₦airaland Forum

Except the five governorship candidates challenging the credibility of the April 11 governorship election in Rivers withdraw their cases from the election petition tribunal or fail to present material evidence like the one exclusively obtained by PREMIUM TIMES, Nyesom Wike of the Peoples Democratic Party, who was returned winner of the election, is as good as gone.

Mr. Wike may need a miracle to come out of the election petition tribunal victorious.

The evidence against the legitimacy of the election that returned him winner is too damning and overwhelming, this newspaper can authoritatively report today.

The Independent National Electoral Commission in Rivers awarded Mr. Wike votes almost five times higher than the actual, authentic total number of voters accredited with card readers and Permanent Voter Cards which was 292, 878, PREMIUM TIMES investigation has revealed.

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First and Last page of PVC accreditation in Rivers 2015 governorship election.

INEC official announced figures for the Rivers 2015 governorship election

According to the result declared by the Returning Officer for Rivers State, Osasere Orumwense on April 13, Mr. Wike was awarded 1,029,102 votes, representing 87.77 per cent of 1,228,614, being the conjured number of total accredited voters.

However, according to a bulky 94-page INEC endorsed document exclusively obtained by PREMIUM TIMES, the total number of accredited voters for the April 11 guber election in Rivers was 292, 878.

The document was signed by Ibrahim Bawa, the acting director in charge of INEC Legal Unit and Abimbola Oladunjoye, head of unit, Data Management, of the Commission’s Information Communication Technology Department.

Checks by PREMIUM TIMES indicate that it is practically impossible for Mr. Wike or any other candidate in the election to garner votes exceeding the total number of accredited voters, not to talk of amassing such hyper-inflated figure of 1,029,102 awarded Mr. Wike.

In Nigeria’s current electoral system, INEC’s central server automatically generates figures of voters accredited with the electronic Smart Card Readers and Permanent Voters’ Cards across the polling units.

INEC Chairman, Attahiru Jega, said before the election that the arrangement was to prevent electoral fraud, especially falsification of number of accredited voters, to inflate number of votes cast, as in the case of PDP and Mr. Wike, and of course INEC in Rivers State.

Insiders in INEC told PREMIUM TIMES that the number of accredited voters generated by the commission’s central server is the valid, actual and authentic one for the Rivers State April 11 elections and that it would impossible for anyone to justify the excess votes allocated to Mr. Wike.

In the document, detailing polling unit by polling unit analysis of actual voters’ accreditation for the election, none of the 23 Local Government Areas (LGAs) had up to 51, 000 accredited voters.

Rivers State is currently delineated into 319 Registration Areas (Wards) and 4,442 polling units.

Port Harcourt LGA had the highest number of accredited voters with 50, 962, while Khana LGA had just 145 registered voters turning up for accreditation.

Our LGA by LGA analysis of the accredited votes shows that Obio/Akpor had 40,481 accredited voters and it was the only LGA with more than 40,000 but lower than 50,000.

Ogba/Egbema/Ndonu LGA had 24,816 accredited voters, while Ikwere LGA had 22,274.

Seven LGAs had between 10,000 and 20,000 accredited voters, according to the INEC endorsed document. They are Ahoada East (16,116 accredited voters); Ahoada West (16,369); Bonny (15,503); Degema (16,993); Akuku-Toru (12,439); Andoni (13,530); and Gokana (12,127).

Others were Asari-Toru (7,328); Emohua (5,014); Okrika (8,790); Opobo Nekoro (7,313); and Oyingbo (9,503); Abual-Odual (2,054); Omuma (1,998); Etche (1,268); Eleme (3,530); Khana (145); Ogu/Bolo (903); and Tai (3,362).

INEC insiders said the only ground that could explain the number of accredited voters in the election exceeding 292,887 is if manual accreditation were used in addition to the use of card readers.

But INEC did not approve the use of manual accreditation for governorship election in any of the states of the Federation.

