₦airaland Forum

Kx:
[/b]

Boko Harram-Abokis,
Farouk Mutallab-North
Gboyega Akinbola and Oyetundi Oyedeji (Yoruba)
Militants and kidnappers-south south

Is there a competition among the ethnic groups to bring down the name of the country?

igbo-Kidnappers,Drug Dealers,419,etc.they are mostly based in South Africa,China,Spain Germany,etc.

Bakassi boy murders undergraduate
• [b]Victim is 159th
•Bizman fights for his release
From OKEY SAMPSON, Aba
Wednesday, December 30, 2009


•One of Bakassi boy
Photo: Sun Publishing
More Stories on This Section
When on Sunday, October 18, 2009 Elvis Chinaka Nwadike,  20, left  his father shortly after a discussion, at N0. 35A Arondizuogu Street, Aba, that after- noon to see a neighbour who had just put a call on his cell phone, little  did he know he would  not return  to the same house alive nor see his father  again to conclude the discussion.

That move out of the apartment on its own, marked  the beginning of a journey that ended his sojourn on earth – a journey of no return. His life was brutally  cut  short  in the most  gruesome  manner.

Narrating the pathetic  story of  how his son who had just before then, gained admission into the Federal University of Technology, Owerri (FUTO) to read petro-chemical  engineering was lured  by two of his neighbours and  supposed peer  group into the wicked hands of  a member of the dreaded Abia  Vigilance service (Bakassi Boys) simply  called  Kalu Bakassi aka Ogbu ngwa-ngwa (he who kills without hesitation) in their blood-letting fraternity, Mr. Boniface Nwadike  from Oburo, Ishi Ogwa in Mbaitoli Local  Government of Imo State, stated, “on the 18th day of October,2009, being a Sunday, I was in my house as I did not go to church that day”

The slain son after completing  his  morning chores that fateful day, at about 9.00 a.m came around  to tell his father he  would not follow them to attend their  family church, African Methodist Episcopal Zion church. Rather that he would worship at  nearby CMP Church, and  instead  gave his tithe  to one of his siblings  to  pay at the former.

But  behold death was lurking for him on that dark Sunday  in the most pathetic  manner. The dreadful Journey  to the great  beyond   started for  the young  Nwadike at about 3.05 p.m. “I was in the house with his mum  around 2.10 p.m when my  son returned  from church service”, started  the father of six  who is yet to come to terms as to why on earth  someone could callously murder his son.

Mr. Boniface Nwadike after wiping  out tears  that constantly ran down his cheek as he was faced with the stark  reality  of his first son’s exit to eternity more so the circumstances surrounding  his death, continued, “He told us that the sermon  he received at CMP made him felt he was in heaven.
“As we were deliberating on this, at about 3.05 pm, his cell phone rang and he brought it out and said oh! it’s a missed call. Then almost immediately the phone rang again and when I asked him who was calling, he said it was one boy called papa. 

“He stood up and made for the door to meet his caller. I followed him behind to see if I could know the papa.
“Before I could come out I saw my son, the said papa and another boy called Uchenna aka Game who also lives in the neighbourhood. Three of them  were strolling towards Ibadan street and as they went, I though it was the normal Sunday outing”.

But lo, it was not. Like Jesus, Elvis was betrayed by two heartless fellows who are in their early 20s and who one could aptly say were his friends  and play mates. But unlike the saviour, he never knew he was being led into the waiting hands of a hang man called Kalu Bakassi, a bestial who would butcher  and kill him like a common criminal. Within a short period, the deal had been done and behold, Elvis was no more! 

It was a callous  deal, planned and  perfectly executed  by the trio. When  Elvis as it were, was deceptively taken to Kalu Bakassi who was waiting somewhere, by his  friends and it downed on the  young man he was in for a trouble, he ran into a house,  No.103 Ibadan street, but there was no hiding place as Kalu Bakassi and an accomplice  who is still at large, pursued,  caught and put  helpless Elvis inside the boot of the M/ benz car they  came with for the operation and  drove off,

On reaching the Ibadan/Okoro road Junction, the assassins, who by then had  falsely  tagged Elvis a criminal  or so it seemed   and  cruelly applying  the crude and barbaric  method of eliminating perceived criminals by the Bakassi Boys of yore,  in their own world, sentenced the innocent boy to death and he had to be killed  immediately and so he was.

As the practice of Bakassi Boys  then was for any criminal caught, to be taken to his place of  residence for people around to testify  to his good character or otherwise, but in Elvis’ case he was the one rather pleading  with his assailants to be  taken to where  he lived for people who knew him to attest to his  impeccable character and not even his identity card he showed them could sway his killers.

People who were watching the unfolding drama from afar, were pitifully drawn the boy’s pleadings. Incidentally, the surging  crowd were forced to lollop  when the killers shot sporadically into the air, leaving  Elvis to his fate. The coast now clear, Kalu Bakassi used his well sharpened  machete to gave several  deep cuts on Elvis and as his victim  was still gasping for breathe, the hit man went for kerosene  and set him ablaze. The deal accomplished,  Kalu not stupefied, with  stupendous gaiety coasted back to base, not giving a hoot about his action.

Back home, Elvis’ father never knew what  had befallen  his son even when he saw the  three merchants of death move in susceptible manner passed in front  of his house at different times without his son whom they went out with. He never questioned  them about the boy’s where about because  he did not believe  any thing untoward  could happen to him,  but he was wrong.

The gory picture of his son’s brutal murder started staring Mr. Boniface Nwadike on the face soon after that. As he put it, “at about 3.45pm that Sunday,  I was sitting in front of our house when I  saw the boy called papa, he was  holding his shirt in his hand, sweating and running  towards Arondizuogu street (where he lives).  Not quite  ten minutes after that, I saw the man called Kalu Bakassi (I knew him earlier) he drove in his 230 V-boot m/benz along Arondizuogu street with  out his shirt  on and also sweating.

But Nwadike  still never suspected  anything. He did not know that Elvis born on Sunday July 27, 1989, had been murdered by Kalu that Sunday afternoon. But the bombshell came minutes later: “At about 4.10 p.m my daughter, Miss Ogechi Grace Nnadike ran to me and said his brother had been killed and his body set ablaze. I did not initially believe her, but when she persisted, I fainted only to be resuscitated the following morning by 7.30.

Was Elvis, who was popularly known  as Sunny boy (the additional name his father gave him    because he was born on a  Sunday)  a robber? Why would he be  killed like a common criminal? His  elder sister, Ogechi has this to say,  “Prior to that time, my brother (Elvis) had told me that the boy called Game had warned that he (Game) would  kill him like a common criminal. When I  asked him why, he said he would explain  later, but he never did before he was killed.

“But it was another pf my younger brothers Chukwuemeka that told me sunny was moving out with one girl by  the name Blessing and Game had warned him (Elvis) to keep away from the girl or he would get him killed”. Ogechi said when she confronted her late brother on  the issue, he told her he had called it quits with the girl in question  as he wouldn’t want to bear the wrought of anybody more over when the  issue  at stake was woman. But Game as it later  turned out to be, had already made up his mind and set out to play a dangerous game.
There is another angle to the murder  being fronted by counsel to the family of the slain boy, that is he might have been a victim of ritual murder.     

Albeit  no vital part of his body was  removed, but the lawyer based his reasoning on the premise that Kalu  Bakassi came back the following day to  take away  the charred  body of his  victim  and for the fact that a prominent business man in Aba in whose  house  the assailant is said to be living, is  making every spirited  effort to get him  released on bail.

Kalu Bakassi who confessed that Elvis was his 159th victim is strongly believed to be working for the prominent  businessman, who despite the fact that the  assailant’s v-boot m/benz  car which was recovered  by the  police with the blood stained were match,  from the  man’s  house along Okigwe road has continued to deny that Kalu was not  living in his house but merely  parked  his car there.

But that is by the way. The  main thrust of the matter is, if Elvis was a  criminal as the killers action  tend to  portend or suggest, is Kalu Bakassi who  hails from Amoji, Okoko Item in Bende  Local Government of Abia State and whose duty post as a so called Bakassi  Boy, is Ukwa East, has the right, jurisdiction speaking  to handle a case in Aba  south  and single-handedly too?

Interestingly, Kalu unlike in his previous dangerous exploits is alone in this matter. His colleagues have distanced themselves from  him. He went beyond his brief  and  has  to pay the prize they reasoned and rightly too. For this reason, members of the group volunteered information  that led to the killer’s arrest.

The Ogwa community living in Aba have vowed to see to the end of this matter and are all out to support Mr.  Boniface  Nnadike, a school principal and  the father of the slain boy, get justice. According to  the chairman of the Oburo Ogwa development  union  in Aba, chief  Chima Anosike, “we took the decision because  of the late  boy’s credibility  and that of  members of  his  family which are  not in doubt.

The police at the Ndiegoro Police station where the matter was initially reported to, handled it with lavity as they released  all 7  persons arrested  in connection with the gruesome murder. The Ogwa community in  Aba, sensing something sinister, through  their lawyer, wrote a  petition to the   Inspector General of police, Mr Ogbonna  Onovo who immediately directed the  Zone 9 police in Umuahia, to take over the matter. Ironically, when Mr. Barnabas Ogu the new IPO arrived Aba to take over the case file, he was told there was non as the police at Ndiegoro claimed there was no arrests made.

At present however, the matter has been started afresh and four suspects, including Kalu Bakassi and Game have been arrested. Kalu has been paraded for identification by the police at the very scene of the incident and no few than 35 persons physically identified him as the killer of Elvis aka Sunny boy.
But the pertinent question here is, if Kalu Bakassi could  be so closely linked with the dastardly act, why is the prominent businessman who is said to hail from Abiriba in Ohafia local government of Abia state, so desperate to get him released on bail at all costs in a matter if convicted carries capital punishment? [/b]

http://www.sunnewsonline.com/webpages/news/national/2009/dec/30/national-30-12-2009-04.htm

[b]Fire guts Ibadan market
By Oseheye Okwuofu Published Today News Rating: Unrated

Fire fighters and sympathisers at the scene
There was tragedy yesterday in Ibadan, the Oyo State capital, as the popular Aleshinloye Market was razed, destroying goods worth millions of naira.

Many of the affected traders were seen weeping, just as hundreds of shop owners rushed to their shops where they hurriedly evacuated their goods.

The fire, which started at about 4.30pm, according to eyewitness’ account, razed about 10 shops where shoes, textile materials, and jewelries were sold.

It was gathered that the fire service station within the market could not put out the fire because of lack of equipment.

However, the fire service from the state secretariat saved the day.

The source of the inferno could not be ascertained at press time, but it was gathered that it might have been caused by a generator.

Traders dealing in textile materials, ready-made dresses and jewelries were said to have been worst hit.

One of the affected traders, who pleaded for anonymity, described the inferno as a disaster.

She commended the efforts of the Fire Service for their timely response which she said helped in putting out the fire.

She said the traders should thank God that the incident happened in the day, saying it would have been terrible if it happened at night.

She called on the state government to compensate the traders.[/b]
http://thenationonlineng.net/web2/articles/30553/1/Fire-guts-Ibadan-market/Page1.html

[b]The ‘Somaliasation’ Of Nigeria
Letter from Washington Dec 29, 2009 By Sam  Uzo Nwankwo
For the second year running I have been warned by my kinsmen not to dare come home for Christmas. My family would be easy prey for prowling kidnappers. Now for a rural “boy” like me, this is nothing short of  tragic. A calamity  of unimaginable proportions.  No matter what I may be today, I am essentially a village man at heart.

Prior to my being  plucked out, the village was my  entire universe. It was there that the first bonds of my life were formed: where my peers and I attended the village primary school, hunted for rabbits, fetched firewood from the farm,  trekked to the stream to fetch water, set traps that never seemed to catch anything,  shot at birds which were always too smart for our catapults,  took our vengeance on  the lizards which were not as smart.

In that process eternal bonds were formed with the land and with my peers, countless uncles,  aunties and cousins. Bonds which have ever since kept bringing me back to my village, the land of my birth.

As an adult today, I have attended some of the best schools in this world,  Achimota College in Ghana, Imperial College in the U.K.,  been to some of the most exotic cities in this world, and can therefore be considered as a man of the world, comfortable with “civilization” and everything that modern living or technology has to offer. Yet there is no place in this whole wide world that gives me  as much joy and relaxation as time spent in my village.

Where else can I slip into my pair of shorts and slippers and joyfully trek around, from one homestead to another, renewing acquaintances and exchanging greetings amidst raucous laughter? Where else can I sit with those my peers of yore , now members of my age grade, reminiscing about our past adventures, exchanging endless banters amidst endless bottles of drinks? Where indeed, would I happily accept that all my learning and engineering expertise count for nothing and has not made me anything special before my peers, some of who may be stark illiterates ?

In whose company would I revel despite the fact that they feel they have the  natural license to direct any  type of insult at me and I would joyfully join in the ensuing laughter ?  ”…, see your huge eyes almost popping out of your head…, is it not because you have refused to respect me ? Give me another drink,  anu ohia …. !!“

In most parts of the world, the standard reaction to kidnapping is to REFUSE TO PAY RANSOM. The reason is simple. Once you give in , there will be no end to it. You create an industry. The initial decision may  prove painful and difficult and may even lead to a loss of life if the kidnapper is a truly vicious type.  But you must  stick to the principle of paying no ransom because you are saving tomorrow’s potential victims.  Once you resolutely show that  you will not yield to such pressure, the criminal looks for other means.

