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Pro #4 –Quail Don’t Take Much Space. Because quail are small and raised in cages, you won’t need much room. Cages are often stacked, so several groups can be raised with the same floor space. You’ll read that quail should have 1 square foot of space per bird, but you could easily push that to 3 birds per 2 square feet, especially for grow outs that you intend to eat. |
Pro #1 – Fresh Eggs Daily. Quail are great layers. A quail in its first year will lay almost every day. And you won’t have to wait long. Unlike chickens, which take about 5 months to start laying, quail only take 6 weeks. Sure, it takes 5 quail eggs to equal one chicken egg, but if you want fresh eggs and can’t have chickens, quail eggs are a great alternative. |
A quail commercial farming guide specifically for Nigeria: https://agroye.com/quail-farming-in-nigeria-a-comprehensive-guide |
https://dearjuneberry.com/from-egg-to-egg-guide-to-raising-coturnix-quail/ This guide covers: -Incubation -Treatment for Curled Toes and Spraddle Leg -Brooding -Housing -Feeding and Watering -Injury -Tips -Problems with Laying |
The Bad |
The Bad |
The Good |
I'm not an expert, but quail is probably a cheap and easy way to ease into farming. Their eggs are delicious too. I'm just going to post random experiences and opinions in here. |
Change is slow, if it comes at all, Prakash says, but there has been a push to reform the Indian political system in recent years, thanks in part to this research, which has caught the interest of the courts and Election Commission in India. “The quality of politicians matters,” Prakash says. “Who you elect has implications on outcomes that we care about. It could be economic growth, it could be crime against women, it could be labor force participation. These are very important outcomes for society and the economy.” https://news.northeastern.edu/2024/09/10/criminal-politicians-india-research/ |
Based on a concept known as weak rule of law, Prakash says criminally accused politicians can either directly or indirectly benefit from, contribute to and exacerbate deteriorating law and order in states that already have weakened institutions. Lalu Prasad Yadav, president of the Rashtriya Janata Dal political party, is one of the most notorious examples of this trend. Yadav’s regime in Bihar frequently made headlines for their involvement in high profile kidnapping cases, earning the name “jungle raj” in the 1980s and 1990s as kidnapping for ransom became big business. “These kidnappers were indirectly, or in some cases directly, supported by the state or the person who was in power,” Prakash says. “In the late 1990s, the situation became extremely grim, with several doctors migrating due to extortion. The crisis further deteriorated when even school children began to be targeted for kidnappings.” Prakash notes that India has made it easier to track criminally accused politicians because of a landmark 2003 ruling by the Supreme Court. The court established that anyone who runs for political office must disclose any and all criminal cases they have been involved in. This includes accusations and indictments but not convictions. Anyone convicted of a crime is unable to run for office in India. The researchers also looked at a more specific way that criminally accused politicians affect crime: They found that an increase in criminal politicians also resulted in a 12.6% increase in crimes against women. There was also a corresponding effect on how many women participated in the labor force. “Exactly in places where you see increases in crime you find lower female labor force participation,” Prakash says. “It should mirror because if you have high crime, women would not feel safe and they would not go out to work.” Prakash says that India historically has lower female labor participation, especially in urban areas. But in areas with more criminally accused politicians, the amount of women taking part in the labor force dropped by 10% to 11%. Previously, Prakash found that the quality of elected politicians also had another economic impact: Areas of India with more criminally accused politicians had between 2.3% and 6.5% less economic growth per year. Article continues in next post |