“The Independent National Electoral Commission wishes to inform all Nigerians that Card Readers will be used for the April 11, 2015 Elections,” Augusta Ogakwu, Secretary to the Commission, said in a statement on April 6.

On Friday, the Chief Press Secretary to INEC Chairman, Kayode Idowu, confirmed to PREMIUM TIMES that manual accreditation was not employed in any state for the April 11 elections.

The petitioners challenging Mr. Wike’s purported victory at the election petition tribunal are Kemka Elenwo, KOWA party; Dakuku Peterside, All Progressives Congress; Charles Harry, All Progressives Grand Alliance; and Minaibim Harry, Social Democratic Party.

Election observers, including the European Union Election Observation Mission to Nigeria’s 2015 elections, had condemned the elections in Rivers State, alleging violence and irregularities

http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/headlines/182673-exclusive-rivers-nyeson-wike-a-goner-inec-document-exposes-fraud-by-pdp-inec-in-guber-poll.html

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) may face some adjustment difficulties in the course of its transition from a ruling party to the opposition. Group Political Editor EMMANUEL OLADESU examines the challenges that will confront the party in the post-Jonathan period.
Power is transient and no condition is permanent in life. Few years ago, the former Chairman of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, was basking in the euphoria of power. Describing the ruling party as the largest in Africa, he said its sheer national spread, its formidable structure and the number of governors, ministers, legislators and local government chairmen it has produced would make it indispensable. In fact, he boasted that the PDP will rule Nigeria for the next 60 years.

Little did the former Minister of National Planning and other party leaders guess that the eclipse of the octopus was near. On Tuesday, the curtain was drawn on the PDP’s dominance of the national politics. The main opposition party, the All Progressives Congress (APC), which was derided by the power barons at its inception, became the PDP’s albatross at the presidential election. The power of incumbency crumbled irretrievably as former military Head of State, Gen. Muhammadu Buhari, defeated the PDP’s candidate, President Goodluck Jonathan, at the historic election. For the ruling party, the journey of 16 years ended abruptly. So were the bravado, the acts of perfidy and arrogance of power. In distress, the party leader summoned the rare courage to concede victory to the victor, urging his party men to take heart.
For now, the ruling party is down. The outcome of the presidential poll may have thrown spanner into its permutations, ahead of the governorship and House of Assembly elections. According to reports, unlike APC candidates, PDP flag bearers now perceive themselves as orphans as the government apparatus, which were usually deployed to favour them, can only be used for polls with great caution. The Army, the police and other security agencies, who are now gazing at May 29 handover date, would defer to the PDP, but also in utter sensitivity to the imminent liquidation of the PDP influence at the centre in post-Jonathan period.

The handwriting was bold on the wall. But, it was ignored because power was intoxicating. According to observers, three factors led to the downfall of the ruling party. The first is the arrogance of power by the non-performing PDP-led administration. The second is that the party has been addicted to crisis, which ultimately led to its ultimate decimation. The third is that reconciliation in the PDP always paled into a shallow step, repeated window dressing and a game plan orchestrated to make it appear to the gullible that the party could undergo a genuine rebirth. Indeed, a proper dialogue was always elusive.

In 1998/99, PDP appeared on the horizon as the party to beat. It had a solid foundation. Its founding fathers were giants of history. Its membership at its inception was a mixed grill of conservative and progressive curators. These frontline politicians came from “G-34,” which stood shoulder to shoulder with the military during the protracted transition programmes of former military President Ibrahim Babangida and Gen. Sani Abacha, the Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM), which continued to wax stronger after the demise of its leader, Major-Gen. Sheu Yar’Adua, chieftains of the defunct Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC), and military apologists in the ‘five fingers of a leprous hand’ encouraged by Abacha, and other new breed politicians. Thus, it was an association of strange bed fellows.
The PDP manifesto was said to have been written by the Cicero of Esa-Oke, the late Chief Bola Ige, who departed from the fold to form the Alliance for Democracy (AD), along with other Afenifere/National Democratic Coalition (NADECO) leaders, promoters of the Eastern Mandate Union (EMU), a section of the pro-democracy movement, and other like minds from the six geo-political zones. PDP has not been an ideological party. But, it has two distinct features. It is a large party with taproots across the country. Therefore, the platform is not devoid of a national outlook. Also, in its constitution, rotational principle or presidential zoning is entrenched. Thus, when it was obvious that the doctrine would be violated, ahead of the recent poll, hell was let loose. The party was torn apart by a war of attrition.
But, its problematic journey into the future has been laced with a catalogue of crises, despite its electoral successes. The platform has suffered from self-inflicted wounds arising from its aversion for internal democracy, dictatorial leadership, presidential pressure on the party structures, and politics of exclusion at the federal and state levels.