It was for this reason that kidnapping and hijacking fizzled out as a tool for pursuing the Palestinian cause in the 1970s and 1980s. On October 7 , 1985 Palestinian  fighters seized an Italian cruise ship in Egyptian waters and demanded the release of 50 Palestinian prisoners by Israel. They were ignored. To prove their determination they shot and killed a 69-year old , wheel-chair bound Jewish passenger, Leon Klinghoffer, and pushed him overboard.

After a 2-day stalemate, Egypt (not yet aware of the murder of Klinghoffer) offered the hijackers a safe passage in exchange for the release of the ship and its  passengers. The terrorists were already airborne when the world learnt of this killing and quickly, U.S. navy F14 fighters scrambled and forced their plane to land in Sicily, Italy, where they were tried, convicted and given long prison sentences.

More recently, on September 1, 2004, Chenchen separatist fighters led by Shamil Basayev seized 1100 hostages, including 777 school children,  in a Beslan school and demanded that Russia ends the second Chechen war. Russia refused to yield and instead mounted a rescue operation that proved catastrophic .

When therefore the first white oil worker was kidnapped in the creeks of the Niger Delta the simple (even if painful) response from President Obasanjo’s government should have gone thus: “Sorry, Mr. Militant, we do not pay ransom. If this resolute stand had been taken I am convinced that even the home country of the victim ( which , no doubt was mounting pressure on our government) would perfectly understand this principled stand in private.

This is because , in a similar situation, they would do exactly the same. But what did our government do ? They quickly and secretly organized a ransom package for the brigands through the state government to get the hostage freed. They then came out in the open to announce to us all that no ransom was paid !  But who were they deceiving? Those who were paid knew they had been paid. So did their friends who  saw them suddenly swimming in unimaginable wealth.

When the  hoodlums ran out of whites to kidnap it was only natural that they should start picking rich Nigerians and their children. After all, the kidnapping business was just too lucrative to give up simply because all the whites had fled the creeks. The industry spread to other parts of the south, particularly Igbo land.

From Abia to Anambra the new business took off with a vengeance. In short order we overtook the Niger Deltans in both the frequency and viciousness of the trade.  But it seems that Ngwaland, where I come from , had been voted the headquarters of these marauders !!

This is how we arrived at the point today where it would be foolhardy for me or indeed any “elite “ from my area , to go to my beloved village and spend even ONE night.  Against the vehement protestations of my wife I decided I just had to visit my village in November 2009. So many issues needing personal intervention.

After  more than a week of constant debate (where will I get money to pay kidnappers…. you want to kill me before my time!) , I managed to wear down the opposition but she insisted on setting the ground rules :  You do not go in any of the family cars.

You do not inform anyone of your trip.  You most certainly do not spend the night !!  As early as 6.30 am on Saturday 28 November, 2009, I chartered a nondescript taxi from Enugu and, like a spy from an enemy territory, with a bowler hat partially obscuring my face,  I embarked on SECRET trip to my own home town !!  I tell you, James  Bond would have been proud of me !

On arrival I made a detour to pick a young chap from another part of the village whom I wanted to execute some long delayed assignments for me.

Very surprised to see me, his first words to me were “ De, I hope you are not spending the night ?”  He then proceeded to narrate how, just the previous night, kidnappers had come to the palace of our traditional ruler and shot dead THREE of his guards outside his gate.

Even though no attempt had been made to gain entry and take the Eze, it was widely interpreted as a warning to the Eze who, I was told, had been working hard to set up a security network to foil the incessant cases of kidnapping raging throughout the community and indeed all the surrounding local governments. In fact I spent a total of just four hours, discharging the duties that brought me, after which I fled !

The anarchy that is reigning in Igboland in general and Ngwaland in particular is frightening and yet  no level of government- local, state or federal- seems to be  concerned.  Not only have all people of means stopped going home, they have had to evacuate their parents and other loved ones as well because these people also became targets.

If you live in the US or any part of Europe and your aged parents are at home they can be used to extort the millions you are supposed to have accumulated abroad.  I have a kinsman who lives in the US and whose mother is so old she can hardly stand on her own.  She had to be hurriedly hustled out of the village when my maternal uncle whose daughter lives in the US was kidnapped for ransom.

Another uncle of mine whose son is a professor in the US quickly relocated to a far-away city with his wife,  leaving his other son at home to look after the family home .

In short order, the son at home started receiving threatening text messages to the effect that if he thought he was being clever by removing his parents from their reach, he was deceiving himself. When they seize him they said, his parents will be forced to resurface . Naturally, the son also fled , abandoning the entire homestead !

A very rich and retired oil worker in my village refused to leave the village despite all the mayhem surrounding him. Then one night they came for him. But he and his household were prepared for them.

The gun battle that ensued was such that drove many families into the bush that night. Bullets were raining in the neighbourhood as if an ammunition dump had been accidentally set on fire.

According to them, not since the Biafran war had they experienced such a ferocious battle front.  Dynamites and grenades were used on his massive gates, to no avail,  but the marauders would not give in.  Eventually they scaled the high fence and,  shouting that no one would be harmed as long as none of their members was killed,  the man and his household stopped shooting and surrendered. They whisked him away.

The purpose of these narratives is to illustrate the state of lawlessness pervading not just in my home town but in most parts of Igboland today. Kidnapping is now a daily occurrence in this part of Nigeria even though it is only the ones involving prominent people that get into the news.

And there are victims of every grade. There are N50,000.00 ransom victims just as there are N10million ones. We all  thought we knew just how bad  our police force was until a former Inspector General recently confessed in an interview that there are only two ways the Nigerian police could solve a crime : either the criminal is caught red-handed or he confesses !!

Mark zero for preventive policing. Mark zero for forensic investigations. How much hope can anyone repose in such a “police “ force ?  Ours seems to be all Force on hapless, innocent citizens. Anarchy reigns supreme while those ostriches in Abuja bury their snouts in the National Chop Box.

They probably think it does not concern them, surrounded as they are by the paraphernalia of power. But I have news for them.  This is how Somalia started. Since 1991, that blighted country has not known a stable central government with central authority.

Everybody with an AK-47 is a law unto himself. A veritable jungle where survival is only for the fittest. The build up to that mayhem was not too different from what we are seeing today in many parts of Nigeria.   Siad Barre was happily ensconced in his palatial surroundings in Mogadishu until the thunder of lawlessness from the countryside engulfed him.

The Federal Government should wake up today and tackle the anarchy that is reigning in the South East. It is not enough to crow about an amnesty in the Niger Delta while a substantial part of the country is slowly burning and dying from lawlessness. Just because our own troubles are not affecting oil exploration does not mean we should be abandoned to perish. PLEASE NIGERIA, GIVE MY VILLAGE BACK TO ME  !![/b]

http://www.vanguardngr.com/2009/12/29/the-%e2%80%98somaliasation%e2%80%99-of-nigeria/comment-page-1/#comment-119439

Nigeria is a sad story! We need to start talking about breaking this failed state up. Nigeria is not working. period.

oyo boys are the next bini boys.

;d

;d

How armed robbery suspect met waterloo
By Adebayo Waheed - Updated: Tuesday 22-12-2009


[b]Dead armed robbery suspectOne of the suspected armed robbers who have been terrorizing motorists plying Iseyin-Adoawaye road, Oyo State was on Thursday shot dead by the men of the Oyo State police command, while a commuter was killed by robbers.

Crime and Security learnt that a distress call was put to the police that some armed robbers were robbing passengers along the road.

On getting to the scene, police said the met a youngman was sighted with rifle and a Peugeot car inside the bush’ The Police Public Relations Officer (PPRO), DSP Olabisi Okuwobi who confirmed the incident said that vehicle was robbed by the robbers and one of the occupants was killed.

The robbers were said to have engaged the policemen in gun battle which led to one of them sustaining injuries in the legs, while others escaped with the rifle. According to the PPRO, the injured robber was arrested but gave up the ghost before any medical treatment could be given to him, She said that 10 live ammunition, 12 expended lar ammunition and 1 expended cartridges were found on him.

The robbers had shot at the vehicle’s tires which led to the death of one of the passengers while other sustained injuries. In another development, the police have recovered a Toyota Jeep with double registration numbers from the suspected armed robbers.

DSP Okuwobi told Crime and Security that the police had received distress call that some armed robbers were robbing people at Hope area of the state capital. On sighting the police, the robbers were said to have escaped in to an Honda car, abandoning the Toyota Jeep with registration number AD 174 BDJ which was different from the JU 572 AAA inscribed on the screen.

She said that 14 live cartridges and expended pistol ammunition were found in the abandoned Jeep. When Crime and Security visited the police headquarters, the lifeless body of the armed robbers and the abandoned Toyota Jeep were seen.


http://www.tribune.com.ng/28122009/tue/crime3[/b].html

[b]Radar failure in Lagos
By Sun News Publishing
Monday, December 28, 2009 
Editorial Index


The recent report of a near air disaster at the Murtala Muhammed International Airport (MMIA) Lagos, following a breakdown of the communication and radar system of the Nigeria Airspace Management Agency (NAMA), has again brought into sharp focus the concerns of many stakeholders about air safety in the country.

The scary incident saw about 12 aircraft reportedly hovering in the air for several hours at the MMIA, with some making frantic calls for emergency landing, as they had almost exhausted their fuel.

According to the report, a Lagos-bound Ethiopian Airlines plane with 180 passengers on board from Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, demanded for emergency landing when it was running out of fuel. Also, a Qatar Airways flight QR592 with about 195 passengers requested for precautionary landing. These planes, like others on the air queue, had hovered for several hours waiting to be directed to land by the Air Traffic Controllers at the airport. Clearly, this incident gives cause for concern.

In a spirited defence, the authorities of NAMA initially denied the report on radar failure and insisted that there was no near mid-air collision in our airspace. The cause of the incident was linked to power outage from Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN), which caused the radar to automatically switch over to batteries. The inability of the engineers to remove the circuit breaker reportedly caused a spike, as both sources supplied power to the radar simultaneously.
Consequently, the radar shut itself down automatically, thereby forcing air traffic controllers to switch over to the procedural (manual) method of controlling the aircraft, as they could not see the aircraft on the radar.

It was the bid to change from radar, which provides the visual of the aircraft in the airspace, to procedural, which relies solely on audio communication, that made many aircraft to wait for landing at the airport, while others waited on the runway to take off. It is not in doubt that such chaotic situation could precipitate air disaster.

Though, the cause of the failure of the radar has been officially attributed to human error, there is the need for proper investigation of the incident. After initial denial, it is good that NAMA has begun preliminary investigations into the matter with a view to finding out those responsible for the carelessness that could have led to yet another monumental air disaster.

It is, indeed, sad that after much money has been sunk into the nation’s aviation sector to upgrade facilities and ensure air safety, avoidable mistakes of this magnitude still occur. The frequent reports of near disasters in the sector are alarming and embarrassing. It is disturbing that the agency denied this report in the first place. Instead of rushing to issue a disclaimer on the report, we believe that NAMA should have set up an investigation to find out the cause of the incident, and how to prevent a recurrence.

We call for a full scale investigation into this matter and recommend that all those involved in the near disaster that could have thrown the nation into another period of deep mourning, be reprimanded and sanctioned accordingly. We have had enough of these air disasters in recent times. Aviation authorities should do all in their power to plug all loopholes in the sector and assure all air travellers of safety in our skies.

Since human error was fingered as the major cause of the power outage that led to the incident, we urge those involved in the training of our aviation personnel to be more vigorous in the exercise, with a view to making them effective and efficient in their operations. The nation has invested so much money in ensuring safety in our air space, let those entrusted with this responsibility see that the government’s dream in this regard is not jeopardized.


  [/b]

http://www.sunnewsonline.com/webpages/opinion/editorial/2009/dec/28/editorial-28-12-2009-001.htm

Name: AWOGBAMI, Olaniran
Offense(s): Sexual Assault, Unlawful Flight to Avoid Prosecution

Point of Contact: Lone Star Fugitive Task Force (512) 916-5393

Aloy.Emeka:
I am sure one of them belong to your tribe and must be related to you.

yawn.

Aloy.Emeka:
You skipped your brother nah.

which one?lol.

[b]The Osu Caste System in Igboland Discrimination Based on Descent


By

Victor E. Dike



Introduction


The Igbos are found mostly in the Southeastern and South-central Nigeria called Igboland or Igbo society (Alaigbo or Anaigbo). By the late 20th century the population of the Igbos are about 27 million.1 The majority of the Igbos are Christians, but some of them practice the indigenous traditional religion, whose major tenets are shared by all Igbo-speaking people of Nigeria (Uchendu 1965). The traditional religion is passed on to succeeding generations, but the advent of Christianity in Igboland around "1885" had some influence on the traditional beliefs (Talbot 1969). The indigenous traditionalists believe in the earth goddess, deities and ancestral spirits and in a Creator-God, Chukwu, Obasi, Chi, or Chineke, the "Supreme God" (Achebe 1959). The Igbo traditional beliefs have some positive influence on the culture and social lives of the people. For instance, the forefathers of the Igbos were known for their righteousness, honesty and hard work. And they were opinion leaders, impartial judges and people of impeccable character.




