue to downplay the horror? These are questions we want answers to. It was Tor Tiv, Professor James Ayatse, who told the hardest truth. Said he: “This is not herder-farmer clashes… It is a full-scale genocidal land-grabbing campaign. It is a total invasion.” Yet the federal government continues to describe these horrors with vague terms like clashes, reprisals, skirmishes. No. This is calculated violence, ethnic cleansing by fire and fear. The people didn’t want condolences. They wanted security. They didn’t want to hear about peace committees. They wanted military boots in their villages, now. They didn’t want to hear political poetry. They wanted justice loud, visible, swift. As I left the camp that morning, a little girl stood before me with a stick she used like a microphone. She said, “Welcome to my news. I live here. My house is fire now. My mummy is black in the ground.” Then she smiled, and sent me on an errand; “Please, tell Abuja we want to go home”. I turned away because I could not take it anymore. As I was about to walk out of the premises, a man grabbed my hand firmly, but not in hostility. His name was Agber. He had lost his wife and three daughters in the attack. “Please tell them,” he said. “Tell Abuja we are still human beings here. Tell them to stop sending words. We need action. We need to go home”. I promised I would. And that’s why I am writing this. Let us never again say “herder-farmer clash.” This is not a clash. It is a calculated extermination, a total invasion, genocide and land grabbing and if Nigeria remains silent, it becomes complicit. These names are not just a list. They are an indictment. They are our history’s shame. But maybe, just maybe, if we write them loudly enough, if we say them with enough truth, if we remember them fiercely enough they won’t die a second death in silence. Mr. President, this is your country. These are your people. Their bones are your burden. Their names are your legacy. Do not let them vanish again. The death toll from the latest massacre in Yelewata is over 200. Benue currently hosts more IDPs than any state outside Borno and Zamfara. Yet the camps receive little to no sustained federal funding. No resettlement policy exists. The killings continue with no solid plan in place. https://www.vanguardngr.com/2025/06/yelewata-massacre-what-benue-people-expected-from-president-tinubu/ |
Olabest911:You just have to know that Wike is there to ensure that the PDP doesn't have a candidate. |
DomPerignon:Have you ever been to Orlu, not what you read on the internet but actually taken a trip to the town to confirm for yourself if it’s truly ravaged by IPOB terrorist cannibals? |
Can we now conclude that this country has no government just as Tinubu said during the Goodluck Jonathan regime?
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Mccullum:It’s unfortunate that genuine concern for accountability and human lives is so quickly dismissed as propaganda. Let me be clear, I’m not being paid. This is about the right of every Nigerian to demand better from those in power. When lives are lost, the responsible response is reflection and action not deflection or personal attacks. I speak out because it matters not because I’m paid to. |
Omoboricash:Can you provide us with the Court judgement? |
Mr. O’tega Ogra, We understand it has become an obligation to attack when Peter Obi is involved especially when you're a Media lackey, MÁGÁ dóg, senior domestic servant, mandate stander etc of President Tinubu. That said, the recent tragedy in Benue is deeply painful, and no responsible leader should remain silent in the face of such violence. Mr. Obi’s comments were not political theatre; they were a sincere call for urgent and effective action from a government duty bound to protect its citizens. It is, however, disingenuous to attack his credibility while deflecting from the real issue: the continued failure to prevent the loss of innocent lives. Attempts to link Mr. Obi to anti-democratic actions are both false and ironic. Mr. Obi never aligned with military regimes nor compromised democratic principles. In stark contrast, Bola Tinubu’s well-documented approach to General Abacha lobbying for a commissioner post in Lagos right in the middle of the struggle betrayed the spirit of the June 12 struggle and MKO Abiola’s legacy. On the Akwuzu SARS issue, Mr. Obi did not create SARS, nor did he control its operations. There is no credible evidence linking him to extrajudicial killings. As governor, he operated within the legal limits of his office and did not run a parallel security command. This moment demands leadership anchored in truth, not propaganda. Nigerians deserve security, accountability, and a government that protects, not excuses and certainly not one that rewrites history to shield itself from criticism.