Pappu Yadav has served in India’s Lok Sabha, the lower house of the country’s Parliament for close to 25 years. He’s faced serious criminal accusations for almost as long. Yadav, who represents a constituency in the state of Bihar, has 41 pending cases against him. He was convicted of murder in 2008 and received a life sentence, only to be acquitted in 2013. And in 2021, he was arrested in connection with a 32-year-old kidnapping case. Yadav is not alone. Nishith Prakash, a professor of public policy and economics at Northeastern University, says the long-serving politician is one of many politicians in India who have managed to bend or break the law for their own gain. Another politician, Anant Singh, a four-time elected member of the legislative assembly from Bihar, faces upwards of 38 criminal cases, including seven murders, 11 attempts to murder and four kidnappings. “They are getting elected, and over time the number has only been going up,” Prakash says. “In some states, it could be as high as almost 40% of people who are representing the state have some kind of a criminal accusation.” This is not unique to India, Prakash notes, but in a paper recently published in the Journal of Law Economics and Organization, Prakash and his coauthors found that states with more politicians accused of crimes also had higher crime rates. Criminality breeds crime, Prakash says. “When you look at states that have weaker institutions, that’s where you get the full picture,” Prakash says. “In states with weaker institutions, these politicians have actually increased crime, and if you classify these cases as serious accusations, those who face kidnapping and murder accusations, then there’s a larger effect on crime.” This trend happens more frequently in states like Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Odisha and Uttar Pradesh that are historically considered to have weaker institutions, Prakash adds. An increase in the number of criminal politicians in those states was associated with a 4.3% increase in total crime per year. That number jumps to 5.8% when considering an increase in politicians who have been accused of serious crimes, like murder or kidnapping. Article continues in next post |
Rizwan Ali, 34, from Sandwell, and Kamran Hussain, 34, from Birmingham, were each sentenced to over 9 years. For money laundering alone, Ashtiaq Ahmed, 45, from Walsall, was sentenced to 2 years and 7 months. All members of the gang pleaded guilty to the offences between March 2020 and August 2020. On Wednesday (August 20) they were sentenced at Birmingham Crown Court for a combined total of more than 80 years. Det Chf Insp Pete Cooke, from West Midlands ROCU, said: "This far-reaching investigation covered the importation, exportation and wholesale national supply of cocaine and money laundering. We were able to expose the gangs' activities which were both sophisticated and on a commercial scale, with them using a network of highly trusted individuals and a fleet of vehicles with hidden compartments. "We believe they were responsible for importing hundreds of kilos of cocaine, estimated to be over a tonne resulting in them making huge sums of cash, thought to be over £10m. But all this enterprise was illegal and was putting large quantities of drugs, which we know destroy many lives and blight many communities, on to streets both here in the UK and overseas. Our teams were able to trace the activity, identify the criminals and ultimately put them behind bars with considerable jail terms." https://www.birminghammail.co.uk/news/midlands-news/drug-gang-hid-cocaine-worth-29804392 |
A drug smuggling gang that used pallets of raw chicken to transport millions of pounds worth of cocaine across the country has been jailed. The ten-strong group will spend a combined total of more than 80 years in prison after West Midlands Police investigators dismantled the supply chain. The group used a fleet of vans with hidden compartments to ferry millions of pounds worth of cocaine and illegal cash around the country. The gang, which contained members from across Birmingham and the West Midlands, are thought to have[b] made over £10 million[/b] through their 'sophisticated' smuggling operation. Following an investigation by the Regional Organised Crime Unit (ROCU), 400kg of the high-purity drug was seized from the group, as well as £1.6m in cash. The illegal cash was found hidden in vehicle tires and industrial machinery inside vans disguised as service vehicles. Police also recovered 225kg of cocaine destined for export to Australia which had been stored at a warehouse in Sutton Coldfield. The gang communicated with each other using the Encrochat platform, an encrypted messaging app which was shut down as part of a huge UK-wide operation. Within a 10-day period in July 2020 the 10 men, who lived in Birmingham, Wolverhampton, Sandwell, Walsall, South Staffordshire and London, were arrested. Maninder Dosanjh and Amandeep Rishi were arrested when police seized over 150kg of cocaine, hidden in frozen chicken produce in Birmingham whilst the pair were driving back from the docks in Essex. Maninder Dosanjh, 39, of Cheslyn Hay, Staffordshire, received the longest sentence of the gang with 16 years and 8 months behind bars for conspiracy to supply Class A drugs, money laundering, and