Sanchez01's Posts
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 Romance › Re: Saudi Twitter Preacher Blame Women For Rape Because They Are The Cause by Sanchez01(m): 11:36pm On Oct 19, 2017 |
Vutseck:Have you ever been aroused at the sight of goats or chickens making out? A man who acts on impulse is nothing short of a field beast walking on two. |
| Romance › Re: Saudi Twitter Preacher Blame Women For Rape Because They Are The Cause by Sanchez01(m): 11:33pm On Oct 19, 2017 |
Another lunatic on the loose. At this point in th world, we ought not to support rape in any possible way, let alone heap blames of the act on the unfortunate victim. Sadly, people like this man would not be cautioned because he lives in a country where women are never allowed to have a life of their own. |
| Fashion › Re: Zimbabwe's First Lady Sue Lebanese Over 'fake' $1.35m Diamond Ring by Sanchez01(m): 1:09pm On Oct 19, 2017 |
Africa seems to be blessed with bad leaders. A struggling Zimbabwe sees her First Lady buy a diamond ring for such an amount and remains calm even in the midst of confirmation of such. If only Africa can get it right with her choice of leaders. |
| Politics › Re: Nigerians React To ROCHAS Lie On Twitter by Sanchez01(m): 7:59am On Oct 19, 2017 |
This is the funniest thing I have seen on Twitter in a long while. It is funny to know every club and league has a Twitter representative.  |
| Politics › Re: Oil, Politics And Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture By Max Siollun by Sanchez01(op): 11:24am On Oct 17, 2017 |
INDEPENDENCE An army ofcer named Captain David Ejoor commanded the army guards at the midnight ag raising ceremony on Nigeria’s Independence Day on October 1, 1960. Little did Ejoor know then what a pivotal role he and his army colleagues would play in their country’s political destiny. The causes and origins of military intervention in Nigerian politics are so complex that they cannot be separated from the prevailing political situation at the time. After Nigeria gained independence from the UK on October 1, 1960, its domestic politics tried to emulate those of its former colonial master by adopting a Westminster-style parliamentary democracy. There the similarities ended. The political culture of the UK is one of rened debate and sophisticated party manoeuvring by comparison to Nigeria’s politics, fragmented as it is along regional and ethnic lines. The country was articially created by a colonial power without the consent of its citizens. Over 250 ethnic groups were arbitrarily herded together into an unwieldy and non-consensual union by the UK. Nigeria was so ethnically, religiously and linguistically complex that even some of its leading politicians initially doubted it could constitute a real country. It was infamously referred to as “the mistake of 1914.”1 During one of Nigeria’s early constitutional conferences, future Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa stated that Nigeria “existed as one country only on paper. It is still far from being united. Nigerian unity is only a British intention for the country.” Another prominent politician stated that “Nigeria is not a nation; it is a mere geographic expression. There are no ‘Nigerians’ in the same sense as there are English or Welsh or French. The word ‘Nigeria’ is merely a distinctive appellation to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not.” The largest ethnic groups in the north of the country were the Muslim, traditional and socially conservative, Hausa and Fulani ethnic groups. Intermarriage and cultural assimilation had blurred the distinction between the two ethnicities and Nigerians refer to them in compound form as the “Hausa–Fulani.” The south was dominated by two competing ethnic groups: the proud and culturally rich Yorubas in the south-west, and the energetic and vibrant Igbos in the south-east. The British carved the country into three regions broadly corresponding to the location of these three largest ethnic groups. Hemmed in between them were approximately another 250 disparate ethnicities. Some were millions strong and others had only a few hundred members. Most of these groups had nothing in common with each other outside of their mutual suspicion and hostility. The differences between them were accentuated by religion. The south of the country is predominantly Christian and the north predominantly Muslim. The general outlook of the people in the north and south is so different as to give them practically nothing in common and to make physical confrontation between them a virtual certainty. There is less difference between an Englishman and a Spaniard, with their shared Latin-derivative languages and culture, than there is between a