However, a relic of the indigenous religious practice of the Igbos is the dehumanizing Osu caste system, which has divided and alienated the Igbos.




Therefore, this paper discusses the Osu caste system, an indigenous religious belief system, practiced within the Igbo nation, with the purpose of bringing the discriminatory, dehumanizing and obnoxious Osu caste system to the attention of the international community. This is because whenever issues of discriminatory practices around the world are tabled for discussion in the international community the repugnant and discriminatory Osu caste system is never mentioned.



Definitions of Terms

It is essential to provide some definitions and clarifications of terms associated with the Osu caste system. It would be very difficult, if not impossible to explain and analyze the terms related to the issue to individuals who are not familiar with the system without an explanation of the many labels describing the Osu. Each ethnic nationality in Nigeria has its own reasons for discriminating against their own people; and some of the reasons are apparently religious.




The Igbos, which are the center of this discourse, discriminate against each other by reason of the Osu caste status. The Igbo people refer to the Osu in varied names; it is referred to as Adu-Ebo in Nzam in Onitsha. In the Nsukka area it is referred to as Oruma; it is called Nwani or Ohualusi at Augwu area.2 These names, Osu, Ume, Ohu, Oru, Ohu Ume, Omoni (Okpu-Aja), have the same connotation in Igboland. The people referred to by the names are regarded as sub-human being, the unclean class, or slaves.




In this paper the author shall use the term, Osu, to describe all the lower caste groups in Igboland. It should noted that in their hierarchy of social status, the Ume (especially, in this author’s community) is the Osu class the Diala abhors to interact or socialize with the most.




The Osu, by definition, is a people sacrificed to the gods in Igbo community. And they assist the high priest of the traditional religion to serve the deities or the gods in their shrine. It is the belief of many Igbo traditionalists that the deities, which were (and are still) perceived in some quarters as being very powerful, would wreck havoc in the society, if they are not appeased. In some special circumstances, those who hold the traditional beliefs of the Igbos could transform a Diala who committed certain atrocities against the land, into an Osu. This process involved intricate rituals (offering of libations and sacrificing animals to the earth goddess). Some of the ancestors of the present-day Osu people inherited their dehumanizing social status this way. That method is now a thing of the old; Western influence has affected this practice. Presently, one could acquire the Osu status through inheritance and marriage.




Because of many oral interpretations of the construct, the Osu has various definitions. It has been defined as a ‘cult slave,’ a living sacrifice,’ an ‘untouchable,’ ‘outcast,’ ‘owner’s cult,’ ‘a slave of the deity,’ and a ‘sacred and holy being.’ 3 These names mean the same: it is an abomination in the Igbo society for the Diala to marry Osu.




For this author, the Osu caste system is a societal institution borne out of a primitive traditional belief system colored by superstition, and propagated by ignorance. It is absurd to categorize a human as a sub-human being. Although this author is not a member of the group, he condemns the practice of the Osu caste system, because it is a human rights aberration.




The Osu caste system, which is a form of discrimination, has caused inter-communal discords and wars between the Osu and the Diala in Igboland. And many lives and properties have been destroyed as a result.




According to the United Nations definition, ‘discrimination includes any conduct based on a distinction made on grounds of natural or social categories, which have no relation either to individual capacities or merits, or to the concrete behavior of the individual person.’ The discrimi-natory Osu practices involves inequality in freedom of movement and choice of residence, inequality in the right of peaceful association, inequality in the enjoyment of the right to marry and establish a family, (and) inequality in access to public office… slavery’ (Allport 1979, p. 52). That is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland. If one may ask, could a right exist if it is not regularly enforced? To put it differently, can a right exist without specific legislation that provides for its protection and remedies if violated? Oddly enough, the victims of the Osu system have not any legal recourse in Igboland. And strangely, some people believe that the humiliating Osu caste system is a part of the Igbo culture nobody should temper with. Fortunately, many Igbos have a contrary opinion.



The Osu Caste System and the Indigenous Religious Practices of the Igbo nation

All human beings are created equal, but human experiences are heterogeneous. Some people have had it rough all their life on earth, while others do not have a lot to complain about. Naturally, life has the same meaning for everyone, but the Osu caste system in Igboland seems to have changed the meaning of life for a group of people branded Osu. No historical question gives the Igbos more concern than that of, "How did the Osu caste system come to be in Igboland?" This section of the paper attempts to deal with the question.




There are many versions of oral information on the origins of the Osu caste system. In the absence of documented information, oral sources are central to the study of history in Igboland, and other parts of Nigeria. There is a paucity of written information on the issue of the Osu caste system. This is apparently because many people shy away from discussing the issue for fear of being branded Osu lovers. However, available little documented information show that the Osu caste system started out of the indigenous religious practices of the Igbos.




The indigenous religion is interwoven with Igbo cultural practices, and it is difficult for foreigners to fully understand and appreciate the good part of the Igbo culture. The indigenous Igbo regards himself as a meeting point of Mother Earth or "Ala", which contains all physical creation and the ancestral spirit that is functionally linked to his ancestors. The Supreme Spirit "Chi-Ukwu" or "Chukwu" is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything. The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the deities that are ultimately linked to one’s "chi" or spiritual force. Deities are derived out of objects of creation such as ‘geophysical landmarks’ like seas, lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains, spirits such as warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders. Those geophysical landmarks are regarded as the homes of the gods and the ancestral spirits (Isiechi 1976). And the gods are perceived as the bridges between the people and their life. And the belief was that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect them and serve their interest.4




An individual’s fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that exist between one’s "chi", the deities and the Creator or "Chineke". Humans interact directly with deities, which function as intermediaries to the Supreme Spirit or Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one’s domain is an assurance that one is likely to obtain the largesse of creation while, at same time, minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an individual’s obligation to observe the customs of the land since their violation could offend the deities; and goodwill and protection from the deities depends on one’s cordial relationship with them.




Every indigenous Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family’s ancestral spirits resided and communed with the living. There were (are still) village and town deities, which became more powerful because of their reputation or notoriety. This category of deities is almost like institutions unto themselves. The deities were (and some are still) attended to by highly respected priests and assistants, who were (are) engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors who could come from far away places to commune at the famous shrines.




Historical accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful deities created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major shrines. Miniature ‘monasteries’ were established in the vicinity of major shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. And because some of these deities are believed to be very powerful, they should be attended to on continuous basis, with intricate religious rituals in their shrines. However, the "indigenous monks," upon mastering their spiritual functions (of learning to serve the gods) were unjustly and erroneously assigned the Igbo pejorative name of Osu, Ume or Ohu arusi (the slave of the deities/gods or shrines). And so was the story of how the institution of the Osu cult (ritual slavery) originated. The Osus and their descendants belonged to the gods; and they become the properties of the shrines. And they resided in the vicinity of the shrines of major deities and for all practical purposes excluded themselves from routine engagements with the rest of the community. In other words, being the agents of the deities the Osus maintained an aloof relationship with the rest of the civil society.




The early Osu ranks were "non-celibate" and thus had families; and the offspring inherited their status. The community maintained a set of rules that regulated their interactions with the Osus, mostly out of fear (and or respect) for the powerful deities under which they thrived and performed their religious functions. For instance, intimate social interaction, including marriage, was forbidden between Osus and the Diala. In some communities, it is forbidden for the Diala to spill the blood of Osus (even in non-hostile situations). Some communities go as far as forbidding the Diala from eating meat that was butchered or prepared by an Osu. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the Osus and the Diala grew and till today, but they vary from place to place. Any person who breaches the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu automatically becomes an Osu. Even though the offenders may not physically relocate to cohabit with the Osus, they were (are) regarded and treated like an Osu by the rest of the community. Like the racism, Osuism 5 have distorts and impedes normal interpersonal relationship between the Diala and Osu in Igboland.




Before the arrival of the ‘white man’ and Christianity, the discriminatory relationship that existed between Osus and Diala was perceived as normal. Things are gradually changing; the world is beginning to perceive the Osu caste system as a form of discrimination. However, the Osus fulfilled their lives in the communities by serving the deities. In return, they obtained a reasonable livelihood from proceeds of offerings that pour steadily into the premises of the deities that they served. The coming of the Europeans led to a process of social change and some of the customs of the indigenous Igbo society were beginning to be seen as going contrary to the beliefs of the Europeans. In the past, the tradition of some of the Igbo states, such as Ossomari and Arondizuogu, engaged in communal wars with the intention of procuring captives and slaves. Communities tended to punish their criminals by selling them into slavery. In some cases, parents were forced by "poverty and hunger" to sell their never-do-well children. During this stone-aged era human sacrifice was common, and slaves were often used for this purpose. According to Isiechi (1976), the dead rulers of Igbo Ukwu were buried together with several slaves as sacrifices.




However, the trans-Atlantic slave trade contributed to the frequency of inter-clan wars, which often resulted in neighboring communities raiding each other for slaves and other booties. The Osus were forbidden to be combatants in warfare for fear of spilling their blood, which could unleash the wrath of the deities. Some defenseless small communities were often compelled to seek refuge in the premises of nearby shrines in order to avert impending doom when under sudden attack from superior invading forces. Once the deity’s high priest acknowledged and granted them protection from attack and harm to the refugees, they were automatically converted to the Osu status.




In some circumstances, prisoners captured during inter-communal wars were sold off, and their new owners could elect to enlist some of them to Osu status by giving them away as gestures of and placation to a local deity. Other captives could be sold as slaves or become objects of ritual murder, which occurred mostly upon the death of powerful chieftains. However, some war captives preferred the Osu status rather than being sold far away to distant lands as slaves. Thus, the population of the Osu increased. Evidence suggests that the Osu were originally regarded with "respect and honour" apparently because they belonged to the gods. This show of respect for those who attended to the shrines, unfortunately, transformed into social ostracism. 6 And the Osus were not many in number. But in the nineteenth century, "their numbers expanded and their status deteriorated dramatically, so that they became outcasts, feared and despised" or even abhorred (Basden 1966).




With the abolition of slave trade in the nineteenth century (1807) the loss of external outlets for the sale of slaves led to an unprecedented escalation of the practice of using human beings for sacrifice. It was reported that forty slaves were killed and used for sacrifice at the death of Obi Ossai of Aboh, in 1845 (Isiechi 1976). As mentioned earlier, there is a strong Igbo belief that the spirits of one’s ancestors keep a constant vigil over him/her. And traditional religion was highly practiced by the traditionalists; thus, the spirits of the all-important ancestors were worshipped through the gods or deities.




In addition, the cessation of trans-Atlantic slave trade (and the inculcation of new values from the Europeans), the respect accorded to the Osu (because of their role as servants of powerful deities) began to wane. As noted earlier, the European missionaries began to perceive the ways of the indigenous religious practices as impediments to their mission of spreading the Christian faith. Thus, assault on the Igbo indigenous religious practices was fierce and multi-faceted. Children were effectively indoctrinated in the emerging school system to reject their parents’ traditional way of life, which was characterized as both primitive and barbaric. The children in schools were used effectively as conduits for transforming the rest of the family.




In most cases, parents opted to join their children by converting to Christianity in order to avert major internal family crises. Where such was not the case, the aging parents were simply allowed to die away with their indigenous religious and cultural belief system. The converts to the new faith were used by early missionaries as effective tools for the destruction of cultural artifacts and religious objects like shrines, traditional sculptures and a host of other valuable indigenous artwork. Test of the new converts’ faith in Christianity was usually their ability to destroy any relics of the past within their reach. But the whole of Igbo culture did not lie only in its artistic, cultural and religious artifacts. In spite of all the destruction, the average Igbo person retained the core values of his cultural heritage. Many people became churchgoers on Sundays, but remained loyal to the indigenous culture.




The interest of the British in Nigeria was purely economic; and this took precedence over everything else. The Osu caste system, a dynamic offshoot of Igbo indigenous religious practice, remains alive today as the British and their converts could not obliterate the belief system. And as those entrapped in the caste system could not be helped by system of their new Christian faith, they became disillusioned.




One of the factors that enabled early Christian missionaries to establish a foothold quickly in the Igbo heartland was their promise to new converts (mostly the Osus) that the new order would guarantee equality of rights and opportunities to everyone. But disillusionment (as earlier noted), soon dampened their enthusiasm when it gradually became clear that even the "whiteman’s church" was not powerful enough to stop the discriminatory treatment meted out to them. The Osus, at the time in review, were known to have pursued Western education in large numbers. In addition, many joined the new Christian mission as priests and teachers. In spite of these accomplishments, the Osus’ right to equal treatment remained unfulfilled, because neither the Christian missionaries nor the sketchy colonial administration in place had what it took to change the attitude of the people at the grassroots level where the Osu practice predominates. Presently, the Osus are like refugees who have been abandoned to wonder in the wilderness after being dislodged from their comfortable places as the servers of the deities. The respect and dignity that the Osus experienced because of their role within the indigenous religion has now been replaced with a de facto social ostracism from which escape is extremely difficult.