Late elder statesman Chief Solomon Lar was the party’s pioneer National Chairman. He took over from the interim chairman, the late Senator Sunday Awoniyi, the Aro of Mopa. In 1999, the acclaimed largest party in Africa won federal and state elections without massive rigging. Under the late Lar, the PDP was a promising platform. The party was sensitive to the protracted agitation for power shift to the Southwest, which climaxed in the wake of the annulment of the historic June 12, 1993 presidential election won by the SDP candidate, the late Chief Moshood Abiola, a Yoruba. However, despite the large number of presidential materials in the party, none was considered suitable for the highest office. The retired Generals connived with military lackeys in the party to woo Gen. Olusegun Obasanjo, who was not a member of the party, to run for the Presidency. When the former military leader won the 1999 elections, the first step he took was to re-create the party in his own image. The pioneer chairman, was shoved aside.

Lar was a celebrated democrat. Obasanjo is a retired soldier, who could not easily adjust to the democratic civilian life. The transition from soldering to politics was difficult for the old soldier, who had mastered the hierarchical military dictatorial order and command. His first move was to secure the title of the ‘National Leader’ of the PDP. Few months after he assumed office, he agitated for the change of baton at the party’s national secretariat. That was necessary to limit the party’s influence on presidential activities. It was clear that Lar, the former Police Affairs minister, had to bow out honourably. He spent barely a year in office.

Under the late Lar, crises were minimal and the party was supreme. One of his aides, Dr Solomon Dalung, a lawyer, recalled that trouble started when Obasanjo became the President and the party’s national leader.”When Obasanjo came in, being an African General, he came in with the Machiavellian theory of dispensing with whosoever that might have made him king because it was only him who knows the intrigues that brought him to power. He applied this to Lar”, he said.

After Lar left office, there was a high turn-over of national chairmen. The position was zoned to the Northcentral geo-political zone. Awoniyi, and Chief Barnabas Gemade, former member of the Interim National Government (ING) led by Chief Ernest Shonekan vied for the chairmanship. Awoniyi, a Yoruba, was from Kogi State. Gemade hails from Benue State. Other contestants-Senator Ahmadu Ali, Yahaya Kwande, and Sule Usman from Kogi State-were on the fringe.

Awoniyi, who had often described himself as a Yoruba-Northerner, got the shock of his life when Obasanjo from Ogun State declared that, in the PDP, Yoruba could not produce the President and the National Chairman as the same time. Awoniyi was a tough politician. If he was made the National Chairman, he could challenge Obasanjo, if he undermined the party leadership. But, he was harassed out of the party. On his way out, he lamented the collapse of the due process in the party and the derailment of the vision of its founding fathers. The former Private Secretary to Sardauna Ahmadu Bello, said that he was leaving the party of sinners.