Muslim northerner and a Christian southerner, with their diametrically opposed religions, language, food, manners, dress and culture. The cultural differences between the ethnic groups made it virtually impossible for Nigerians to have any commonality of purpose. Party politics (and political parties) took on the identity and ideology of each of the three geopolitical regions in the north, south-east and south-west. The dominant and largest political party in the Northern Region was the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), whose motto of “One North, One People” gave an entirely accurate description of its objectives. It was unashamedly a regional party, did not bother to eld candidates outside the Northern Region and was dismayed that it did not receive reciprocal treatment from southern parties. The NPC also resisted attempts by southern parties to eld candidates in the Northern Region and regarded southern parties’ campaigning in the Northern Region as assaults on its territorial sovereignty. Southerners viewed the NPC as the party of the Hausa–Fulani ethnic group. The Western Region’s dominant party was the Yoruba-led Action Group (AG) and the Eastern Region was dominated by the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC), which was controlled by the Igbos. These regional-based parties assured two things: rstly that none of the parties could govern Nigeria on its own, and secondly that ethnic conict was only a matter of time away. 1 Like 1 Share |
| Politics › Re: Oil, Politics And Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture By Max Siollun by Sanchez01(op): 11:24am On Oct 17, 2017 |
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| Politics › Re: Pictures Of Fulani Herdsmen Killed In Plateau Shared By Fulanis by Sanchez01(m): 6:44am On Oct 17, 2017 |
NafeesaAA:The world would not pity your people. How many deaths of Deltans, Anambrarians, Abians, Enugu folks, Edo folks, Ondo folks, etc have been swept under the carpet? Until your people are educated and staunchly taught to respect their hosts, you would forever be a bane to communities you find yourselves in. 2019 is not so far anymore. The Fulani that gave strength to his own to kill other Nigerians would be sent back to his hometown and then the likes of your foot soldiers would be minimised to the barest minimum. You lots have wrecked havoc to no end, caused so much families unimaginable pain and have destroyed hundreds of millions of properties in the name of grazing. These deaths would not have occurred had your people stayed in their home towns, but no, they trespass with arrogance and maim those who resist your madness. The day of reckoning is at hand. 15 Likes |
| Sports › Re: Rivers State And Madrid Sign Agreement (see Pictures Of Gov Wike And Ronaldo) by Sanchez01(m): 8:08pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
Wike obviously went there to play. So the 'agreement' he signed with Real Madrid was with Ronaldo and not even with Perez, the Youth Sports Director or something? For the record, he most likely took a tour on Sunday to meet with certain players. The club often times ready these players to meet with dignitaries and card holder fans. |
| Fashion › Re: Model Lola Ogunyemi Speaks Out On Racist Ad, Says Ad was Misinterpreted by Sanchez01(m): 7:53pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
Venerable612:This is a very foolish attempt at proving nothing. The whites could be superior to you and your household, it does not to some of us. The moment you realise that skin colour does not determine superiority, the better it would be for you see life from the perspective dogged Africans see. I would have expected you to say they observe laws to the letter than we do but superior? I honestly don't know how you got into the UK but I'd suggest you start working on your self esteem. Take a moment to study the rednecks. 3 Likes 1 Share |
| Politics › Re: Plateau Villagers Seeking Refuge Attacked And Killed by Sanchez01(m): 5:20pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
NafeesaAA, your people have done it again. I just hope you would come out to sincerely grieve these folks just as you did those who fell in the hands of the Mambilla militia. 6 Likes |
| Romance › Re: Who Is Handling Pastor Adeboye’s Wife’s Twitter Account ? (see What Was Tweeted) by Sanchez01(m): 5:15pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
ammyluv2002:The account, without a doubt, is not affiliated with them. Whoever did was up to some mischief. |
| Romance › Re: Who Is Handling Pastor Adeboye’s Wife’s Twitter Account ? (see What Was Tweeted) by Sanchez01(m): 4:54pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
I'm in pieces Ammyluv2002 Ishilove |