conspiracy to evade the exportation of Class A drugs. Amandeep Rishi, 42, from Birmingham, was sentenced to 11 years and 2 months. Mohammed Usman, 29, from Oldbury, was arrested when police intercepted a vehicle that had been driven down to London that contained nearly £500,000 in cash stashed in the tyres. Usman was jailed for nine years and eight months. The wheels were passed to Sayed Hasheman, 38, from London who was sentenced to 2 years and 3 months for his part in the plot. Additionally, Peter Masih, 44, from Halesowen, and Mandeep Singh, 42, from Wolverhampton, were sentenced to 8 years and 7 years 2 months respectively for conspiracy to supply Class A drugs and money laundering. Mithab Hussain, 31, from Sandwell, also received 7 years and 2 months for his role. article continues in next post
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This happens all over the world, including America and the UK. |
More info: Holcim, its global operations and the Bamburi land |
The company doesn’t want questions At the meeting, ZAM discovers that the company is still unable to present the original 1954 title deed. Instead, lease certificates for blocks 1, 2, 3, and 4 are projected on a screen. The screenshot of the lease certificate for Block 1 again states its size as 392 hectares, more than double the 162 hectares indicated in the letter from the Ministry. The commencement dates of the lease certificates presented at the meeting also differ from those in ZAM's possession. The lease certificate for Block 2 that ZAM has is for a 50-year lease starting on 01/08/2001, while the certificate for Block 2 displayed on the screen begins in 2016. Bamburi continues to refuse to answer any questions regarding this. ZAM understands that the company now plans to construct a clinker production facility on the land adjacent to Denyeye village, extending its grip on the land further, while also considering offers from two other East Africa-based bidders who have offered to buy the cement company. Momentum for change Meanwhile, the human rights protests continue. While the police have not followed up on the twelve reports of violence, Emmanuel Mwangi, a human rights lawyer, is now using them in a class action suit involving 11 community members before the Kwale High Court. In addition to suing for injuries, deaths, and trauma, the case will also address the land issue. “The new 2010 constitution in Kenya contains very strong and progressive stipulations around land,” says Faith Alubbe, CEO of the Kenya Land Alliance. “Most likely, Bamburi grabbed the land in 1954 during a state of emergency that suspended most laws, including the constitution.” The fact that “locals were made squatters on their own land” may prompt interventions from the UN and the African Union Special Rapporteur on natural resources, she adds. “They deserve justice.” The Kenyan government’s Human Rights Commission has also begun an investigation. https://www.zammagazine.com/investigations/1890-kenya-an-oppressive-pact-from-hell |
“I wrote that Bamburi acquired the land illegally” This lack of clarity may corroborate what a former Bamburi manager, who worked for the company for nearly 20 years (from 1990 to 2008), told ZAM on condition of anonymity. “Around 2006, a French managing director, Michel Puchercos, visited Bamburi.” (At that time, Bamburi was still a subsidiary of the French multinational Lafarge, which would later merge with Swiss Holcim.) “He (Puchercos) asked me to write a report about the historical land issues. I wrote that Bamburi had acquired Blocks 1,3 and 4 illegally because there are no documents to prove the company bought these pieces of land. After that report, Puchercos disappeared and never got back to me. My colleagues made my life in the company impossible because of this report since they probably feared the loss of their jobs, so I decided to resign.” ZAM approached Puchercos (who retired in 2023), who responded: "honestly I don’t remember much of this topic, which was relevant 20 years ago, so I am afraid I won’t be of any help." Mfaume Hassan, the chair of the community organisation, claims he personally visited the Lands Ministry in 2018, to ask for copies of the lease certificates for Block 1,2, 3 and 4, but was shown a lease certificate only one for Block 2. “We were not allowed to make a copy.” He adds that, shortly after, the community organization received a letter from the Ministry of Lands confirming that Bamburi owns Block 1. However, the letter, which is in ZAM's possession, is described as “strangely irregular” by a government source in Kwale, who spoke on condition of anonymity. “Documents proving land ownership are usually forms that contain a lot more information. Legal land ownership is not proven through a two-paragraph letter.” Interestingly