Another story has a different version of how the Osu system came to be in Igboland community. The story had it that an old man told some children who were gathered with him around a camp fire during a cold harmattan morning how a group of traditional elders ganged up to give up one of their own to the gods of the land. (The harmattan is a cold and dry wind blowing down from the north). The storyteller reported that his father told him that there was an agreement among the persons that were gathered for a ritual that one person from the village would be sacrificed to the gods, which would be made to appease the gods of the land that were terrorizing the community. Everyone at the meeting swore in the name of the gods and on the ofor (the ofor is the bible for those who hold traditional Igbo beliefs) that nobody would disagree with their decisions. The powerful gods would be made happy so that they would desist from wrecking havoc on the community. The man who was later chosen to attend to the shrines did not know that he was the person that would be selected to perform the task of serving the gods.




When the man who was a party to the decision was unanimously selected (to be offered in sacrifice to the deities), he jumped up from his chair and cried, as he knew what his social status would be in the community. After a series of intense rituals were undertaken, the man was transformed and labeled an Osu of the land. And his descendants have since inherited his status. The community had to build a hut for him at a market square of the town, as the gods are usually located near a market place in many communities in Igboland.7 Thus, the Osu system finds rationalization in Igbo religious beliefs and dogma.




Each time these stories are recounted, it would be easy for any rational person to figure out that they are colored by misconception. It is the opinion of this author that the Osu caste system, which has caused a lot misery to many people in Igboland, originated out of ancient beliefs. All these stories about the Osu caste system precede the Chinua Achebe’s popular Things Fall Apart, in which the plights of the Osu or outcast in Igboland were vividly, described (1959, pp.154-156).




No matter how the Osu caste system originated in Igboland, and no matter its apparent past benefits, it is now the feeling of many peace-loving individuals that the ancient institution, which is an internal apartheid in Igboland, has outlived its usefulness. To redeem the Osus and Igbo society (which practice the obnoxious Osu caste system) one should revisit the past so as to explain the rationale behind the once vibrant Osu caste culture. The Osu caste system remains a sad reminder of the historical past of the Igbo nation. The only way to put those sad memories to rest is to find the ways and means to terminate the discriminatory practices of the Osu caste system as it exists today. And with the co-operation of everyone in the Igbo nation, this task can be accomplished.




Internal Apartheid


Many other forms of discriminatory practices abound in Nigeria, but the Osu caste system is the main focus here. In the Southeast of Nigeria, the people of Umuode in Nkanu East local government area of Enugu State, who are said to be the descendants of the Osu, are being treated as second class citizens. In their Oruku community made up of Umuode, Umuchiani and Onuogowu, the people of Umuode have limited social interaction with the rest of the community because of their ascribed Osu status. And strangely, the other two villages cannot intermarry with the people of Umuode. No matter their social status in the community the local churches could hardly appoint the people of Umuode to positions of responsibility. Thus, the people are made outcasts. This class ostracism is operated in such a manner that any person from the other side of the community who talks to, or greets any person from Umuode, pays a fine sometimes as high as one Thousand Naira (N1,000). Because of this situation the people of Umuode operate their own local market different from the Eke-oruku market, which is owned exclusively by Umuchiani and Onuogowo. The people of Umuode have waged wars against this social stigma; about five major conflicts have been recorded in this area since 1995, and many lives have been lost (Agbaegbu, 12 Jan. 2000).




The people of Umuaka community in Imo State, Nigeria, categorize one of their ten villages Osu. Other minor lower caste groups found in many kindred are given the pejorative Igbo expression of ‘ndi ejiri goro ihe,’ meaning those who are sacrificial lamb to the gods. They are slaves to the gods of the community and kindred. As is the case in Umuode in Oruku community, the discrimination of the Diala against the Osu in Umuaka affects marriage and relationships of love with the Osu and the rest of the community. The Diala is traditionally and socially abhorred and forbidden to marry an Osu; intermarriage with Osu is an abomination.




However, some communities, for example, Nnobi in Idemili local government area of Anambra State, have been able to fully integrate their Osu population into the mainstream of the community. 8 All other Igbo communities should emulate the good work of the Nnobi community and work harder to bridge the Osu divide in their areas.




In Umuaka the Osus who are interested in politics in the community are not getting the necessary support from the rest of the community. This has greatly hindered their social upward mobility in the community. In the past the avid supporters of the Osu caste system would even refrain from eating (dinning) with them or drink from the same water-well (pond) with the Osu.




As noted earlier, this type of behavior could be likened to the issues during the civil right struggles in the United States when the ‘whites’ and ‘blacks’ were prevented from drinking from the same public fountain (Smelser 1981). In the past when the Osu discriminatory behavior was taken to the extreme, those who believed in the system would even refrain from touching the Osu for fear of being transformed into an Osu. In addition, in the past the ardent supporters of the Osu caste system would not buy whatever the Osu merchants had for sell in the local market. During that period in review, there was an apparent superstition that the ghost of the ancestors would haunt any person who was friendly with the Osu. There has been some slight improvement in social interaction between the Diala and the Osu, although inter-marriage between the two is still seen as a social taboo by the Diala.




In the late 1980s, the Osu people in Umuaka revolted, as they could not take the humiliation from the Diala any more. They physically assaulted a couple of women from the Diala section of the community, with the intention of transforming the women to Osu so that the Diala would reject them. The action would also give them the taste of the pains and humiliation of the Osu status. The brouhaha that followed this action was short-lived, as the Diala in the community responded with counter forces. In Imo State alone over 60 of such incidents have been reported since 1979 (see Ezeala & the Association for Social Justice (not dated); and Agbaegbu, 12 January 2000).




The Osu social problem cannot be solved by temporarily subduing those groups that are suffering from injustices with force. This author is not advocating violence, but the riots, which occurred in Umuaka in the late 1980s, and those of Umuode in the 1990s, are cautionary tales of what might happen to some of the Igbo communities if the plights of the Osu are not resolved. The insensitivity of the generality of the Igbos to the plights of the Osu has the potential to cause social violence in Igboland. And according to psychology, frustration can breed aggression. This author would like to add that hatred and discrimination breed frustration, which in turn breeds hatred and aggression. As Philosopher Spinoza rightly and nicely noted, "He who conceives himself hated by another, and believes that he had given him no cause for hatred, will hate that other in return" (Allport 1979, p.155).




The Igbos should begin to treat the "Osus" as the human beings that they really are. Any person who thinks they deserve the ugly social conditions they found themselves in should walk in their shoes (or switch lives with them) to feel their pains. While the world may not know everything about why and how conflicts occur in societies, several studies show that inequality, abuse of human and civil rights, absence of the rule of law, discrimination and absence of freedom are among the major causes of conflicts (and even civil wars). The United Nations’ documents on social unrest in African societies point to these factors.9




Although some of the behaviors against the Osu are caused by the traditional belief system of the Igbos, this author would say that many of the supporters of the Osu caste practice are deficient in the skills needed to analyze the socio-economic and political development of the Igbo nations. If not, they should have known that such behaviors toward the so-called Osu affects the image of, and are detrimental to their welfare and the progress of the hardworking and peace loving Igbo society at large. It is criminal to violate people’s civil and human rights under the excuse of preserving an ancient culture. As it were, "An injustice unresolved…burns a hole in the heart" (Cose, April 21, 1997, p.45).




The Osu caste system and stereotype


It has been noted in the preceding sections that the Diala interact less with or avoids the Osu completely. In some communities in Igboland an Osu is regarded as a worthless human being. As Things Fall Apart notes in a conversation, which ensued over the question of admitting outcasts to a local little church in the village of Mbanta, between Mr. Kiaga, a missionary teacher, and one of the converts, the Osu is:


a person dedicated to a god, a thing set apart – a taboo forever, and his children after him. He could neither marry nor be married by the freeborn. He was in fact an outcast, living in a special area of the village, close to the Great Shrine. Wherever he went he carried with him the mark of his forbidden caste – long, tangled dirty hair. A razor was a taboo to him. An Osu could not attend an assembly of the freeborn, and they, in turn, could not shelter under his roof. He could not take any of the four titles of the clan, and when he died he was buried by his kind in the Evil Forest. How could such a man be a follower of Christ? (Achebe 1959, p.156)




The issue of stereotyping is not new. With almost a uniform agreement among white Americans, African-Americans are labeled (in error), as lower class in mentality and manners. In a study conducted in the 1930s, Kimball Young listed many stereotypes for the "Negroes" in the United States. The study noted that African-Americans have "emotional instability, [are] lazy and boisterous" (Young, 1934, pp.158-163).




Why does the Diala avoid (or interacts less) with the Osu groups? When this author was younger, he was told many ‘funny and strange’ stories about the Osu group in his community similar to those documented in Things Fall Apart. There is a belief that people interact less or avoid the Osu because they feared that the spirit of the deities (which the Osu people serve), would haunt those who socialize with the Osu. The people in the villages believe that the deities that the Osu attends to are powerful and dangerous.




Others would say that socializing with the Osu would contaminate, pollute and transform the Diala into an Osu. There is also the belief that since the Osu has been dedicated to the gods it was a taboo to socialize with the group. In addition, oral history would say that the Osu is isolated because they "steal" and are "dishonest." Yet, other stories would say that the Diala abhor those branded Osu because they are "dirty" or that they have "repulsive body odor" and are "lazy." However, there is no empirical evidence to support these inhumane assertions (Dike 2002).




While some of the leaders of thoughts, the elite and politicians in Igboland pretend not to know about this social injustice, many reasonable and enlightened individuals in Igboland believe that the Osu caste system is a pure "politics of unreason" at its highest level (Lipset & Raab 1970). This discriminatory behavior is an added burden on the Osu who are already burdened with unemployment, poverty, crime and other injustices prevalent in Nigeria. And through socialization (and bias inherited from their parents) some of the Igbo youth have internalized the discriminatory behavior toward the Osu.



Culture and Social Progress


The Osu system is "a cultural albatross for the Igbo society," as it is an impediment to human relationships and social progress (Nwosu, June 19, 1999). The Osu caste system, which the forefathers of the Igbos invented, has become the culture in parts of Igboland. Sociologists have noted that the culture of a people influences their lives. And Igbo culture (as one can see), has influenced the practice and propagation of the Osu caste system.




Without a doubt, "Culture Matters" (Harrison and Huntington (eds.) 2000). The culture of a people, therefore, is an important variable in their social progress. Thus, a society’s heritage, values, and customs, in large part, determine its social progress. If discrimination and segregation are inimical to social progress, then no society should preserve that aspect of its culture, which hinders its progress.




If one may ask, are the shrines that were inherited from the ancestors to blame for the continued practice of the Osu caste system in Igboland? Is the caste system compatible with the principles of democracy? Are the civil and human rights of the Osu groups not being violated? Is the Osu caste system in agreement with the Igbos’ belief that one is his or her brother’s keeper? One cannot ask enough questions here!




Obviously the Osu culture violates the civil and human rights of the people subjected to it. It is also against the principles of democracy, as it encourages segregation and inhibits the free association of the Osu with the Diala in Igbo society. At a period when the world is evolving into a global community, there is no room for this type of hate and bigotry. Preaching democracy by word of mouth is not enough. It has to be followed with actions. The discriminatory treatment of this group by the Diala runs contrary to how Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart portrays the Igbo culture. Okonkwu visited Nwakibie "to pay his respects and also to ask for a favor" with two pots of palm wine. During the presentation of colanut and offering of libation Nwakibie intoned:

We shall all live. We pray for life, children, a good harvest and happiness. You will have what is good for you and I will have what is good for me. Let the kite perch and the eagle perch too. If one says no to the other, let his wing break. (Achebe, 1959, p.19)




Thus, any person (or group) who discriminates against any human being (or group), does not wish that person (or group) well. In fact, if it were within the power of the ardent believers of the Osu system to decide who would go to heaven. The untouchables (as the Osu is often referred to), because of their social status, would not be allowed any place in heaven. Fortunately, these heartless and overly mean-spirited individuals do not have the power to play God. The Osu system and other forms of discrimination should not occur in any modern society. Nigeria should begin to educate her population on the importance of respecting the human and civil rights of their fellow human beings. Although the Osu caste system is not a Pan-Igbo issue, the effects on the people subjected to it is as discouraging and humiliating as the effects of the racial discrimination in the United States, or apartheid policy in South Africa before 1994.




Global Perspective on Discrimination


Hatred and distrust between and among groups is not new. The Blacks in the United States suffer terrible discrimination in the hands of whites. As an example, the banks in the United States are much more reluctant to give loans/grants to blacks than to whites (The Economist, July 10th 1993). In Apartheid South Africa, blacks (before the system was dismantled in 1994), suffered similar discrimination in the hands of the whites.




Like the racial discrimination in the United States, the Osu caste system promotes an ideology of the supremacy of the Diala over the Osu. Because racial discrimination occurs mostly between people of different skin colors (e.g. black and white) or between people from different nationalities, it is very difficult to understand the Osu phenomenon in the social history of the Igbos (a people of the same ethnicity).




The modern world views the ownership of human beings by other human beings, and the use of human beings for sacrifice as evil. Sadly, this was one of the characteristics of the Osu caste system in Igboland. As mentioned earlier, several Osu slaves were buried as a ritual to bury and mourn for deceased rulers, including the ruler of Igbo Ukwu. And this practice expanded during the years of slave trade (Isichei 1976). Although the Osu people are not physically being slaughtered presently for rituals, but the Osu social stigma is a tremendous barrier to human relations and their upward mobility in some Igbo communities (see Chapter 2).