| Politics › Re: Oil, Politics And Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture By Max Siollun by Sanchez01(op): 4:49pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
CHAPTER 1. THE PRE-COUP DAYS: POLITICS AND CRISIS When it gained independence from the UK in 1960, hopes were high that, with mineral wealth and the most educated workforce in Africa, Nigeria would become Africa’s rst superpower and a stabilizing democratic inuence in the region. However, these lofty hopes were soon dashed and the country lumbered from crisis to crisis, with the democratic government eventually being overthrown in a violent military coup in January 1966. From 1966 until 1999, the army held onto power almost uninterrupted (except for a short-lived return to democracy between 1979 and 1983) under a succession of increasingly authoritarian and corrupt military governments and army coups. Military coups and military rule (which began as an emergency aberration) became a seemingly permanent feature of Nigerian politics. Nigeria has been democratic since 1999. The period from 1999 till the present is the longest period that Nigeria has ever gone without suffering a military coup. Despite being ruled by the military for most of their post-independence history, the majority still insist that democracy is their preferred method of governance. 1 Like |
| Politics › Re: Oil, Politics And Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture By Max Siollun by Sanchez01(op): 2:45pm On Oct 16, 2017*. Modified: 11:32am On Oct 17, 2017 |
PREFACE Sometimes referred to as the “Giant of Africa,” with a population of over 140 million, Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country; a quarter of all Africans are Nigerian. Nigeria is located in west Africa, just north of the equator and south of the Sahara desert. Its southern coastline dips into the Atlantic Ocean. Nigeria is the United States’ largest trading partner in sub-Saharan Africa, with annual trade between the two countries in 2009 valued at approximately $30 billion. Nigeria exports more than one million barrels of crude oil a day to the United States (representing nearly 50% of Nigeria’s daily crude oil production), and it is projected that by 2015, Nigeria will provide 25% of the United States’ oil supply.1 With the United States’ frequently strained relations with Arab countries, Nigeria is increasingly viewed in Washington as an alternate dependable crude oil supplier. Nigeria’s gross domestic product (GDP) is larger than the combined GDP of its fteen neighbouring west African countries that make up the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It is a regional economic, political and military superpower in west Africa, is blessed with abundant wealth from crude oil and natural gas, has the best-educated workforce in Africa, and enjoys a vibrant free press with over one hundred privately owned newspapers and magazines. Its nationals are leaders in arts, science, nance and literature. Professor Wole Soyinka is Africa’s most distinguished playwright and was the rst African to win the Nobel Prize for literature. Nigeria’s former Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is a Managing Director of the World Bank. Dr. Augustine Njoku-Obi developed a cholera vaccine. Despite having all the prerequisites to become a superpower, Nigeria staggers from one crisis to another. After ten military coups, three heads of government assassinated, three ruinous decades of military dictatorship, and a civil war that claimed a million lives, Nigeria is still struggling to fulll its vast potential. Under military rule, the country abandoned its traditionally agriculture-based economy and adopted a dangerously polarized oil-dominant economy that is extremely susceptible to uctuations in oil prices. Nigeria became almost totally dependent on earnings from its crude oil exports which currently account for over 90% of its foreign exchange earnings. Since Nigeria’s oil is exclusively located in the south of the country, this also polarized the country on ethnic and religious lines, with the mainly Christian inhabitants of the oil-producing southern areas bitterly resenting that the revenue from oil drilled from their land is used to develop non-oil producing areas. Oil is obtained from only 9 of Nigeria’s 36 states.1 Approximately 75% of Nigeria’s oil and over 50% of its earnings are obtained from just three of these oil-producing states.2 Despite producing the overwhelming majority of Nigeria’s wealth, the inhabitants of the oil communities do not have the political strength to resist control of their resources by Nigeria’s federal government. Nigeria’s crude oil wealth paradoxically became an impediment to its democratic