In a bid to assert himself, Lar’s successor, Gemade, also ran into problem. He had inherited a party ruptured by post-presidential primaries. The aspirants, former Vice President Alex Ekweme and former Kano State Governor Abubakar Rimi, who lost the ticket to Obasanjo, were bitter. Crisis was also brewing at the state chapters because of the presidential directive that the pioneer chairmen should hand over to new officers favoured by the National Party Leader. It was also evident that the idea of the national party caucus could not be adopted by the PDP.
Gemade wanted to run the affairs of the party as a democrat. But he was handicapped. The National Chairman complained that certain powerful forces in the party were making unreasonable and unethical demands from his office. To him, the meddlesomeness was uncalled for. A personality crisis broke out between Obasanjo, the power-loaded National Party Leader, and the National Chairman. Efforts by the politician from Benue to secure a second term was resisted by the former President. As he bowed out in frustration, he cursed the party, saying that the fate that will befell his successors would be worse than his experience. When the tenure of the National Executive Committee (NEC) was extended by one year, there was disagreement over whether Gemade could benefit. Crisis broke out. Amid the crisis, he announced the suspension of Chief Tony Anenih, the powerful Works Minister. It became his undoing. Although he lifted the suspension, Gemade’s days as chairman were numbered. He was forced out of office. Reflecting on his tenure, he said: “The way I saw the situation in the party that time, it was clear to me that the mindset of the people who had the party in their control and who had the government in their control that time was such that the meddlesomeness that we were experiencing as the leadership of the party would not change”.

Gemade was succeeded by Second Republic Minister of Communications Chief Audu Ogbeh. Other aspirants were edged out. It was very hard for the chairman to blend with Obasanjo. He felt that the President was elected to run the country and the chairman, in consultation with him, was elected by the party members to run the party. Ogbeh became the chairman as the party was preparing for the 2003 elections. The party was in turmoil. The state chapters were crisis-ridden and the divisions had weakened the fold. In Anambra State, the governor, Dr. Chris Ngige, was abducted. The report of the reconciliation panel headed by Chief Tunde Osunrinde from Ogun State, which recommended the distribution of party offices among the Lagos PDP caucuses, was not implemented. In Osun State, Otunba Iyiola Omisore, a defector from the Alliance for Democracy (AD) to PDP, was standing trial for an alleged involvement in the murder of the slain Attorney-General and Minister of Justice, Ige. Ogbeh counselled that that he should not be made the senatorial candidate for Ife/Ijesa District to preserve the image of the party. The President disagreed. Some party leaders supported him, explaining that, since Omisore had not been found guilty, he can contest while still in the custody. The parting of ways became imminent between Obasanjo and Ogbeh, when he publicly advised the President to pay more attention to the sliding economy and the cries of the populace for improved welfare. The former President took exception to washing the administration’s linen in the public. He went vulgar, alleging that Ogbeh had made much money after he emerged as the chairman. The chairman was harassed and cajoled to visit the Aso Rock, where Obasanjo demanded for his resignation, ahead of the expiration of his tenure.
Ogbeh was succeeded by the former Federal Commissioner for Education, Dr Ahmadu Ali of the ‘Ali Must Go fame’. He was the only chairman who enjoyed harmonious relationship with Obasanjo. Both of them are retired soldiers. Under his leadership, the crisis between Obasanjo and Atiku got to a peak. An administrative panel was set up to investigate Abubakar’s activities in government. It was also clear that the PDP would not organise democratic presidential primaries. Atiku and his supporters left the PDP for the defunct Action Congress (AC), where he emerged as the presidential candidate in 2007. But he lost to the late President Umaru Yar’Adua at the poll.

In 2008, Yar’Adua set up a reconciliation committee headed by Ekwueme. His goal was to bring back the aggrieved members who had deserted the party. But, the work of the committee was sabotaged by some forces in the party. Its report was not implemented. Following the same pattern, the report of another panel headed by Gen. Ike Nwachukwju (rtd), was thrown into the dustbin.

Also, the pre-national convention rift between former Governor Sam Egwu, who was backed by Obasanjo, and former Senate President Ayim Pius Ayim torn the party apart. A dark horse, Prince Vincent Ogbulafor, emerged as the national chairman. In 2010, a corruption case against Ogbulafor was exhumed. He was forced to resign from office. His successor, Okwesilieze Nwodo, the former National Secretary, also had a turbulent tenure. He was locked in a protracted battle with Governor Sullivan Chime over the imposition of candidates for elections. At the PDP primaries in 2011, Nwodo was consumed by the crisis. Nwodo’s deputy, Dr.Haliru Bello, became the acting chairman. When he was appointed as minister, the national secretary, Alhaji Kawu Baraje, became the acting chairman.