The sad fact remains that the domination and control of human beings by others has been a common practice in societies around the world; and this has been powered by prejudice and discrimination. For instance, slavery was an integral part of the ancient Greek society, and Plato was known to have opposed the enslavement of Greeks. Slaves were used for many tedious domestic chores in ancient Rome before the 2nd Century BC. But most of the slaves were foreigners and prisoners-of-war (Adkins and Adkins, 1994).




Unlike the Osu caste system in Igboland the slaves did not remain slaves from cradle to grave. And this practice of human enslavement did not go unchallenged. Three great slave revolts took place during this period. Two revolts occurred in Sicily in 135-132 BC and104-101 BC; and the other took place in Italy around 73-71 BC (Adkins & Adkins, 1994; Madden, 1996). However, those slaves became free by being given manumission (freedom) by their owner, or by buying their own freedom. And any children subsequently born to them became free citizens (Adkins & Adkins 1994; Madden, 1996).




As noted earlier, in the Apartheid South Africa racial segregation was the law of the land before 1994. In South Africa, the English are against the Afrikaner. Both are against the Jews; and all the three are opposed to the Indians. But all the four conspire against the native black South Africans (Allport 1979). But the apartheid system was destroyed with the combination of internal forces and pressure from multinational corporations and foreign countries. Some of the readers may recall that the election of Nelson Mandela as the first black president of the country apparently brought a closure to the inhuman system.




The Igbos of Nigeria were among the many nations that opposed the repressive system of Apartheid in South Africa. Although the Osu caste system in Igboland may not be perceived as a national issue, Nigeria and in fact, the Igbos who were against Apartheid in South Africa should have destroyed its own internal apartheid before asking South Africa to do the same. Unfortunately, at the turn of the 21st Century, the Osu caste system is still in existence in many Igbo communities. This system is as repressive, if not more repressive, than the apartheid system in South Africa. As it was in the apartheid system an Osu, in most part, is segregated from the rest of the community; they are more or less like a socially imprisoned people in the Igbo community.




Racial discrimination was prominent in the Southern part of the United States before the American Civil War (1860-1865). The so-called Jim Crow laws enforced segregation with separate public drinking fountains for blacks and whites. Other minorities, Hispanics, Vietnamese, Native Americans were (and are still) being treated with disregard in the United States (Smelser 1981). Federal and State laws by the end of the sixties prohibit discrimination in all places. And the laws weigh heavily on any person or organization found guilty of this offense. Despite all the laws against discrimination in the society, covert racial discrimination is still alive and well in the United States. There remain discriminations in employment, housing, and in marriage.




This author has been subjected to discrimination in many instances in the United States. In one painful and frustrating instance, he was intentionally negatively appraised, and disparately treated on the job. Why? This is simply because he is a black person. Having experienced discrimination in the United States, this author could not avoid speaking against discrimination in Igboland. The ability of a black person in the United States to perform a simple task is always in question by the racist white man, even after he or she has proved himself capable of performing the task beyond all reasonable doubt. As one writer rightly noted, in the year 2000, race in America still has a powerful impact on life experiences. Race affects mortality rates of black babies, the quality of education of black children where blacks live, how they interact with the police, the kind of employment opportunities or health care available to them – in short, life experiences from cradle to grave (Shaw, Feb. 25, 2000, p. A72).




Unlike the Osu caste practice in Igboland, racial discrimination in the United States is now chiefly practiced in covert and indirect ways. Because of all the laws in the society discrimination is no longer primarily a face-to-face encounter where embarrassment would result. And with the laws the victims of racial discrimination have some legal recourse. This is not to idealize the United States on race matters. White Americans are still very much better off; and they dominate political power. In other words, race still affects all facets of a black person’s life in the United States.




The common ill treatment of blacks, both the poor as well as the affluent could be seen in attitudes. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the Skin Heads and White Supremacy, are among the reminders of the hostility against minorities, and the dangers of discrimination and prejudice in the United States (Smelser 1981; Bettelheim & Janowitz, 1964).




Adolf Hitler’s hatred for the Jews and the atrocities his followers committed at the Auschwitz concentration camp, are still fresh in memory. The heinous act is very difficult to understand. In this camp millions of men, women, and children, mostly of Jewish descent, were murdered. Between the summer of 1941 and the end of World War II in 1945, about two and a half million people perished at Auschwitz in gas chambers and ovens. This was a deliberate genocide, which represented what Adolf Hitler had called the final solution of the Jewish problem. Nothing other than prejudice and discrimination against the Jews led to the horrible and unpardonable homicide (Allport 1979; Smelser, 1981; Shirer 1960).




The ending of the East-West Cold War and the peace treaty signed between Israel, Egypt, and Jordan has not helped the matter in the Middle East. And despite the on-going peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, the Arab/ Muslim, and Israeli conflict continues to simmer in the Middle East. In other words, violence between Muslims and Christians is still on the rise.




The caste discrimination in India is another global problem. The original caste system in India, Varna, came about when the Aryan-speaking nomadic groups migrated from the north to India in about 1500 BC. In other words, the caste system, which has been part of the Hindu religion, is believed to be nearly 3000 years old. The caste is an indicator of social and economic disparity in India.10 The Harijans (the unclean, the lowest of the low caste, outcast, or untouchables) were known to have performed the menial jobs in the society (Sarchet-Waller, 1996; Murthy, 1999). The Harijans and Chamars were formerly denied access to skilled jobs and landed property by virtue of their caste. In India religious sanctions are used to impose an assignment of social hierarchy, which is impossible to escape, except of course, by changing one’s religion.




However, Mahatma Gandhi fought against the evils of the caste system until he was assassinated in 1948. In September 1932, he began the struggle to "bring about a silent revolution in the structure" of the Indian society. Gandhi lamented that untouchability was "crushing the very soul of Indian religion and society." He promised the poorest and most downtrodden of the India’s poor- the untouchables- that democracy would free them from their misery. Gandhi continued to fight to "eradicate the [caste] practice he found so abhorrent" until his death in 1948 (Jesudasam 1984).




The strongest and most frontal attack on the caste system in India was the Constitution of India adopted on Nov. 26, 1949. It is perhaps appropriate to mention that India became an independent nation in 1947. The 1949 "constitution guarantees the right of all its citizens to justice, liberty, equality, and dignity" (Murthy 1999). India has since been working assiduously to bridge the country’s bitter political divides. Although prejudice still exists in the villages, currently, India’s outcast hold high paying jobs, and in the cities they can marry from other groups. The question is, can Nigeria’s democracy free the Osu in Igboland as democracy has improved the life of the lower caste in India? This is an ultimate challenge for the Nigerian democracy.




In Guyana, a color-caste system has produced a racially divided labor market. The Africans (blacks) are said to dominate the civil service, the professional positions, and industry; and Indians are known to control agriculture and small businesses (Premdas, Autumn/Winter 1995). In the Indian Andes in South America, linguistic and cultural characteristics provide the basis for discrimination; the Indio, like virtually everyone else in the region, is of mixed ancestry. But the Indio is distinguished from others and ‘kept in his place’ by his mode of dressing, his habits, etc.



In Yugoslavia, the 1999 conflict between the Kosovars (the Moslem ethnic Albanians) and the Serbian military and para-military forces had ethnic and religious coloration. The Kosovars demanded political autonomy from Yugoslavia, but President Slobodan Molisevic (with his military might) was determined to crush the people and their demand. However, the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) did not allow the ethnic cleansing to go unpunished. The Serbs were bombed to submission. But Slobodan Molisevic did not go down, until the people’s October 2000 revolution forced him out of office. Mr. Slobadan Milosevic who has since been arrested and indicted on war crimes charges, will be tried by the International Criminal Tribunal at The Hague (CNN: World, June 29, 2001).




The massacre of the Chechens by Russia is another reminder of the prevalence of prejudice and discrimination all over the globe. It is beyond human comprehension why the world has turned a deaf ear to this unjust extermination of a group by Russia. This is not an exhaustive list of nations in the world where discrimination and prejudice has caused untold misery. The list of injustice around the globe can go on forever.




The Social Implications of the Osu caste system


The Osu caste system has many social implications. For the purpose of this work, we have classified them as human, civil and political implications. Beginning with human implications, the discussion follows below:

1). Human Rights Implications

One of the essential premises of this paper is campaign for justice and freedom for every human being. In addition, the aim of this paper is to change the mentality of those who support the Osu caste system in Igboland. Many of the Osu groups in Igboland have not seen true justice because of their social status. A priori, this has created debilitating psychic pain in the group. Due to paucity of statistics in Nigeria there is no data to ascertain the level of damage this system has caused on the population. It would be appropriate for some research to be carried out in this area.




The story of the human race, from age to age, is full of the struggle to enjoy certain fundamental rights. These rights include freedom from inhuman treatment; freedom from slavery; freedom from discrimination, freedom of thought, assembly and association and other rights that are "reasonably justifiable in a democratic society" (Azikiwe 1965, p.455). Thus, any culture or tradition that abridges people’s freedom of association violates their human and civil rights. The discriminatory Osu caste system in Igboland is an example of such tradition and culture that bridges the people’s rights to free association. This is an insult to the human race. And it is disheartening, to say the least.




Since human rights constitute the very foundations of democracy, how can democracy thrive in Igboland (and in Nigeria in general) with the discriminatory Osu caste system in the society? Everyone should have the freedom to pursue happiness, as liberty is a basic human right. Obviously, nobody can pursue happiness without being free. Those people branded Osu should have as much equal rights to liberty, life, and freedom as the Diala. These rights are what drive social struggles throughout the history of mankind.




When a group is enslaved, there is no freedom for them. And where there is no freedom, there is obviously no democracy for the Osu group. Sadly, in Nigeria the concept of democracy the public knows is political – sharing of resources among individual states, looting of the treasury by the political leaders with ethnic and religious pandering. Human and civil rights are issues that are not very relevant to the politicians running the affairs of the society. It seems that the leaders of Nigeria do not consider the ill treatment of the Osu as a human right violation.




In an article in the Punch newspaper of January 10, 1996, Mr. Kupoluyi reported how a young university graduate who was performing his national youth-service duties in Imo State (one of the 36 states in Nigeria), was discouraged from dating a beautiful young lady who caught his attention. The young man who was excited about his new found lover broke the news to one of his close friends who happened to know the social background of the woman. The young man, who was not an Igbo, had expected his friend to be excited for him. Instead his friend started to lecture him on the Osu culture in Igboland. He was warned that the Diala in the community would think he was Osu if he was seen in the company of the woman, as the woman in question was a member of the Osu of the community. The young man could not comprehend the culture. But his friend pressed on with stories of the social stigma of the Osu, and how other women of Diala extraction in the area would not associate with him because of the women.




His friend pointed out to him the sections of the community where the Osu is living (the system encourages segregation and hinders social interaction). As this young man did not want to limit his chances of dating other girls in the area, he caved to social pressure and abandoned the girl. Obviously, the young lady discovered that her social background had been exposed to her prospective lover when the man started to distance himself from her (Punch Jan 10, 1996). The article (and similar stories) rekindled the ill feelings this author has had for this repugnant and inhumane Osu caste culture.




A NewsWatch investigation in Oruku community in Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu State further demonstrated how diminutive and discriminatory the Osu practice is. The people of Umuode in the Oruku community are regarded as Osu descendants by the villages of Umuchiani and Onuogowo (the two other villages that make up Oruku town). The people of Umuode are not allowed to mingle with the freeborn (Diala); they cannot inter-marry, and they are not allowed to buy or sell in the same local market. This is purely a primitive behavior. In Akwa-Ekiti in Anambra State, the Osu and the Diala (like in many other Igboland communities) live in different parts of the community (Agbaegbu, January 12, 2000). Unfortunately, every-body in the designated Osu community is automatically pariah, irrespective of ones beauty, level of education, or wealth. They are regarded as the lowest species of mankind, and are treated with contempt.




In a society such as Nigeria where there are no enforceable laws to protect the human rights of the people, an Osu person is often exposed to public ridicule. As you read this article many people are being unfairly treated on the basis of the Osu caste system. Even if they are not insulted and ridiculed in public, the "Osus" always have on them the dehumanizing Osu caste stigma.




The crusade guaranteeing human rights and fundamental freedom of people has been on for centuries. Thomas Jefferson’s assertion in the Declaration of Independence (United States) is a good example. In the document, he asserted, in part:


We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…(The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999, pp.552d-552h).




And since 1948 numerous international Human Rights Treaties have been negotiated that really define human rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965), are among the many treaties. However, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which the UN Commission on Human Rights prepared (then Chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt), and the UN General Assembly endorsed on Dec. 10, 1948, stands as the cornerstone document of human rights. This date is now widely commemorated as Human Rights Day. Regional agreements on human rights have also been drafted. The African Charter of Human and People’s Rights signed in 1981 (and put in force in 1986), has been reported as the weakest of the regional human rights efforts. For instance, most of the provisions are not enforced, as regulatory institutions in the countries of Africa are either weak or non-existent. And law enforcement officers and the courts are tainted by corruption. This is apparently some of the reasons human rights violations are relatively high in this part of the world (The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999).