development, as it incentivized the country’s military to seize and retain political power. Within 18 months of seizing power, the Nigerian military threatened the corporate existence of the country as two different factions of the army attempted to secede, replicated Nigeria’s political and societal cleavages within itself, and plunged the country into the brutal famine ravaged Biafran civil war that claimed over a million lives, and presented Western viewers for the rst time, with their now prototypical imagery of the emaciated and starving African child. The excesses of the Nigerian military were largely ignored by Western governments which were anxious not to interrupt a generous supply of crude oil. Nigeria’s “Bonny Light” crude oil is highly attractive to its Western importers as it has a low sulfur content and is easy to rene. Therefore Western relations with Nigeria are largely dictated by economic interests rather than by any sense of altruism or adherence to democratic principles. It is often said that history is written by victors. In many cases in Nigeria, history is not written at all. A combination of ofcial reluctance to divulge combustible past events in a country permanently poised on an ethnic and religious powder keg, and the determination of the dramatis personae to avoid having their misdeeds exposed, means that early Nigerian post-independence history is in many places a collection of folktales and fables. This has also caused Nigeria to be greatly misunderstood and misrepresented overseas, especially in the area of the Nigerian military’s pivotal interference in the politics and governance of Nigeria. Nigerians are aware that their military-ruled them for 30 out of the country’s rst 40 years after independence. Yet there is little situational awareness of how the military became so politically powerful. Even though ostensibly democratic today, Nigeria is still dominated by the same military cabal that over four decades sporadically overthrew democratically elected governments, fought the Biafran civil war and imposed an economic blockade that caused famine and a million deaths, recklessly squandered the country’s oil wealth, and played the greatest role in disrupting the country’s political evolution. The decade between 1966 and 1976 was the most politically explosive decade of Nigeria’s history during which it almost disintegrated, and Nigerian governments mastered the art of taking their country to the edge of an abyss and pulling back at the last moment. Most of the prior books on this time period were written by the protagonists, and their accounts are sometimes tainted by their embittered personal experiences and grievances. There is a substantial readership that desires a balanced, impartial and full account of that crisis-racked decade. This book seeks to educate the reader about the dynamic that existed within the military and which inuenced its conduct and interference in Nigerian politics. Rather than giving the sanitized version of coups that is in other books, the author has deliberately given extremely graphic accounts of events in order for the reader to appreciate the ruthless brutality that often accompanies military coups d’états. Nigeria’s return to civilian democratic rule in 1999 has encouraged greater freedom of expression and political debate regarding topics that were considered taboo in the days of military rule. This has presented a welcome opportunity to discuss previously taboo topics, in order that future generations can learn from them and avoid the mistakes of the past. Those that do not heed history are doomed to repeat it.
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| Politics › Re: Oil, Politics And Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture By Max Siollun by Sanchez01(op): 2:45pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
PREFACE Sometimes referred to as the “Giant of Africa,” with a population of over 140 million, Nigeria is Africa’s most populous country; a quarter of all Africans are Nigerian. Nigeria is located in west Africa, just north of the equator and south of the Sahara desert. Its southern coastline dips into the Atlantic Ocean. Nigeria is the United States’ largest trading partner in sub-Saharan Africa, with annual trade between the two countries in 2009 valued at approximately $30 billion. Nigeria exports more than one million barrels of crude oil a day to the United States (representing nearly 50% of Nigeria’s daily crude oil production), and it is projected that by 2015, Nigeria will provide 25% of the United States’ oil supply.1 With the United States’ frequently strained relations with Arab countries, Nigeria is increasingly viewed in Washington as an alternate