though, in the letter the ministry claims that Block 1 is the same size as Block 2: 162 hectares. Which is less than half the size (of 392 ha) Bamburi claims it is. According to a surveyor who was contracted by local activists several years ago to produce a map of the four blocks of the contested land, Block 1, currently in use by Bamburi, is indeed 392 ha. Even if Bamburi indeed owns Block 1, there is a worrying discrepancy between the size it has registered with the Ministry of Land and the land it is guarding. Weighty issues When approached by ZAM, Amos Musyoka, the director of land adjudication at the Ministry of Land and Physical Planning, initially promised to provide the ownership documents for Bamburi. However, three days later, Musyoka recanted this commitment, stating that the “issues raised are weighty and I would advise that the concerned persons get in touch with the relevant government agencies for assistance.” After pressing on, ZAM is then invited by Bamburi to view its ownership papers at a meeting at the private Capital Club in Nairobi on 8 October. This would be better than having the meeting at their offices, Bamburi spokesperson Brian Mungatana claims, “given the sensitivity surrounding land matters in our jurisdiction.” Mungatana further demands that no photographs will be taken and says that there won’t be room for questions or discussion. Article continues in next post |
Another police report details the case of Abdallah Zuzu, a father of four in his late thirties, who, in early 2024, encountered G4S officers while searching for a stray cow. According to the report, after hearing someone shout, "Release the dog!", Zuzu was struck in the face by a stone, fell and lost consciousness. When he woke up, one G4S guard was holding a dog over him while the other beat him with a stick. The assault left scars on his back that are still visible more than 6 months later. Assisted by the KMA, Zuzu reported the crime to the local police but quickly realized there was little chance of achieving justice. When he encountered one of the G4S guards at the police station, he recalls, “They said they would compensate me with an amount of 100,000 shillings (US$750), but all they did was pay my medical bills and not the compensation.” Zuzu moved away from Denyenye following these events. “I would love to go back to where I was born and bred”, he says. “But I am afraid that if I see the guards, I might do a bad thing because I want revenge.” The two guards who assaulted him also live in Denyenye. “Our dog handler acted in self-defence” ZAM wrote to both the Kenyan police and the Independent Police Oversight Authority (IPOA) regarding all the above claims, but neither responded despite multiple follow-ups. When asked about the case of Mbwana, G4S Kenya stated, “Mr Mbwana threatened our dog handler with a machete when he was found stealing eucalyptus poles. Our dog handler acted in self-defence and within protocol.” Commenting on the same case, Bamburi's parent company Holcim said that "We take human rights allegations of any kind extremely seriously and in this case a member of the human rights team flew to Kenya to investigate and support our colleagues on the ground. (...) the company has found no evidence of wrongdoing after conducting reviews and enquiries." However, two key members of the Denyenye community, who had been involved in the logging of complaints and all cases raised by the community, told ZAM they were not aware of any review or enquiry conducted by Holcim. In response to all six police reports regarding complaints from Denyenye locals about dog bites, G4S stated, “Our security officers working at Bamburi Cement are trained to a high standard, including in the Voluntary Principles on Security and Human Rights. We have one security dog on-site, which is deployed only at night by a trained dog handler and kept on a double leash. We believe that the allegations you have raised against G4S are unsubstantiated.” Contested ownership Bamburi Cement claims it “owns and has full legal title to the (contested) land.” However, the company has been unable to provide proof of this legal title, and neither have various Kenyan government bodies, including the Chief Registrar at the Ministry of Lands in Nairobi, the Chief Registrar of Lands in Kwale County, the chairperson of the National Land Commission, the director-general of the National Environment Management Authority (NEMA), the Kwale County Attorney-General, the Kwale County government, the Parliamentary Taskforce on Historical Land Injustices, and the Kwale Senate Committee on Land. Between 2018 and 2021, the local Denyenye Maweni Community Land Restoration organization petitioned all these bodies to provide legal documents proving that Bamburi owns the land; none responded. Even a public petition submitted to the National Assembly in 2021 has gone unanswered. Article continues in next post |