The next national convention was fixed for March, 2012. The competing forces were in hot competition for the party leadership. But, President Jonathan wanted to impose his candidate, Alhaji bamanga Tukur. He had his way, But, Tukur was consumed by crisis that started before he was imposed on the party. The zonal congresses and national convention were rancorous. When the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) report came, it was discovered that 16 national officers were elected without following the laid down rules. They were advised to step down. But, Gen. Olagunsoye Oyinlola, whose election as the National Secretary was not faulted, was not recalled from suspension.

The relationship between Obasanjo and Dr. Jonathan later turned sour. Irked by his handling of party affairs and governance, Obasanjo wrote a letter to him, warning that disaster was looming. The crisis that had torn the party apart was festering. In Rivers State, there was turmoil. The President and Governor Rotimi Amaechi, had parted ways. The crisis led to the split in the Nigerian Governor’s Forum (NGF). Although Amaechi won the NGF’s election, the factional chairman, Plateau State Governor Jonah Jang, was recognised by the Presidency. Amaechi scored 19 votes. Jang got 16. The Rivers State governor was suspended from the party. Later, Governor Aliyu Wamakko of Sokoto State was also suspended. But the Northwest PDP rallied round Wamakko, who had called for the resignation of Tukur. The suspension slammed on him was lifted. But ,Amaechi’s suspension was not lifted. Other anti-Tukur governors-Admiral Muritala Nyako (Adamawa), Alhaji Sule Lamido (Jigawa), Alhaji Musa Kwakwanso (Kano) and Dr. Babangida Aliyu (Niger) could not be touched. The reconciliation shuttles by the Board of Trustees (BoT) Chairman, Chief Tony Anenih, Tukur and Bayelsa State Governor Seriake Dickson, failed to reconcile the aggrieved members and the national leadership.

As the party wobbled on in crisis, it was also preparing for a national convention. Oyinlola, whose election as the national secretary was not voided by the INEC, called for his reinstatement. Delegates from Rivers, Adamawa, Anambra and Nasarawa alleged deliberate exclusion from the convention. Amid the convention, the aggrieved governors and party chieftains walked out. At the Shehu Yar’Adua Centre, Abuja, they set up a parallel NEC. When reconciliation finally collapsed, Kwankwaso, Amaechi, Bukola Saraki, Baraje, Oni, Oyinlola and Adamu Abdullahi defected to the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN). The ACN later fused into the APC along with the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), the All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and a section of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA). Also, last month, Obasanjo left the party.

Following the mass defection, the ruling party became a ghost of itself. Its ex-members fired shots at it from outside. Ahead of the presidential poll, it has become a discredited platform. Cries of despondency arising from the poor performance of the President in nearly all sectors created an image problem for the PDP. Although the party employed other tactics, including financial inducement and serious appeal to ethno-religious cleavages, the strategies collapsed like a pack of cards.

According to analysts, PDP won power and loomed large on the polity. But, it failed to manage its achievements properly. Critics believe that its legacies, more or less, included its subscription to democratic governorship and parliamentary primaries, when there was no alternative. But, some commentators have also described the PDP as a nest of killers and rigging machine.

As from May 29, PDP will experience an unprecedented decline in power and influence. There will be a leadership vacuum. To move forward, it will require a dynamic, courageous and determined leadership to steer its affairs. Since it will be left in the cold, playing the role of an opposition will require much adjustment. Top leaders may trade blames over the circumstances leading to the colossal electoral defeat. Party funding may become hectic as traditional financiers in the business world may swift allegiance because their focus is return on investment. Since a tradition of reconciliation and crisis resolution is lacking, any crisis may further weaken the platform. party chieftains who may not be ready to weather the storm and stress being in the opposition may defect to the APC in droves.

http://thenationonlineng.net/new/pdp-what-next-after-defeat/

Auditor-General queries N2.3tr Excess Crude Account deductions

Home » Featured » Auditor-General queries N2.3tr Excess Crude Account deductions
The 2012 Auditor-General of the Federation (AGF) report has questioned the deduction of N2,308,749,174,308.54 Excess Crude Oil/PPT/Royalty from oil and gas revenue before the balance was paid into the Federation Account.