dependable crude oil supplier. Nigeria’s gross domestic product (GDP) is larger than the combined GDP of its fteen neighbouring west African countries that make up the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). It is a regional economic, political and military superpower in west Africa, is blessed with abundant wealth from crude oil and natural gas, has the best-educated workforce in Africa, and enjoys a vibrant free press with over one hundred privately owned newspapers and magazines. Its nationals are leaders in arts, science, nance and literature. Professor Wole Soyinka is Africa’s most distinguished playwright and was the rst African to win the Nobel Prize for literature. Nigeria’s former Finance Minister Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala is a Managing Director of the World Bank. Dr. Augustine Njoku-Obi developed a cholera vaccine. Despite having all the prerequisites to become a superpower, Nigeria staggers from one crisis to another. After ten military coups, three heads of government assassinated, three ruinous decades of military dictatorship, and a civil war that claimed a million lives, Nigeria is still struggling to fulll its vast potential. Under military rule, the country abandoned its traditionally agriculture-based economy and adopted a dangerously polarized oil-dominant economy that is extremely susceptible to uctuations in oil prices. Nigeria became almost totally dependent on earnings from its crude oil exports which currently account for over 90% of its foreign exchange earnings. Since Nigeria’s oil is exclusively located in the south of the country, this also polarized the country on ethnic and religious lines, with the mainly Christian inhabitants of the oil-producing southern areas bitterly resenting that the revenue from oil drilled from their land is used to develop non-oil producing areas. Oil is obtained from only 9 of Nigeria’s 36 states.1 Approximately 75% of Nigeria’s oil and over 50% of its earnings are obtained from just three of these oil-producing states.2 Despite producing the overwhelming majority of Nigeria’s wealth, the inhabitants of the oil communities do not have the political strength to resist control of their resources by Nigeria’s federal government. Nigeria’s crude oil wealth paradoxically became an impediment to its democratic development, as it incentivized the country’s military to seize and retain political power. Within 18 months of seizing power, the Nigerian military threatened the corporate existence of the country as two different factions of the army attempted to secede, replicated Nigeria’s political and societal cleavages within itself, and plunged the country into the brutal famine ravaged Biafran civil war that claimed over a million lives, and presented Western viewers for the rst time, with their now prototypical imagery of the emaciated and starving African child. The excesses of the Nigerian military were largely ignored by Western governments which were anxious not to interrupt a generous supply of crude oil. Nigeria’s “Bonny Light” crude oil is highly attractive to its Western importers as it has a low sulfur content and is easy to rene. Therefore Western relations with Nigeria are largely dictated by economic interests rather than by any sense of altruism or adherence to democratic principles. It is often said that history is written by victors. In many cases in Nigeria, history is not written at all. A combination of ofcial reluctance to divulge combustible past events in a country permanently poised on an ethnic and religious powder keg, and the determination of the dramatis personae to avoid having their misdeeds exposed, means that early Nigerian post-independence history is in many places a collection of folktales and fables. This has also caused Nigeria to be greatly misunderstood and misrepresented overseas, especially in the area of the Nigerian military’s pivotal interference in the politics and governance of Nigeria. Nigerians are aware that their military-ruled them for 30 out of the country’s rst 40 years after independence. Yet there is little situational awareness of how the military became so politically powerful. Even though ostensibly democratic today, Nigeria is still dominated by the same military cabal that over four decades sporadically overthrew democratically elected governments, fought the Biafran civil war and imposed an economic blockade that caused famine and a million deaths, recklessly squandered the country’s oil wealth, and played the greatest role in disrupting the country’s political evolution. The decade between 1966 and 1976 was the most politically explosive decade of Nigeria’s history during which it almost disintegrated, and Nigerian