According to locals, the private security officers from G4S, hired by Bamburi, sometimes surpass the GSU in cruelty. Additionally, G4S has dogs. Shee Mbimbi (39) works at a nearby quarry. In August 2023, he encountered two G4S guards as he was walking home, breaking off branches for firewood along the way. “Two guards confronted me and asked what I was doing. One began beating me with a baton, and I tried to defend myself. The other one then released a dog on me, and it bit me. They escorted me home and warned me not to tell anyone that I was bitten by a Bamburi dog.” As we sit outside his homestead in Denyenye, a breeze rustling the leaves of the coconut and mango trees, Mbimbi recounts his visit to a local hospital, where he could not afford medical treatment, not even rabies shots. In phone footage taken immediately after the attack, Mbimbi is seen lying on his back, cradling a bloody injured leg. “They didn't take me to the police station,” he says to the person filming him. “They (G4S) told me to warn others not to collect firewood from that land, or else they would release their three dogs to kill them.” A year later, Mbimbi’s wound has gone septic. A doctor he saw recently—thanks to an NGO that helped with the costs—told him it may be too late to save his leg, as the sepsis has spread to the bone. Around the time Mbimbi was bitten, a new civil society organisation, the Kwale Mining Alliance (KMA), started to help. Among the first cases they took up was the one of Juma Sudi Mwamkungoma (33), who had entered the Bamburi farm on 30 August 2023 to fetch firewood. Three GSU officers caught him, and he was ordered to bring the firewood to their camp, where, according to Mwamkungoma, three drunk officers and their superior started to beat him up. On 9 September 2023, the KMA interviewed him on camera about the assault. Ten days later, on 19 September, the group accompanied Mwamkungoma to the police station, where they insisted the officers record the case. (ZAM has a copy of the report.) Sadly, the effort came too late to help Mwamkungoma, who succumbed to his injuries the next day. But since then, the KMA has lodged twelve reports with the local police, which are now the subject of a class action suit (see below.) Among these cases is that of Omar Mbwana, a 52-year-old father of seven, who was attacked by G4S guards with dogs one evening in September 2023 while trying to collect firewood. G4S guards first hit him with a stone before unleashing a dog on him, he says. “The dog first held my thigh then my left arm. I was shouting and crying but no one came. Then the G4S guard came and removed the dog before tying me and then beating me more.” “They told me to go for treatment, then left me.” The G4S officers eventually took Mbwana, bleeding and with his arms tied, to a metal container, where his brother and son were allowed to speak to him through a window. “I did not sleep and was not given any food. In the morning, I was taken to a police station, where I was advised to visit the hospital. The G4S officers took me to the nearby dispensary and told me to go to Kwale for treatment. Then they left me,” he tells ZAM while seated on a yellow plastic container outside his house in Denyenye. He adds that the police never investigated his case. Article continues in next post |
In 2004, thirteen years earlier, Juma had already endured a devastating loss: her son, Chuma Juma, died after a beating by GSU officers who caught him fetching firewood. Unemployed and in his mid-20s, Chuma was returning home with the wood when he was attacked. “I was told that GSU officers descended on him and beat him up,” says Mishi Juma. “His brothers carried him to the local hospital, where he died on the third day. Doctors found his ribs broken from the kicks. I couldn’t do much to complain, especially after his father passed away. We have always been told that you cannot accuse a police officer and win in court.” “We have always been told that you cannot accuse a police officer” For her part, Mwakideu reveals that her husband divorced her because of the r-pes, and she terminated the second pregnancy, saying, “I could not have another child with an unknown father.” Neither she nor her husband ever reported the r-pes, assaults, or beatings to the local police. Like Mishi, Mwakideu “felt it would be fruitless.” The story of Fatuma Ali Mingauri (51), who lives near the contested land, suggests their concerns are well-founded. In 2016, Mingauri, along with other villagers, attempted to raise complaints with the Bamburi company about harassment by police officers and security guards. While meeting with company officials, her