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Vision101:Ordinary Nigerians, who have been made to bear the brunt of these wicked and draconian policies masquerading as economic reforms unleashed to inflict untold hardship, suffering, hunger, and starvation are the arrow heads |
AMINDA:And the North will remove him so that he can return to Iragbiji, from where he emerged. |
Tflex01:Nigerians are less concerned with where power will return or going to in 2027; rather, they are united in their determination to bring an end to what is widely regarded as the most oppressive, authoritarian, and undemocratic administration in the nation's history. |
The task of providing Nigerians with the alternative they have long desired, one that will surely lead to the end of what many see as the most oppressive, wicked, and draconian regime in the country's history has begun. |
SmartEnergyng:Leadership is not measured by silence in the face of tragedy. A president who avoids speaking on mass killings is not being strategic, he’s being indifferent. And that’s exactly what President Tinubu has shown: indifference, until public outrage forced him to respond. Peter Obi’s statements on the Benue killings were not “emotional opportunism,” but an expression of empathy and a call for accountability. True leadership acknowledges pain, stands with the people, and demands action. If Tinubu’s so-called “quiet diplomacy” is effective, the growing death toll clearly says otherwise. In moments of national crisis, silence is not wisdom, it’s failure. A massive one. |
Peter Obi legacies ![]() |
The task of providing Nigerians with the alternative they have long desired, one that will surely lead to the end of what many see as the most oppressive, wicked, and draconian regime in the country's history has begun. |
ibibiofirstlady:Tinubu is much older than all of them. ![]() |
The task of providing Nigerians with the alternative they have long desired, one that will surely lead to the end of what many see as the most oppressive, wicked, and draconian regime in the country's history has begun. |
helinues:I’m not wailing, just holding the conversation accountable. Opinions matter, but facts matter more. Let’s keep it real while we all express ourselves |
helinues:If this is considered the 'right direction,' then it’s worth reflecting on what the wrong one might look like. With inflation rising, the naira down, hunger and economic pressure mounting on everyday Nigerians, it's hard to see how this path leads to true progress |
But he should have been allowed to get close to Tinubu, let’s see what he intends to do. After all, Tinubu said, 'Leave him alone.' |
stuffs2002:You people love rewriting history to fit your narrative. No one said Tinubu would start killing Christians. what was said is that a Muslim-Muslim ticket in a religiously diverse country like Nigeria was a reckless and divisive move. And it still is. Let’s be clear: no one is suddenly calling Tinubu an ethnic bigot. Tinubu is a known ethnic bigot. This is the same man who ran on an ethnic and tribal Emi-lokan bitter brand of politics. The same man whose allies openly threatened non-Yoruba voters in Lagos during the elections and proudly defended it. You talk about “rallying around him”. let’s not confuse forced silence or political calculation with genuine unity. Many are enduring him, not embracing him. Now, suddenly you're accusing imaginary enemies of “gaslighting the North” by saying Tinubu wants to dump Shettima as if Tinubu doesn't have a long record of switching deputies, even as governor. These so-called imaginary foes supposedly told Governor Zulum and the entire Northeast APC to go after Ganduje recently at the north east APC stakeholders meeting for plotting Shettima’s removal? You're not just reaching, you’re being ridiculous. |
Suddenly, Kaduna has become 'toxic under El-Rufai.' But El-Rufai wasn't toxic when he was working hard, rallying northern APC governors to support Tinubu during the 2023 general elections. |
Osun State Government has alleged plans by the offices of the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria and that of the Accountant General of the Federation, to pay statutory funds due to local government areas in the state into private accounts of some individuals.https://punchng.com/osun-accuses-agf-cbn-of-plotting-to-divert-lg-funds/
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Sunday Dare, you know Tinubu is not prioritizing the economy, so stop spreading that lie. In fact, if Tinubu has any real priority, it's the 2027 election |
A High Court in Abuja has fixed July 9, 2025, for the hearing of a suit filed by former Rivers State Federal lawmaker, Farah Dagogo, against President Bola Tinubu and others, over the declaration of emergency rule and the subsequent suspension of Governor Siminalayi Fubara, his Deputy, Professor Ngozi Nma Odu and members of the State House of Assembly. Presiding judge, Justice James Omotosho, had adjourned the matter following a request by counsels to the first and fifth defendants, Professor Kanyinsola Ajayi, SAN, and Abduljabar Aliyu, who sought an extension of time to enable them respond adequately to the plaintiff’s processes. A legal representative of the plaintiff, Babafemi Adegbite, did not oppose the request. The suit, initially filed at the PortHarcourt Division of the Federal High Court, was transferred to the Abuja Division following a directive from the Attorney-General of the Federation to the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court. Dagogo is challenging the constitutionality of the President’s actions in Rivers State, particularly the imposition of an administrator in a state with a democratically elected government. He maintains that the President lacks the constitutional authority to unilaterally suspend a democratically elected administration and replace it with an appointed administrator. https://dailypost.ng/2025/06/20/emergency-rule-court-fixes-date-for-hearing-of-case-by-former-lawmaker-dagogo/ |
helinues:Tough question? You don’t seem to be in your usual Agbadoos mood ![]() |
Listen, Peter Doyle, calling Peter Obi’s criticism ‘neurotic’ or ‘petty’ says more about your discomfort with accountability than it does about him. In a healthy democracy, consistent scrutiny of government isn’t a character defect, it’s a civic responsibility. If facts and tough questions make you uneasy, maybe the real issue isn’t the critic, it’s the administration being rightfully questioned |
Image123:Benue is part of Nigeria and the insecurity there isn’t imaginary. Entire communities have been displaced, and lives, properties lost. If your response to real human suffering is to demand 'solutions' from citizens while excusing those in power, then you’ve misunderstood democracy. Tinubu is the president, not a commentator. He wasn't elected to do PR tours, he was elected to fix problems. If that’s too much to ask, then maybe leadership isn’t for him. |
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