governments mastered the art of taking their country to the edge of an abyss and pulling back at the last moment. Most of the prior books on this time period were written by the protagonists, and their accounts are sometimes tainted by their embittered personal experiences and grievances. There is a substantial readership that desires a balanced, impartial and full account of that crisis-racked decade. This book seeks to educate the reader about the dynamic that existed within the military and which inuenced its conduct and interference in Nigerian politics. Rather than giving the sanitized version of coups that is in other books, the author has deliberately given extremely graphic accounts of events in order for the reader to appreciate the ruthless brutality that often accompanies military coups d’états. Nigeria’s return to civilian democratic rule in 1999 has encouraged greater freedom of expression and political debate regarding topics that were considered taboo in the days of military rule. This has presented a welcome opportunity to discuss previously taboo topics, in order that future generations can learn from them and avoid the mistakes of the past. Those that do not heed history are doomed to repeat it. 1 Like 1 Share
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| Politics › Re: Oil, Politics And Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture By Max Siollun by Sanchez01(op): 2:38pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
ABOUT THE AUTHOR Max Siollun is a historian and commentator on Nigerian political and governmental issues, specializing in Nigerian history and the Nigerian military’s participation in politics. Although born in Nigeria, he was educated in England and is a graduate of the University of London. For the past decade has been a well-known columnist for several publications on Nigerian history and contemporary affairs. His balanced critiques on Nigerian history and the Nigerian military’s intervention in politics has given him a reputation as one of the most renowned scholars on Nigeria’s post-independence history and has gained him unprecedented access to documentary and eyewitness sources regarding Nigeria’s history. |
| Politics › Oil, Politics And Violence: Nigeria’s Military Coup Culture By Max Siollun by Sanchez01(op): 2:36pm On Oct 16, 2017 |
I think it is high time I shared this. The book tells a whole lot about the genesis of Nigeria's problems and how the so-called three major ethnic groups contributed to the mishaps of the country, in the name of interests, greed and all what not. The book is superbly detailed and quite lengthy for the present day Nigerian. So, to make it readable, I'd be posting chapters of the book in bits. PS: The purpose of this is to understand our Nation's history and how it got to where it is today. Without a doubt, the book might just end up changing the orientation of some persons ahead of the 2019 elections. Efewestern, Onosprince, Oloripapa, Igbodefender, AkinPhysicist, Omenkalives, Omenka, Tonyebarcanista, Izonpekin, NtoAkwaIbom, Jetleee, Fratermathy, laudate, onuwaje, Ishilove, et al... 2 Likes
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| Politics › Who Was Olaudah Equiano? Google Marks 272nd Birthday Of Abolitionist by Sanchez01(op): 10:31am On Oct 16, 2017 |
https://i2.mirror.co.uk/incoming/article11348772.ece/ALTERNATES/s810/Google-doodle.jpghttp://www.mirror.co.uk/news/uk-news/who-olaudah-equiano-google-marks-11348767 16 Likes 1 Share |
| Politics › Re: 2019: Now That Baba Akande Has Spoken By Dele Momodu by Sanchez01(m): 5:34am On Oct 15, 2017 |
tiredoflife:The North cannot bank on the South South because they know they would be left cold. The South South would rather go with someone from the South than with the North. Again, the Niger Delta area is a no go area for the North, all thanks to neglect and Fulani activities. |
| Politics › Re: 2019: Now That Baba Akande Has Spoken By Dele Momodu by Sanchez01(m): 5:32am On Oct 15, 2017 |
Maduawuchukwu:You probably don't understand the dynamics of the Nigerian politics then. Even with Azikiwe's romance with the far North, way back, it didn't prevent the Igbos from being political second class citizens. If the South West have been the ones 'miscalculating', how come they have produced a President, a Vice and are still looking forward to the seat when the Igbos haven't at all? From the get-go, the deciding factors have always been the North and primarily the South West. Happy Sunday. |
| Politics › Re: 2019: Now That Baba Akande Has Spoken By Dele Momodu by Sanchez01(m): 10:45pm On Oct 14, 2017 |
stonemasonn:You forgot to add 'temporarily'. 2019 is around the corner and alliances would be needed. Let's see how far a regional party as the CPC would go. |