phone rang—she was informed that GSU officers were at her home, harassing her daughters, then 12 and 8 years old. “I found the girls crying,” she told ZAM. “Many villagers had gathered at my house, and the GSU officers harassing people drew a pistol to scare them away.” When she returned to the meeting at the GSU office, the boss “apologised,” but that was the extent of it, aside from some unsettling advice: “He told us to beat them up if they came to our villages again.” This was hardly a solution the residents of Denyenye could act on, given the heavily armed nature of the special police unit. Mingauri believes that her husband died because of what happened. “He was mentally disturbed after the incident and was in and out of hospital for the next three years, often speaking about what happened. It hurt him a lot because he felt he had no capability for revenge. That’s how he (eventually) just died of a stroke,” Mingauri said, sobbing. “I was widowed with six children.” “They called us invaders” Hamad Juma Dari, a 34-year-old father of three, had permission from the village chairman to clear a small field for farming on land adjacent to the ocean, which is considered public. But on the evening of Monday, March 18th, 2019, while on the beach, he and two friends “were attacked by three GSU men who were accompanied by a G4S security officer who just stood and watched as we were beaten for about one hour. One GSU officer also stood by holding a gun just in case we resisted. They called us invaders who had trespassed onto Bamburi land,” Dari recalls. Article continues in next post |
G4S security guards working for the multinational cement manufacturer Bamburi Portland Cement Ltd, along with a special Kenyan police unit stationed at a site claimed by Bamburi, have been accused of torture, r-pe, and assault by dozens of locals in Denyenye, a small village in Kwale County, coastal Kenya. The villagers, who live near a 1,500-acre piece of contested land, rely on it for farming cattle, fetching firewood for cooking, and accessing the ocean for fishing. However, in what appears to be a pact from hell, Bamburi, G4S security guards, and Kenyan law enforcement officials have jointly and violently kept the locals from their land for decades. The former British private security multinational G4S, now part of the American security giant Allied Universal, operates in various countries, including the UK, South Africa, and the Netherlands. Bamburi Cement, the local subsidiary of the Swiss building materials multinational Holcim, has contracted G4S for security services on and around the contested land, where it claims to plan to develop economic activities. While the company asserts that it purchased the land in 1954 from a private owner, who allegedly received it as a gift from the erstwhile British colonial government, its ownership documents remain unclear (see below). Paramilitary police and guard dogs The community in Denyenye reports experiencing extreme violence for the first time in 1952 when the colonial government forcibly evicted them from their ancestral land. Since then, they have endured assaults, torture, and r-pe, resulting in some deaths. Since the late 1990s, the Kenyan General Service Unit (GSU), an armed paramilitary wing of the Kenyan police, has been stationed at the site. The unit's involvement with the community began in 1997 during a local uprising against marginalisation, which was partly directed at other communities perceived as better off. Following the repression of this violence, known as ‘Kaya Bombo’ in Swahili, the GSU remained at the Bamburi farm, establishing a permanent camp in 2007 for approximately 30 officers. The Kenyan police did not respond to ZAM’s inquiry regarding the unit’s continued presence. In 2005, G4S joined the police unit, patrolling the land with guard dogs. “Many women won’t talk because of the shame” Mwakideu*, who is in her late forties, is terrified every day she fetches firewood from the forest. She has no option since there is no other fuel. But the thought of one day needing help from her 13-year-old daughter is nerve-wracking, she says: the child was conceived through r-pe in 2011 by a GSU policeman, and she cannot bear the thought that the same fate might await her child. Her fears seem justified, since what happened to her personally was no aberration: she was r-ped again, by another GSU man, in 2015, and she knows “many women” who have experienced the same but won’t talk about it “because of the shame.” Now 69-year-old Mishi Juma is one of the few others who confirm that she, too, was sexually harassed by GSU officers patrolling the village in 2017. “They came to my house and touched my private parts”, she says. Article continues in next post |