Clearly, the international and regional human rights documents show that human rights and freedom are to be enjoyed by all without distinction. Nobody should be denied the rights based on race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinions, and national or social origin, property or birth. The system is one of the human rights crimes without parallel in the modern world. But the world is not conscious of it. The social taboos placed on the Osu have prevented them from developing expectations of equality and freedom of choice, as the society has accepted the Osu caste culture as a norm. There is no rational explanation for the continued existence of the system, which has broad human and civil rights implications.




2). Civil Rights Implications

Highlighting inequality in human treatment and relationships is the main objective of this book. Normally when people speak of civil rights, they mean those enforceable rights or privileges, such as freedom of speech, press, assembly, the right to vote, freedom of association, among others. Civil rights include all rights, which human beings have received from nature that the government (or another human being) cannot arbitrarily take away from them. And unless deprived by a guilty sentence or death, every person should enjoy these civil rights. Furthermore, civil rights are sometimes used to mean nonpolitical rights granted by law, such as basic economic and social rights.




One enjoys civil rights without hindrance if a law confers upon the person ‘a positive power to do something.’ Thus, civil rights are considered the cornerstone of a free society; they indicate ways in which a society protects individual freedoms. Civil rights also involve the rights to social justice and freedom; they also involve the rights to social justice, and freedom of association with other individuals. Freedom to believe in error and do evil by imposing a system of inequality among a people is not true freedom. This is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland.




The question is how can any rational human being justify the Osu caste system at this period of modern civilization? As a civilized people, the Igbos should note that democracy demands that the human personality in its course of development should be allowed to proceed without artificial forces or barricade so long as its activity does not violate the safety and reasonable rights of others (The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999). It should also be noted that the struggle for social development should not be limited to the accumulation of material things, such as cars, cash, televisions, stereos, the computers and information super highways.




It is equally important to know that the social development of a nation (or a community) must include, among other things, justice, fairness, and equal treatment for its citizenry. In this way, the nation (or community) will achieve, at least for a long time to come, a desirable "unity in diversity" (Allport, 1979, p. 518). Any civilized society which is by "affirmation democratic" is expected to "provide and protect…" the civil rights of its citizens (Smith & Lindeman, 1951, p.19). And any person who violates a person’s civil rights should be given due consequences without fear, or favor, ill will or affection. Could the citizens of Nigeria learn to seek their own welfare and growth, not at the expense of their fellow men and women, but in concert with them?




The younger generation is less stereotype-ridden of the ascribed Osu than their parents, yet social interaction between the Osu and Diala has not really normalized. If the younger generation is perpetuating the wrongs committed by their forebears, they are then responsible for those wrongs. The youths that as the leaders of tomorrow should lead in condemning the Osu practice, which is a civil rights aberration.




Currently, the Igbo community does not have any collective solution to the Osu caste problem. Communities are dealing with the problem as it affects their localities. Nnobi community is a good example. This author would like to see a general Igbo solution to the Osu problem, instead of leaving it to individual communities. The Igbo society should not let discriminatory Osu caste system to continue, as the subjection of a part of the Igbo community to perpetual social misery and degradation is an unjustifiable human behavior.




3). Political Implications

The Osu caste system is politically unpalatable in some Igbo communities. Those who adore the system often express some traditional sentiments in support of the preservation of this primitive heritage and custom whenever the issue is mentioned. Some of them would argue that the present Igbo generation does not have the authority to destroy what their forefathers invented. They would regard as insane any person who suggests the jettisoning of the Osu caste system.




Like ethnicity in Nigeria the Osu caste system influences the people’s voting behavior in Igboland. Community development projects could be abandoned because a project is sited in an Osu area. The community of Ifakala in Mbaitolu local government area of Imo State had no good source of water supply. And the nearest stream in the area is about eight kilometers away. The State government under the leadership of Governor Sam Mbakwe in the 1980’s decided to help the community with a pipe-borne water scheme. Strangely, a few days before the taps would begin to run, rumors circulated that the village in which the project was located was an Osu neighborhood, and therefore the water was deemed by the Diala as unfit for human consumption. Consequently, the project was left to die away (Agbaegbu, Jan 12, 2000).




Some people in Igboland might even vote against any politician who condemns, or suggests the jettisoning of this Osu caste system. And some Igbo community would not elect a politician from the Osu group to represent them, even if such a person is a better candidate than the Diala. This behavior is more pronounced at the local (village) level. This undeniably prevents the ascribed Osu people from contributing as they ordinarily would to the sociopolitical and economic development of their communities.




The avid supporters of the system would not give their political support to Osu persons who are seeking public offices. Even those in office could lose their positions should they protest any ill treatment against the Osu group. Many examples abound, but the one that caught the attention of this author is the case of Mr. Morris Ede, a former commissioner for special duties in Enugu State. Mr. Ede, an Umuode indigene, protested the manner in which Governor Nnamani of Enugu State and his associates were handling the Osu crisis in Oruku community. The people of Umuode were driven out of their community, because they are said to be Osu. Apparently, because of his protest, Mr. Ede lost his job as a commissioner for special duties when Governor Nnamani reshuffled his cabinet. 11




The Osu situation is similar to what happened to the blacks in the United States in the 1960s. Some people are now advocating that America should pay restitution and render apology for the violation of the civil and human rights of the Black Race. The international community has also been called upon to recognize that there is a unique and unprecedented moral debt owed to Africans for their humiliation and exploitation (Robinson, 2000). By the some token, the entire Igbo community should eradicate the Osu system and render an apology, if not restitution, to the ascribed Osu people for their years of humiliation in the hands of the Diala. Thus, human beings should try to differentiate right from wrong, what is permissible and what is impermissible. The discriminatory Osu culture (like other types of discrimination) should be brought to the attention of the world. It is the hope of this author that this paper serves the purpose, as the Osu caste system is a human and civil rights tragedy.




The Osu Caste System: An Agenda for Change


The crucial step of trying to find solution to the Osu issue in I

[b]The Osu Caste System in Igboland Discrimination Based on Descent


By

Victor E. Dike



Introduction


The Igbos are found mostly in the Southeastern and South-central Nigeria called Igboland or Igbo society (Alaigbo or Anaigbo). By the late 20th century the population of the Igbos are about 27 million.1 The majority of the Igbos are Christians, but some of them practice the indigenous traditional religion, whose major tenets are shared by all Igbo-speaking people of Nigeria (Uchendu 1965). The traditional religion is passed on to succeeding generations, but the advent of Christianity in Igboland around "1885" had some influence on the traditional beliefs (Talbot 1969). The indigenous traditionalists believe in the earth goddess, deities and ancestral spirits and in a Creator-God, Chukwu, Obasi, Chi, or Chineke, the "Supreme God" (Achebe 1959). The Igbo traditional beliefs have some positive influence on the culture and social lives of the people. For instance, the forefathers of the Igbos were known for their righteousness, honesty and hard work. And they were opinion leaders, impartial judges and people of impeccable character.




However, a relic of the indigenous religious practice of the Igbos is the dehumanizing Osu caste system, which has divided and alienated the Igbos.




Therefore, this paper discusses the Osu caste system, an indigenous religious belief system, practiced within the Igbo nation, with the purpose of bringing the discriminatory, dehumanizing and obnoxious Osu caste system to the attention of the international community. This is because whenever issues of discriminatory practices around the world are tabled for discussion in the international community the repugnant and discriminatory Osu caste system is never mentioned.



Definitions of Terms

It is essential to provide some definitions and clarifications of terms associated with the Osu caste system. It would be very difficult, if not impossible to explain and analyze the terms related to the issue to individuals who are not familiar with the system without an explanation of the many labels describing the Osu. Each ethnic nationality in Nigeria has its own reasons for discriminating against their own people; and some of the reasons are apparently religious.




The Igbos, which are the center of this discourse, discriminate against each other by reason of the Osu caste status. The Igbo people refer to the Osu in varied names; it is referred to as Adu-Ebo in Nzam in Onitsha. In the Nsukka area it is referred to as Oruma; it is called Nwani or Ohualusi at Augwu area.2 These names, Osu, Ume, Ohu, Oru, Ohu Ume, Omoni (Okpu-Aja), have the same connotation in Igboland. The people referred to by the names are regarded as sub-human being, the unclean class, or slaves.




In this paper the author shall use the term, Osu, to describe all the lower caste groups in Igboland. It should noted that in their hierarchy of social status, the Ume (especially, in this author’s community) is the Osu class the Diala abhors to interact or socialize with the most.




The Osu, by definition, is a people sacrificed to the gods in Igbo community. And they assist the high priest of the traditional religion to serve the deities or the gods in their shrine. It is the belief of many Igbo traditionalists that the deities, which were (and are still) perceived in some quarters as being very powerful, would wreck havoc in the society, if they are not appeased. In some special circumstances, those who hold the traditional beliefs of the Igbos could transform a Diala who committed certain atrocities against the land, into an Osu. This process involved intricate rituals (offering of libations and sacrificing animals to the earth goddess). Some of the ancestors of the present-day Osu people inherited their dehumanizing social status this way. That method is now a thing of the old; Western influence has affected this practice. Presently, one could acquire the Osu status through inheritance and marriage.




Because of many oral interpretations of the construct, the Osu has various definitions. It has been defined as a ‘cult slave,’ a living sacrifice,’ an ‘untouchable,’ ‘outcast,’ ‘owner’s cult,’ ‘a slave of the deity,’ and a ‘sacred and holy being.’ 3 These names mean the same: it is an abomination in the Igbo society for the Diala to marry Osu.




For this author, the Osu caste system is a societal institution borne out of a primitive traditional belief system colored by superstition, and propagated by ignorance. It is absurd to categorize a human as a sub-human being. Although this author is not a member of the group, he condemns the practice of the Osu caste system, because it is a human rights aberration.




The Osu caste system, which is a form of discrimination, has caused inter-communal discords and wars between the Osu and the Diala in Igboland. And many lives and properties have been destroyed as a result.




According to the United Nations definition, ‘discrimination includes any conduct based on a distinction made on grounds of natural or social categories, which have no relation either to individual capacities or merits, or to the concrete behavior of the individual person.’ The discrimi-natory Osu practices involves inequality in freedom of movement and choice of residence, inequality in the right of peaceful association, inequality in the enjoyment of the right to marry and establish a family, (and) inequality in access to public office… slavery’ (Allport 1979, p. 52). That is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland. If one may ask, could a right exist if it is not regularly enforced? To put it differently, can a right exist without specific legislation that provides for its protection and remedies if violated? Oddly enough, the victims of the Osu system have not any legal recourse in Igboland. And strangely, some people believe that the humiliating Osu caste system is a part of the Igbo culture nobody should temper with. Fortunately, many Igbos have a contrary opinion.



The Osu Caste System and the Indigenous Religious Practices of the Igbo nation

All human beings are created equal, but human experiences are heterogeneous. Some people have had it rough all their life on earth, while others do not have a lot to complain about. Naturally, life has the same meaning for everyone, but the Osu caste system in Igboland seems to have changed the meaning of life for a group of people branded Osu. No historical question gives the Igbos more concern than that of, "How did the Osu caste system come to be in Igboland?" This section of the paper attempts to deal with the question.




There are many versions of oral information on the origins of the Osu caste system. In the absence of documented information, oral sources are central to the study of history in Igboland, and other parts of Nigeria. There is a paucity of written information on the issue of the Osu caste system. This is apparently because many people shy away from discussing the issue for fear of being branded Osu lovers. However, available little documented information show that the Osu caste system started out of the indigenous religious practices of the Igbos.




The indigenous religion is interwoven with Igbo cultural practices, and it is difficult for foreigners to fully understand and appreciate the good part of the Igbo culture. The indigenous Igbo regards himself as a meeting point of Mother Earth or "Ala", which contains all physical creation and the ancestral spirit that is functionally linked to his ancestors. The Supreme Spirit "Chi-Ukwu" or "Chukwu" is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything. The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the deities that are ultimately linked to one’s "chi" or spiritual force. Deities are derived out of objects of creation such as ‘geophysical landmarks’ like seas, lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains, spirits such as warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders. Those geophysical landmarks are regarded as the homes of the gods and the ancestral spirits (Isiechi 1976). And the gods are perceived as the bridges between the people and their life. And the belief was that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect them and serve their interest.4




An individual’s fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that exist between one’s "chi", the deities and the Creator or "Chineke". Humans interact directly with deities, which function as intermediaries to the Supreme Spirit or Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one’s domain is an assurance that one is likely to obtain the largesse of creation while, at same time, minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an individual’s obligation to observe the customs of the land since their violation could offend the deities; and goodwill and protection from the deities depends on one’s cordial relationship with them.




Every indigenous Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family’s ancestral spirits resided and communed with the living. There were (are still) village and town deities, which became more powerful because of their reputation or notoriety. This category of deities is almost like institutions unto themselves. The deities were (and some are still) attended to by highly respected priests and assistants, who were (are) engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors who could come from far away places to commune at the famous shrines.




Historical accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful deities created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major shrines. Miniature ‘monasteries’ were established in the vicinity of major shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. And because some of these deities are believed to be very powerful, they should be attended to on continuous basis, with intricate religious rituals in their shrines. However, the "indigenous monks," upon mastering their spiritual functions (of learning to serve the gods) were unjustly and erroneously assigned the Igbo pejorative name of Osu, Ume or Ohu arusi (the slave of the deities/gods or shrines). And so was the story of how the institution of the Osu cult (ritual slavery) originated. The Osus and their descendants belonged to the gods; and they become the properties of the shrines. And they resided in the vicinity of the shrines of major deities and for all practical purposes excluded themselves from routine engagements with the rest of the community. In other words, being the agents of the deities the Osus maintained an aloof relationship with the rest of the civil society.