| Politics › Re: 2019: Now That Baba Akande Has Spoken By Dele Momodu by Sanchez01(m): 10:34pm On Oct 14, 2017 |
RZArecta:This is a huge lie. The ACN delivered the leadership of the country to Buhari, via BAT. One cannot take this away, save you want to remain mischievous. The CPC didn't get it right until it aligned with the ACN and the ACN at the time wasn't interested in the Presidency, but to pull the seat off of Jonathan's behind. Should the SE fail to align properly, they would end at the receiving end for the umpteenth time. Sadly, it has never been a deciding factor in any national politics. The real tussle is usually in the South West as the North throws their weight religiously behind whoever. The last election shouldn't be forgotten so soon. |
| Events › Re: Happy Birthday, Naptu2!!!! by Sanchez01(m): 3:56pm On Oct 14, 2017 |
Ishilove:Choi! |
| TV/Movies › Re: Trending| DSTV Plans To Sabotage TSTV Uncovered by Sanchez01(m): 3:20pm On Oct 14, 2017 |
This is some annoying piece. The FG has given them a three year tax waiver and in all honesty, none has enjoyed this 'special window period' before. If TSTV isn't ready, they should take the back seat and put every piece in place before coming out. It is embarrassing at this point that we keep making irrational excuses for the inadequacies of TSTV. 12 Likes |
| Events › Re: Happy Birthday, Naptu2!!!! by Sanchez01(m): 3:07pm On Oct 14, 2017 |
Ishilove: Biko, tell me you're not pulling my legs? |
| Education › Re: Please Help! My Student Has Fallen In Love With Me. by Sanchez01(m): 3:06pm On Oct 14, 2017 |
AgbesuyiJosh:You led a minor on and you brought it here claiming she has fallen for you? What kind of human are you? Sincerely speaking, you have no business being a teacher because you are a calamity waiting to happen to female minors. 5 Likes 1 Share |
| Events › Re: Happy Birthday, Naptu2!!!! by Sanchez01(m): 1:29pm On Oct 14, 2017 |
Happy Birthday, Naptu2. Many more years ahead.  Please, where is the venue? I wouldn't mind downing a sachet of Andrews Liver Salt before coming out.  |
| Politics › Re: Restructuring: Itsekiri Demand Referendum To Devolve Powers by Sanchez01(m): 11:08am On Oct 14, 2017 |
Stricker321:Until the Igbos learn the place of diplomacy, tact and strategies rather than come out bluntly at every turn, they would keep meeting a huge block of resistance. You don't scream when you have no plan or strategy in place. |
| Politics › Re: Restructuring: Itsekiri Demand Referendum To Devolve Powers by Sanchez01(m): 11:06am On Oct 14, 2017 |
Stricker321:Here's something for you to take away; in the world of the Yorubas, there is no such thing as Yoruba Muslim or Yoruba Christian. This divisive tendency only starts and end here on the forum. Religion has never been an obstacle with them as opposed to other parts of South. Before you subtly bring Kanu in, kindly note other parts of the country were scared, not because of Kanu or his ragtag followers, but an uprising in the North which would have led to another pummelling. MEND shook Nigeria far more than Kanu would ever dream of. 1 Like |
| Politics › Re: Restructuring: Itsekiri Demand Referendum To Devolve Powers by Sanchez01(m): 10:45am On Oct 14, 2017 |
Stricker321:Wrong. Why it has been failing is because it has always been an Igbo agitation; an agitation which sees the Igbos insult other parts of the South to no end. Interestingly, it is always an agitation of a people who are not even united among themselves. I hate to say this but a true agitation can only be led by the Yorubas. They agree over everything easily, they have the numbers and can drive the point home the moment other parts of the South agree with them. So far, the two resistance exhibited by Ojukwu and Kanu bear a striking similarity; personal gain over the true needs of their people. |
| Politics › Re: Restructuring: Itsekiri Demand Referendum To Devolve Powers by Sanchez01(m): 10:35am On Oct 14, 2017 |
gidgiddy:Those who are politically alive know this already. The North won't allow it because her parasitic tendencies would grind to a halt the day it happens. The North enjoys the advantage right now because the South is greatly divided. Their hands won't be forced until the entire South comes to a conclusion using one voice. 2 Likes 1 Share |
| Politics › Re: Restructuring: Itsekiri Demand Referendum To Devolve Powers by Sanchez01(m): 10:32am On Oct 14, 2017 |
Efewestern:Not sure I know anyone who hates Fayose more than I do. Strangely, it won't prevent me from voting for him even if the PDP rejects his ambition. As it stands, anything but the North and I can sleep like I would on a regular day. 2 Likes |
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