DCI Smith added: “I hope highlighting the prosecution of these offenders will serve as a reminder that we will continue to do all we can to put perpetrators behind bars and protect victims and survivors. “It’s never too late to report child s**ual abuse. I encourage anyone who was abused as a child to speak to someone and seek support. Reports of non-recent abuse are handled by officers who are specially trained in supporting victims and survivors and dealing with such sensitive cases.” The latest prosecutions come after 15 men were jailed in 2016 for child abuse offences in what police said at the time had been their largest investigation into grooming gangs in Calderdale. The following year, victims and investigators warned that grooming gangs across the country were repeating the organised abuse previously exposed in Rotherham, Rochdale, Oxford and Newcastle. Operation Sanctuary, which investigated grooming gangs operating in Northumberland and Tyne and Weir had identified more than 700 potential victims as of August 2017. https://www.the-independent.com/news/uk/crime/calderdale-child-sex-abuse-grooming-b2642473.html |
In the first trial, which commenced in October 2021, Shahzad Nowaz, aged 45, and Nadeem Nassir, 44 were found guilty of r**e and making threats to kill. Both were sentenced to 11 years. Sajid Adalat, 48, and Shazad Nazir, 49 were sentenced to seven and 11 years respectively after being convicted of r**e. Sohail Zaffer, 41, pled guilty to r**e and supply of a class C drug, and was sentenced to 42 months. Following a second trial commencing in January 2022, Nadeem Adalat, 39, Asad Mahmood, 38, Mohammed Rizwan Iqbal, 39, and Vaseem Adalat, 38, were all found guilty of r**e. The former and latter both appealed their sentences, which were increased respectively to 14 years and 14 years and 6 months. The second investigation was also launched in 2016 after reports of a vulnerable girl being repeatedly abused between 2002 and 2006, starting when she was 13 years old. In an initial trial at Bradford Crown Court, Amir Shaban, 48, of Halifax, was found guilty of r**e and sentenced to 10 years. A second trial starting in October 2022 saw six men from Halifax – Malik Quadeer, 67, Mohammed Ziarab, 55, Imran Raja Yasin, 45, Kamran Amin, 48, Mohammed Akhtar, 54, and Saquab Hussain, 46 – all jailed for r**e. Quadeer was found guilty of five counts of r**e and sentenced to 22 years. A third trial which opened in January saw three men each convicted on two counts of r**e. Haroon Sadiq, 40, of Halifax, was sentenced to 10 years, while Shafiq Ali Rafiq, 44, of Dewsbury, was given 12 years, and Sarfraz Rabnawaz, 39, of Bradford, was sentenced to 9 years. The third investigation was launched in 2018 into a 12-year-old girl s**ually abused between 2001 and 2002. Craig Mitchell, 55 of Halifax, was found guilty of r**e at a trial in December, and was sentenced to 12 years. Article continues in next post |
Twenty men have been jailed for r**ing and abusing four girls in Calderdale, West Yorkshire Police has said. The men have been sentenced to a combined total of 219 years in prison in relation to sexual abuse carried out between 2001 and 2010, against four girls aged 12 to 16. The abuse was uncovered in a series of trials and extensive police investigations into allegations first received back in 2016. West Yorkshire Police said it announced the convictions on Wednesday after court restrictions put in place to safeguard legal proceedings were lifted, allowing them to share the details of three investigations where trials have now concluded. Detective chief inspector Claire Smith said: “Firstly, I want to acknowledge the sheer courage of the victims and survivors in each of these investigations – not only for having the bravery to come forward initially but also for enduring the criminal justice system and the weight of criminal trials and reporting restrictions in place. “Due to legal restrictions, it has not been possible to publicise these outcomes until now. I welcome the sentences handed to these offenders for the abhorrent abuse these young girls were subjected to, which was heard by the jurors in each trial over the last few years. “Tackling child s**ual exploitation and abuse is a top priority for West Yorkshire Police and our partners. This is an abhorrent crime which has a lifelong impact on victims and survivors.” The first investigation was launched in 2016 in relation to the s**ual abuse and exploitation of two girls aged between 13 and 16, which took place in Calderdale between 2006 and 2009. Nine men from Halifax were jailed over the course of two trials at Bradford Crown Court. Article continues in next post