The early Osu ranks were "non-celibate" and thus had families; and the offspring inherited their status. The community maintained a set of rules that regulated their interactions with the Osus, mostly out of fear (and or respect) for the powerful deities under which they thrived and performed their religious functions. For instance, intimate social interaction, including marriage, was forbidden between Osus and the Diala. In some communities, it is forbidden for the Diala to spill the blood of Osus (even in non-hostile situations). Some communities go as far as forbidding the Diala from eating meat that was butchered or prepared by an Osu. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the Osus and the Diala grew and till today, but they vary from place to place. Any person who breaches the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu automatically becomes an Osu. Even though the offenders may not physically relocate to cohabit with the Osus, they were (are) regarded and treated like an Osu by the rest of the community. Like the racism, Osuism 5 have distorts and impedes normal interpersonal relationship between the Diala and Osu in Igboland.




Before the arrival of the ‘white man’ and Christianity, the discriminatory relationship that existed between Osus and Diala was perceived as normal. Things are gradually changing; the world is beginning to perceive the Osu caste system as a form of discrimination. However, the Osus fulfilled their lives in the communities by serving the deities. In return, they obtained a reasonable livelihood from proceeds of offerings that pour steadily into the premises of the deities that they served. The coming of the Europeans led to a process of social change and some of the customs of the indigenous Igbo society were beginning to be seen as going contrary to the beliefs of the Europeans. In the past, the tradition of some of the Igbo states, such as Ossomari and Arondizuogu, engaged in communal wars with the intention of procuring captives and slaves. Communities tended to punish their criminals by selling them into slavery. In some cases, parents were forced by "poverty and hunger" to sell their never-do-well children. During this stone-aged era human sacrifice was common, and slaves were often used for this purpose. According to Isiechi (1976), the dead rulers of Igbo Ukwu were buried together with several slaves as sacrifices.




However, the trans-Atlantic slave trade contributed to the frequency of inter-clan wars, which often resulted in neighboring communities raiding each other for slaves and other booties. The Osus were forbidden to be combatants in warfare for fear of spilling their blood, which could unleash the wrath of the deities. Some defenseless small communities were often compelled to seek refuge in the premises of nearby shrines in order to avert impending doom when under sudden attack from superior invading forces. Once the deity’s high priest acknowledged and granted them protection from attack and harm to the refugees, they were automatically converted to the Osu status.




In some circumstances, prisoners captured during inter-communal wars were sold off, and their new owners could elect to enlist some of them to Osu status by giving them away as gestures of and placation to a local deity. Other captives could be sold as slaves or become objects of ritual murder, which occurred mostly upon the death of powerful chieftains. However, some war captives preferred the Osu status rather than being sold far away to distant lands as slaves. Thus, the population of the Osu increased. Evidence suggests that the Osu were originally regarded with "respect and honour" apparently because they belonged to the gods. This show of respect for those who attended to the shrines, unfortunately, transformed into social ostracism. 6 And the Osus were not many in number. But in the nineteenth century, "their numbers expanded and their status deteriorated dramatically, so that they became outcasts, feared and despised" or even abhorred (Basden 1966).




With the abolition of slave trade in the nineteenth century (1807) the loss of external outlets for the sale of slaves led to an unprecedented escalation of the practice of using human beings for sacrifice. It was reported that forty slaves were killed and used for sacrifice at the death of Obi Ossai of Aboh, in 1845 (Isiechi 1976). As mentioned earlier, there is a strong Igbo belief that the spirits of one’s ancestors keep a constant vigil over him/her. And traditional religion was highly practiced by the traditionalists; thus, the spirits of the all-important ancestors were worshipped through the gods or deities.




In addition, the cessation of trans-Atlantic slave trade (and the inculcation of new values from the Europeans), the respect accorded to the Osu (because of their role as servants of powerful deities) began to wane. As noted earlier, the European missionaries began to perceive the ways of the indigenous religious practices as impediments to their mission of spreading the Christian faith. Thus, assault on the Igbo indigenous religious practices was fierce and multi-faceted. Children were effectively indoctrinated in the emerging school system to reject their parents’ traditional way of life, which was characterized as both primitive and barbaric. The children in schools were used effectively as conduits for transforming the rest of the family.




In most cases, parents opted to join their children by converting to Christianity in order to avert major internal family crises. Where such was not the case, the aging parents were simply allowed to die away with their indigenous religious and cultural belief system. The converts to the new faith were used by early missionaries as effective tools for the destruction of cultural artifacts and religious objects like shrines, traditional sculptures and a host of other valuable indigenous artwork. Test of the new converts’ faith in Christianity was usually their ability to destroy any relics of the past within their reach. But the whole of Igbo culture did not lie only in its artistic, cultural and religious artifacts. In spite of all the destruction, the average Igbo person retained the core values of his cultural heritage. Many people became churchgoers on Sundays, but remained loyal to the indigenous culture.




The interest of the British in Nigeria was purely economic; and this took precedence over everything else. The Osu caste system, a dynamic offshoot of Igbo indigenous religious practice, remains alive today as the British and their converts could not obliterate the belief system. And as those entrapped in the caste system could not be helped by system of their new Christian faith, they became disillusioned.




One of the factors that enabled early Christian missionaries to establish a foothold quickly in the Igbo heartland was their promise to new converts (mostly the Osus) that the new order would guarantee equality of rights and opportunities to everyone. But disillusionment (as earlier noted), soon dampened their enthusiasm when it gradually became clear that even the "whiteman’s church" was not powerful enough to stop the discriminatory treatment meted out to them. The Osus, at the time in review, were known to have pursued Western education in large numbers. In addition, many joined the new Christian mission as priests and teachers. In spite of these accomplishments, the Osus’ right to equal treatment remained unfulfilled, because neither the Christian missionaries nor the sketchy colonial administration in place had what it took to change the attitude of the people at the grassroots level where the Osu practice predominates. Presently, the Osus are like refugees who have been abandoned to wonder in the wilderness after being dislodged from their comfortable places as the servers of the deities. The respect and dignity that the Osus experienced because of their role within the indigenous religion has now been replaced with a de facto social ostracism from which escape is extremely difficult.



Another story has a different version of how the Osu system came to be in Igboland community. The story had it that an old man told some children who were gathered with him around a camp fire during a cold harmattan morning how a group of traditional elders ganged up to give up one of their own to the gods of the land. (The harmattan is a cold and dry wind blowing down from the north). The storyteller reported that his father told him that there was an agreement among the persons that were gathered for a ritual that one person from the village would be sacrificed to the gods, which would be made to appease the gods of the land that were terrorizing the community. Everyone at the meeting swore in the name of the gods and on the ofor (the ofor is the bible for those who hold traditional Igbo beliefs) that nobody would disagree with their decisions. The powerful gods would be made happy so that they would desist from wrecking havoc on the community. The man who was later chosen to attend to the shrines did not know that he was the person that would be selected to perform the task of serving the gods.




When the man who was a party to the decision was unanimously selected (to be offered in sacrifice to the deities), he jumped up from his chair and cried, as he knew what his social status would be in the community. After a series of intense rituals were undertaken, the man was transformed and labeled an Osu of the land. And his descendants have since inherited his status. The community had to build a hut for him at a market square of the town, as the gods are usually located near a market place in many communities in Igboland.7 Thus, the Osu system finds rationalization in Igbo religious beliefs and dogma.




Each time these stories are recounted, it would be easy for any rational person to figure out that they are colored by misconception. It is the opinion of this author that the Osu caste system, which has caused a lot misery to many people in Igboland, originated out of ancient beliefs. All these stories about the Osu caste system precede the Chinua Achebe’s popular Things Fall Apart, in which the plights of the Osu or outcast in Igboland were vividly, described (1959, pp.154-156).




No matter how the Osu caste system originated in Igboland, and no matter its apparent past benefits, it is now the feeling of many peace-loving individuals that the ancient institution, which is an internal apartheid in Igboland, has outlived its usefulness. To redeem the Osus and Igbo society (which practice the obnoxious Osu caste system) one should revisit the past so as to explain the rationale behind the once vibrant Osu caste culture. The Osu caste system remains a sad reminder of the historical past of the Igbo nation. The only way to put those sad memories to rest is to find the ways and means to terminate the discriminatory practices of the Osu caste system as it exists today. And with the co-operation of everyone in the Igbo nation, this task can be accomplished.




Internal Apartheid


Many other forms of discriminatory practices abound in Nigeria, but the Osu caste system is the main focus here. In the Southeast of Nigeria, the people of Umuode in Nkanu East local government area of Enugu State, who are said to be the descendants of the Osu, are being treated as second class citizens. In their Oruku community made up of Umuode, Umuchiani and Onuogowu, the people of Umuode have limited social interaction with the rest of the community because of their ascribed Osu status. And strangely, the other two villages cannot intermarry with the people of Umuode. No matter their social status in the community the local churches could hardly appoint the people of Umuode to positions of responsibility. Thus, the people are made outcasts. This class ostracism is operated in such a manner that any person from the other side of the community who talks to, or greets any person from Umuode, pays a fine sometimes as high as one Thousand Naira (N1,000). Because of this situation the people of Umuode operate their own local market different from the Eke-oruku market, which is owned exclusively by Umuchiani and Onuogowo. The people of Umuode have waged wars against this social stigma; about five major conflicts have been recorded in this area since 1995, and many lives have been lost (Agbaegbu, 12 Jan. 2000).




The people of Umuaka community in Imo State, Nigeria, categorize one of their ten villages Osu. Other minor lower caste groups found in many kindred are given the pejorative Igbo expression of ‘ndi ejiri goro ihe,’ meaning those who are sacrificial lamb to the gods. They are slaves to the gods of the community and kindred. As is the case in Umuode in Oruku community, the discrimination of the Diala against the Osu in Umuaka affects marriage and relationships of love with the Osu and the rest of the community. The Diala is traditionally and socially abhorred and forbidden to marry an Osu; intermarriage with Osu is an abomination.




However, some communities, for example, Nnobi in Idemili local government area of Anambra State, have been able to fully integrate their Osu population into the mainstream of the community. 8 All other Igbo communities should emulate the good work of the Nnobi community and work harder to bridge the Osu divide in their areas.




In Umuaka the Osus who are interested in politics in the community are not getting the necessary support from the rest of the community. This has greatly hindered their social upward mobility in the community. In the past the avid supporters of the Osu caste system would even refrain from eating (dinning) with them or drink from the same water-well (pond) with the Osu.




As noted earlier, this type of behavior could be likened to the issues during the civil right struggles in the United States when the ‘whites’ and ‘blacks’ were prevented from drinking from the same public fountain (Smelser 1981). In the past when the Osu discriminatory behavior was taken to the extreme, those who believed in the system would even refrain from touching the Osu for fear of being transformed into an Osu. In addition, in the past the ardent supporters of the Osu caste system would not buy whatever the Osu merchants had for sell in the local market. During that period in review, there was an apparent superstition that the ghost of the ancestors would haunt any person who was friendly with the Osu. There has been some slight improvement in social interaction between the Diala and the Osu, although inter-marriage between the two is still seen as a social taboo by the Diala.




In the late 1980s, the Osu people in Umuaka revolted, as they could not take the humiliation from the Diala any more. They physically assaulted a couple of women from the Diala section of the community, with the intention of transforming the women to Osu so that the Diala would reject them. The action would also give them the taste of the pains and humiliation of the Osu status. The brouhaha that followed this action was short-lived, as the Diala in the community responded with counter forces. In Imo State alone over 60 of such incidents have been reported since 1979 (see Ezeala & the Association for Social Justice (not dated); and Agbaegbu, 12 January 2000).




The Osu social problem cannot be solved by temporarily subduing those groups that are suffering from injustices with force. This author is not advocating violence, but the riots, which occurred in Umuaka in the late 1980s, and those of Umuode in the 1990s, are cautionary tales of what might happen to some of the Igbo communities if the plights of the Osu are not resolved. The insensitivity of the generality of the Igbos to the plights of the Osu has the potential to cause social violence in Igboland. And according to psychology, frustration can breed aggression. This author would like to add that hatred and discrimination breed frustration, which in turn breeds hatred and aggression. As Philosopher Spinoza rightly and nicely noted, "He who conceives himself hated by another, and believes that he had given him no cause for hatred, will hate that other in return" (Allport 1979, p.155).




The Igbos should begin to treat the "Osus" as the human beings that they really are. Any person who thinks they deserve the ugly social conditions they found themselves in should walk in their shoes (or switch lives with them) to feel their pains. While the world may not know everything about why and how conflicts occur in societies, several studies show that inequality, abuse of human and civil rights, absence of the rule of law, discrimination and absence of freedom are among the major causes of conflicts (and even civil wars). The United Nations’ documents on social unrest in African societies point to these factors.9




Although some of the behaviors against the Osu are caused by the traditional belief system of the Igbos, this author would say that many of the supporters of the Osu caste practice are deficient in the skills needed to analyze the socio-economic and political development of the Igbo nations. If not, they should have known that such behaviors toward the so-called Osu affects the image of, and are detrimental to their welfare and the progress of the hardworking and peace loving Igbo society at large. It is criminal to violate people’s civil and human rights under the excuse of preserving an ancient culture. As it were, "An injustice unresolved…burns a hole in the heart" (Cose, April 21, 1997, p.45).