The query came on the heels of the inability of the Auditor General to obtain a legal authority for the creation of the Excess Crude Oil/PPT/ Royalty Account.

Of the total deductions, N477,448, 498,6 19.22 was drawn in favour of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) and N377,264, 685, 789.54 in favour of Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR). The Federal Inland Revenue Service (FIRS) got N1, 454,035, 989,899.78.

House of Representatives Committee on Public Account (PAC), acting on the report on the account of the Federation of Nigeria for the year ended 31st December 2012, said the deductions were in contravention of section 162(1) of the 1999 constitution.

It says: “The Federation shall maintain a special account to be called ‘The Federation Account’ into which shall be paid all revenues collected by the government of the federation, except the proceeds from the personal income tax of the personnel of the Armed Forces of the federation, the Nigeria Police Force, the Ministry or Department of government charged with responsibility for Foreign Affairs and the residents of the FCT”.

The report also discovered payment of various sums of interests to the Federal government’s Excess Proceeds of PPT/Royalty Account accruing from fixed term deposits that could not be established.

It was also reported that $219,247,398 .77 was credited to the FGN Excess Proceeds Crude oil sales account while and $443,844,581.47 was credited to PPT/Royalty Account as interest on fixed term deposits.

In addition, $221,219.79 was credited to the FGN Excess Proceeds of crude oil sales account while $453,803.13 was credited to PPT/Royalty Account as interest on ordinary deposits.

However it was noted in the report that “The authority for placing the funds which yielded the above interests in deposit account was not made available as requested.

“The banks where the deposits were made, principal sums deposited, tenor and rate were also not made available for audit verification as requested.

“During the examination of the statements of the Bank for International Settlement Account of FGN Excess Proceeds of PPT/Royalty Account, the AGF also observed that “an amount of $500m was debited into the account on the 29th August 2012 and described as interest on fixed term deposit.

“The nature/type of transactions that resulted to the debit interest of the above amount was not known.”

Also in the report, the Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC was queried by the Accountant General of the Federation to provide explanation for the flagrant attitude of withholding domestic crude sale revenue.

The NNPC was indicted in the report for failing to remit revenue from domestic crude oil sales totaling N936,027,634,479.81 as well as $998,881.77 interest earned on the Joint Venture Cash Calls in 2012.

It was also queried for failing to reconcile all arrears of JVCs since inception to the tune of $1,664,986.15 and N171,303,701 being arrears for year 2012.

Furthermore, queries were also issued on the $75.055,277.32 outstanding crude oil trade debtors; unauthorised movement of $50m from NNPC joint venture cash call account with JP Morgan Chase to another foreign bank account on February 28th, 2011 without any mandate or authority for the movement, as well as accrued interest of $1,249,999.99.

N30,259,561,402.73 was also a subject of query for NNPC over deduction of subsidy as well as N260b deducted at source by NNPC for petroleum subsidy fund (subsidy).

The oil corporation was also queried over N229,740,438,597.27 subsidy as reflected in the account of Petroleum Products Pricing Regulatory Agency (PPPRA) approved for NNPC without budgetary provision for the corporation in the Appropriation Act, resulting into extra-budgetary spending on subsidy by NNPC during the year.

The Department of Petroleum Resources (DPR) was also queried in the report over $706,880,265.22 unpaid by 21 oil companies as royalties on oil.

The Accountant General of the Federation has been informed to recover the outstanding royalties.