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Right or wrong, tattoos usually come with ratchetness or a hood mentality. If they only have a couple of tiny tattoos, like a cartoon on their shoulder or something, that's different. Someone who smokes doesn't seem to GAF, and that can easily be their attitude towards other things. Also, if they smoke, it's likely that their family smokes, and no offense, but that makes their family more likely to be kinda ratchet. Drinking, it depends. How often do they drink? How much do they drink? Piercings are kind of like tattoos. One nose ring (on the side, not the bottom), a pierced bellybutton, or a couple extra piercings in the ears is fine. But the other stuff suggests that they, um, are into some weird stuff or may be very unhealed. So drinking wins lol, as long as they're not an alcoholic, and can have a good time without drinking. |
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Tolu2024:In the USA student visa thread I gave you a link for, just ask. People won't hesitate to direct you to resources, and give you important information. You have to do your own research though. It won't be as easy as one link because there are many paths and options, but not everyone will be able to access everything. Tolu2024:That is an excellent choice, and a far better deal because all the information you need is free. Textbooks, videos, guides, communities. It's all out there. The industry is also not hard to get into, and you can make a great salary. Tolu2024:Before, that would have been a great idea, but Sweden is one of many countries that's shifting to conservative politics. Recently, they were paying immigrants to leave the country. I think it would make more sense to study in America, even with a more conservative government on they way. Things are just much different in the US. If you still want to explore Sweden as an option, review this thread: https://www.nairaland.com/6498425/swedish-admissions-student-visa |
Tolu2024:Sorry about that. I don't know why they did that. Tolu2024:It's really not a good idea. And it may not be enough. It's more expensive now to go abroad. And countries are also making it a bit harder. If you can't raise the money, you really should consider starting a business in a nearby country, like Cote D'Ivoire. You should also consider giving software development, data management, and data analysis another try. It's more than worth the effort. However, you can also look into getting a scholarship for your wife to study in the US. Read the thread in the travel section about studying in the US. And ask people there. They'll be happy to help. https://www.nairaland.com/8135347/general-usa-student-visa-enquiries-part |
Yeah, she was trying to set you up in some way. What she said made absolutely no sense. If it was true, she could ask just about any friend from school to do that. If you find yourself in a similar situation again, record it (audio). And try to find a small body camera that you can hide. Film these people when you can, so you have legal protection. You should report this to the library management (not librarians). And you should report this to police, especially if that was an area with higher crime. This could be something known to police. The thing is that these criminals are always coming up with new lines and stories for getting access to you. Even though she looked like a random teenage girl, she might really be a: -Hooker -Gang member -Scammer -Trafficker Here are some things she may have been doing: -RFID skimming, to steal your cc info by getting physically close to you. -Extortion by claiming that you attacked her or have a relationship with her. -Getting a photo to make it look like you know each other, so someone can scam with it. -Getting photos of people to rob. -A hooker testing you to see if you bite. -The idiot might even think you're a drug dealer. I'd stop going to that library, honestly. Also, most libraries have meeting rooms that you can use if you want a private workspace. You can also find cheap rentable offices (designed for remote workers) if this is something you frequently need. |
They fumbled the election again, and the POS are trying to blame black people instead of the idiot crackers and Mexicans that actually put Dump in office. I'm pretty sure that over 70% of black women and over 70% of black men voted for these depraved idiots. If they want to find reasons, look at deranged oyinbos doing all kinds of ballot tampering. They should have already turned over management of voting to the federal government. But none of this is as important as working on the real problem: oyinbos sabotaging African economies. We don't want to live in white hellholes with THIS:
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Tolu2024:I made a thread in travel for you. https://www.nairaland.com/8262759/japa-experts-guidance-tolu |
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