On its part, the Accountant General of the Federation, in the report was queried to explain the difference of N41,856,530,921.54 as well as pay back total sum of N1,901,213,713,587.07 into the Federation Account, out of which N1,132,619,890,792.96 is for joint venture cash calls (JVCs); N260b is for petroleum subsidy; N477,448,498,619.22 is for excess crude sale and N31,145,324,174.89 under remittance of revenue deducted at source by NNPC from the revenue proceeds in accordance with Section 162(1) of the 1999 Constitution.

In the report, the Accountant General of the Federation was asked to explain why the Federation Account Allocation Committee (FAAC) failed to share N385,908,800,442.40 to the three tiers of Governments out of the total net receipts of N5,682,942,672,167.61 after deducting cost of collection for the year 2012.

It was also observed that Federal Government share of N146,635,051,546.35 was paid directly to a separate SURE-P CBN Account in violation of the Constitution that provides that Federal Government’s share from the Federation Account should be paid directly to Consolidated Revenue Fund.

This was followed by a query on the transfer of the sum of N319,943,121,222.87 to SURE-P from the Federation Account, out of the total sum of N426,590,828,291.16 approved for the programme.

http://thenationonlineng.net/new/auditor-general-queries-n2-3tr-excess-crude-account-deductions/

What is the long term effect on the structure if the foundation blocks are not filled (either with broken blocks/stone or lean cement)?

Thanks

Hello house, pls can anybody recommend an oven bake car painting workshop in. Port Harcourt?

How much is the dongle booster and can I get it in PH

You have to go with word of mouth recommendation most times in naija, i had my timing belt changed for lexus es300 cos the car has done over 200,000 miles with the manufacturers belt and i was afraid it might cut. Ordered one with a 60,000miles on it. If you were in Port harcourt i would have recommended the same guy that did mine last month. But you need to look for someones else to correct the mistake made by the first mechanic. Try google it will give you ideas of how to set the timing right, that's what i did before taking it to a mechanic and followed him up on every step he took

can you help check this VIN:4T3BK3BB7DU076156, send mail to Bleep@gmail.com

Do you have a contact in port harcourt? i want it and i'll like to inspect before buying some

I want this product, but I live in port harcourt.

Take your pick from this list:

baby care
- baby laundry detergent
- baby shampoo
- comb/soft brush
- cotton buds / balls
- nasal aspirator
- safety nail clippers
- soft sponge
- tub or baby bath

bottle feeding
- 5 bibs
- 6-8 bottles
- 6-8 bottle teats/nipples
- baby milk powder
- bottle brush
- bottle warmer
- steriliser kit

breast feeding
- 3 nursing bras
- box of breast pads
- breast milk storage bags
- breast pump
- feeding pillow
- loose shirts
- nipple cream
- privacy shawl

changing
- baby lotion
- baby wipes
- changing mat and cover
- cream
- nappies/diapers
- sealable bin or bucket
- wash cloth

clothing
- 1 pairs of mittens
- 1 shawl
- 1 sweater
- 2 caps or baby hats
- 2 swaddle blankets
- 5 cardigans
- 5 footed trousers
- 5 one-piece pyjamas
- 5 pairs of socks

furniture
- cot / crib
- cot / crib mattress
- mattress sheets (2-3)
- moses basket

safety
- baby monitor
- disinfectant hand soap
- first aid kit

sleeping
- heavy cotton blankets
- light cotton blankets
- waterproof mattress liner

toys
- activity mat
- baby soft books
- bath toys
- cuddly toys
- dummy / pacifier
- rattle
- teething ring

travel
- infant car seat
- stroller - with full recline
- travel bag

There seems to be a problem with people assuming that high mileage means bad car, which has made a lot of dealer to roll back their odometer reading. Over 50% of dealers do this.

@OP, even if you see a low mileage car it does mean the odometer was not rolled back except you do a VIN check on the car. It's very difficult to see an actual 2003 model car driven over 10year and the mileage is less that 100K.

Do you have 2007/8 Lexus ES350?

Armed soldiers have taken over the residence of the Acting Chief Judge of Adamawa State, Justice Ambrose Mammadi, as the plot to impeach Governor Murtala Nyako and his deputy, Bala Ngillari, thickens.

This came amid the allegation that the Acting Chief Judge made the list of the seven-man committee to investigate the governor and his deputy at gun point.

When Sunday Vanguard visited the private residence of Mammadi, located at Masakare area of Jimeta, Yola, Adamawa State capital, yesterday, armed soldiers were seen patrolling the street.

The soldiers kept away strangers, vehicles and pedestrians from plying the street.

Our findings also showed that the seven-man investigation panel was selected and sent to the Acting Chief Judge by the House of Assembly for ratification and announcement.

The other issue over the impeachment is the composition of the panel members.

It was alleged that the panel is composed of five Christians and two Muslims, ostensibly to clear the deputy governor and cage the governor.

Meanwhile, the tenure of the Acting Chief Judge expires today just as it was alleged that the process of the impeachment which is the inauguration of the investigation panel is scheduled for tomorrow.

A source said: “The acting CJ had no choice but to carry out the ‘order from above’ and save himself from persistent intimidation and harassment from a Brigade Commander.

”What is happening is that they have made up their mind to strangulate everyone to ensure that Gov Nyako is thrown out and be arrested and treated as a common criminal for leaving PDP and joining APC and having the courage to speak out when it mattered.”

It was learnt that the Adamawa governor was left with no option than to go on appeal against the decision of the CJ to raise the panel to probe him without being served as required by the law.

http://www.vanguardngr.com/2014/07/adamawa-impeachment-soldiers-take-acting-cjs-house/

I'm in PHC and need the T23. How much does it cost and how can I reach you

inze: Kindly drop email to forward report to. Email can be edited and removed afterwards.

Please help me check this

Please help me check this VIN # JTMDF4DVXAD024894. Thanks

Pls be advice that you don't need an agent to process ur driver license. Go to FRSC on baa road by the flyover at kaduna street junction. They will advice you on the steps to take.

Pls how can this fit into a ES300 dash board that looks like this

I know this story, it happen close to where we are off the coast of niger delta

You can give them 6 or 3 month notice depending on the state you reside to the expiration of their rent. and followed by court order to vacate which usually gives a one-week notice. a notice can be issue, you don't have to wait till their rent expires. but their rent should expire b4 the actual quitting

Mod,

I have notice people advertising cars on this section when there is an auto section to do that. Or have the rules changed and i didn't know?!

@Cyberknight, your assertions about INNOSON, is not entirely correct. Most big dearlership in Nigeria are not willing to take a bet with their vehicle, because most Nigerians still prefers Japanese car brands. At present it's only patronize by govts mostly.

@daz York, the G5 SUV is already out. I saw that vehicle zoom past me last Sunday when I visited Anambra state. And I was saying the same thing to myself, 'why can't I find this in Portharcourt?

@Slendore, You're welcome

All, I posted some Nebosh materials on page 26 & 27 of this thread

@Jacksparrow, ideology, I posted some Nebosh materials on page 26 & 27of this thread

The real issue is people's ignorance about manufacturers specifications when it comes to consumable parts. Most owners lose their car transmission because they use the wrong transmission oil, I.e. abro transmission fluid. An the car is unforgiving when it concerns transmission fluid, na new gear box the person go most likely buy after such mistake. The gear box is quite expensive at that. Best advice is the buy what the car maker recommends. I know person who use this car without issues for years

the website is www.policebcmr.org

Bosiet cost about $2,000.

@sadrezi, most hse jobs are not advertise in nija, it's mostly circulated among those already in the industry. But some company do advertise on rigzone.com and you can also register in some of these IOCs website just in case. Good luck
.

@mavixng1, most company will not give you their company intellectual materials due to copy right issues. No matter how a company HES is structure, they contain basically the same thing. as for chevron they mostly defer to american standard. you can check OSHA, API and other american standards for guidance