The Osu caste system and stereotype


It has been noted in the preceding sections that the Diala interact less with or avoids the Osu completely. In some communities in Igboland an Osu is regarded as a worthless human being. As Things Fall Apart notes in a conversation, which ensued over the question of admitting outcasts to a local little church in the village of Mbanta, between Mr. Kiaga, a missionary teacher, and one of the converts, the Osu is:


a person dedicated to a god, a thing set apart – a taboo forever, and his children after him. He could neither marry nor be married by the freeborn. He was in fact an outcast, living in a special area of the village, close to the Great Shrine. Wherever he went he carried with him the mark of his forbidden caste – long, tangled dirty hair. A razor was a taboo to him. An Osu could not attend an assembly of the freeborn, and they, in turn, could not shelter under his roof. He could not take any of the four titles of the clan, and when he died he was buried by his kind in the Evil Forest. How could such a man be a follower of Christ? (Achebe 1959, p.156)




The issue of stereotyping is not new. With almost a uniform agreement among white Americans, African-Americans are labeled (in error), as lower class in mentality and manners. In a study conducted in the 1930s, Kimball Young listed many stereotypes for the "Negroes" in the United States. The study noted that African-Americans have "emotional instability, [are] lazy and boisterous" (Young, 1934, pp.158-163).




Why does the Diala avoid (or interacts less) with the Osu groups? When this author was younger, he was told many ‘funny and strange’ stories about the Osu group in his community similar to those documented in Things Fall Apart. There is a belief that people interact less or avoid the Osu because they feared that the spirit of the deities (which the Osu people serve), would haunt those who socialize with the Osu. The people in the villages believe that the deities that the Osu attends to are powerful and dangerous.




Others would say that socializing with the Osu would contaminate, pollute and transform the Diala into an Osu. There is also the belief that since the Osu has been dedicated to the gods it was a taboo to socialize with the group. In addition, oral history would say that the Osu is isolated because they "steal" and are "dishonest." Yet, other stories would say that the Diala abhor those branded Osu because they are "dirty" or that they have "repulsive body odor" and are "lazy." However, there is no empirical evidence to support these inhumane assertions (Dike 2002).




While some of the leaders of thoughts, the elite and politicians in Igboland pretend not to know about this social injustice, many reasonable and enlightened individuals in Igboland believe that the Osu caste system is a pure "politics of unreason" at its highest level (Lipset & Raab 1970). This discriminatory behavior is an added burden on the Osu who are already burdened with unemployment, poverty, crime and other injustices prevalent in Nigeria. And through socialization (and bias inherited from their parents) some of the Igbo youth have internalized the discriminatory behavior toward the Osu.



Culture and Social Progress


The Osu system is "a cultural albatross for the Igbo society," as it is an impediment to human relationships and social progress (Nwosu, June 19, 1999). The Osu caste system, which the forefathers of the Igbos invented, has become the culture in parts of Igboland. Sociologists have noted that the culture of a people influences their lives. And Igbo culture (as one can see), has influenced the practice and propagation of the Osu caste system.




Without a doubt, "Culture Matters" (Harrison and Huntington (eds.) 2000). The culture of a people, therefore, is an important variable in their social progress. Thus, a society’s heritage, values, and customs, in large part, determine its social progress. If discrimination and segregation are inimical to social progress, then no society should preserve that aspect of its culture, which hinders its progress.




If one may ask, are the shrines that were inherited from the ancestors to blame for the continued practice of the Osu caste system in Igboland? Is the caste system compatible with the principles of democracy? Are the civil and human rights of the Osu groups not being violated? Is the Osu caste system in agreement with the Igbos’ belief that one is his or her brother’s keeper? One cannot ask enough questions here!




Obviously the Osu culture violates the civil and human rights of the people subjected to it. It is also against the principles of democracy, as it encourages segregation and inhibits the free association of the Osu with the Diala in Igbo society. At a period when the world is evolving into a global community, there is no room for this type of hate and bigotry. Preaching democracy by word of mouth is not enough. It has to be followed with actions. The discriminatory treatment of this group by the Diala runs contrary to how Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart portrays the Igbo culture. Okonkwu visited Nwakibie "to pay his respects and also to ask for a favor" with two pots of palm wine. During the presentation of colanut and offering of libation Nwakibie intoned:

We shall all live. We pray for life, children, a good harvest and happiness. You will have what is good for you and I will have what is good for me. Let the kite perch and the eagle perch too. If one says no to the other, let his wing break. (Achebe, 1959, p.19)




Thus, any person (or group) who discriminates against any human being (or group), does not wish that person (or group) well. In fact, if it were within the power of the ardent believers of the Osu system to decide who would go to heaven. The untouchables (as the Osu is often referred to), because of their social status, would not be allowed any place in heaven. Fortunately, these heartless and overly mean-spirited individuals do not have the power to play God. The Osu system and other forms of discrimination should not occur in any modern society. Nigeria should begin to educate her population on the importance of respecting the human and civil rights of their fellow human beings. Although the Osu caste system is not a Pan-Igbo issue, the effects on the people subjected to it is as discouraging and humiliating as the effects of the racial discrimination in the United States, or apartheid policy in South Africa before 1994.




Global Perspective on Discrimination


Hatred and distrust between and among groups is not new. The Blacks in the United States suffer terrible discrimination in the hands of whites. As an example, the banks in the United States are much more reluctant to give loans/grants to blacks than to whites (The Economist, July 10th 1993). In Apartheid South Africa, blacks (before the system was dismantled in 1994), suffered similar discrimination in the hands of the whites.




Like the racial discrimination in the United States, the Osu caste system promotes an ideology of the supremacy of the Diala over the Osu. Because racial discrimination occurs mostly between people of different skin colors (e.g. black and white) or between people from different nationalities, it is very difficult to understand the Osu phenomenon in the social history of the Igbos (a people of the same ethnicity).




The modern world views the ownership of human beings by other human beings, and the use of human beings for sacrifice as evil. Sadly, this was one of the characteristics of the Osu caste system in Igboland. As mentioned earlier, several Osu slaves were buried as a ritual to bury and mourn for deceased rulers, including the ruler of Igbo Ukwu. And this practice expanded during the years of slave trade (Isichei 1976). Although the Osu people are not physically being slaughtered presently for rituals, but the Osu social stigma is a tremendous barrier to human relations and their upward mobility in some Igbo communities (see Chapter 2).




The sad fact remains that the domination and control of human beings by others has been a common practice in societies around the world; and this has been powered by prejudice and discrimination. For instance, slavery was an integral part of the ancient Greek society, and Plato was known to have opposed the enslavement of Greeks. Slaves were used for many tedious domestic chores in ancient Rome before the 2nd Century BC. But most of the slaves were foreigners and prisoners-of-war (Adkins and Adkins, 1994).




Unlike the Osu caste system in Igboland the slaves did not remain slaves from cradle to grave. And this practice of human enslavement did not go unchallenged. Three great slave revolts took place during this period. Two revolts occurred in Sicily in 135-132 BC and104-101 BC; and the other took place in Italy around 73-71 BC (Adkins & Adkins, 1994; Madden, 1996). However, those slaves became free by being given manumission (freedom) by their owner, or by buying their own freedom. And any children subsequently born to them became free citizens (Adkins & Adkins 1994; Madden, 1996).




As noted earlier, in the Apartheid South Africa racial segregation was the law of the land before 1994. In South Africa, the English are against the Afrikaner. Both are against the Jews; and all the three are opposed to the Indians. But all the four conspire against the native black South Africans (Allport 1979). But the apartheid system was destroyed with the combination of internal forces and pressure from multinational corporations and foreign countries. Some of the readers may recall that the election of Nelson Mandela as the first black president of the country apparently brought a closure to the inhuman system.




The Igbos of Nigeria were among the many nations that opposed the repressive system of Apartheid in South Africa. Although the Osu caste system in Igboland may not be perceived as a national issue, Nigeria and in fact, the Igbos who were against Apartheid in South Africa should have destroyed its own internal apartheid before asking South Africa to do the same. Unfortunately, at the turn of the 21st Century, the Osu caste system is still in existence in many Igbo communities. This system is as repressive, if not more repressive, than the apartheid system in South Africa. As it was in the apartheid system an Osu, in most part, is segregated from the rest of the community; they are more or less like a socially imprisoned people in the Igbo community.




Racial discrimination was prominent in the Southern part of the United States before the American Civil War (1860-1865). The so-called Jim Crow laws enforced segregation with separate public drinking fountains for blacks and whites. Other minorities, Hispanics, Vietnamese, Native Americans were (and are still) being treated with disregard in the United States (Smelser 1981). Federal and State laws by the end of the sixties prohibit discrimination in all places. And the laws weigh heavily on any person or organization found guilty of this offense. Despite all the laws against discrimination in the society, covert racial discrimination is still alive and well in the United States. There remain discriminations in employment, housing, and in marriage.




This author has been subjected to discrimination in many instances in the United States. In one painful and frustrating instance, he was intentionally negatively appraised, and disparately treated on the job. Why? This is simply because he is a black person. Having experienced discrimination in the United States, this author could not avoid speaking against discrimination in Igboland. The ability of a black person in the United States to perform a simple task is always in question by the racist white man, even after he or she has proved himself capable of performing the task beyond all reasonable doubt. As one writer rightly noted, in the year 2000, race in America still has a powerful impact on life experiences. Race affects mortality rates of black babies, the quality of education of black children where blacks live, how they interact with the police, the kind of employment opportunities or health care available to them – in short, life experiences from cradle to grave (Shaw, Feb. 25, 2000, p. A72).




Unlike the Osu caste practice in Igboland, racial discrimination in the United States is now chiefly practiced in covert and indirect ways. Because of all the laws in the society discrimination is no longer primarily a face-to-face encounter where embarrassment would result. And with the laws the victims of racial discrimination have some legal recourse. This is not to idealize the United States on race matters. White Americans are still very much better off; and they dominate political power. In other words, race still affects all facets of a black person’s life in the United States.




The common ill treatment of blacks, both the poor as well as the affluent could be seen in attitudes. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the Skin Heads and White Supremacy, are among the reminders of the hostility against minorities, and the dangers of discrimination and prejudice in the United States (Smelser 1981; Bettelheim & Janowitz, 1964).




Adolf Hitler’s hatred for the Jews and the atrocities his followers committed at the Auschwitz concentration camp, are still fresh in memory. The heinous act is very difficult to understand. In this camp millions of men, women, and children, mostly of Jewish descent, were murdered. Between the summer of 1941 and the end of World War II in 1945, about two and a half million people perished at Auschwitz in gas chambers and ovens. This was a deliberate genocide, which represented what Adolf Hitler had called the final solution of the Jewish problem. Nothing other than prejudice and discrimination against the Jews led to the horrible and unpardonable homicide (Allport 1979; Smelser, 1981; Shirer 1960).




The ending of the East-West Cold War and the peace treaty signed between Israel, Egypt, and Jordan has not helped the matter in the Middle East. And despite the on-going peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, the Arab/ Muslim, and Israeli conflict continues to simmer in the Middle East. In other words, violence between Muslims and Christians is still on the rise.




The caste discrimination in India is another global problem. The original caste system in India, Varna, came about when the Aryan-speaking nomadic groups migrated from the north to India in about 1500 BC. In other words, the caste system, which has been part of the Hindu religion, is believed to be nearly 3000 years old. The caste is an indicator of social and economic disparity in India.10 The Harijans (the unclean, the lowest of the low caste, outcast, or untouchables) were known to have performed the menial jobs in the society (Sarchet-Waller, 1996; Murthy, 1999). The Harijans and Chamars were formerly denied access to skilled jobs and landed property by virtue of their caste. In India religious sanctions are used to impose an assignment of social hierarchy, which is impossible to escape, except of course, by changing one’s religion.




However, Mahatma Gandhi fought against the evils of the caste system until he was assassinated in 1948. In September 1932, he began the struggle to "bring about a silent revolution in the structure" of the Indian society. Gandhi lamented that untouchability was "crushing the very soul of Indian religion and society." He promised the poorest and most downtrodden of the India’s poor- the untouchables- that democracy would free them from their misery. Gandhi continued to fight to "eradicate the [caste] practice he found so abhorrent" until his death in 1948 (Jesudasam 1984).




The strongest and most frontal attack on the caste system in India was the Constitution of India adopted on Nov. 26, 1949. It is perhaps appropriate to mention that India became an independent nation in 1947. The 1949 "constitution guarantees the right of all its citizens to justice, liberty, equality, and dignity" (Murthy 1999). India has since been working assiduously to bridge the country’s bitter political divides. Although prejudice still exists in the villages, currently, India’s outcast hold high paying jobs, and in the cities they can marry from other groups. The question is, can Nigeria’s democracy free the Osu in Igboland as democracy has improved the life of the lower caste in India? This is an ultimate challenge for the Nigerian democracy.




In Guyana, a color-caste system has produced a racially divided labor market. The Africans (blacks) are said to dominate the civil service, the professional positions, and industry; and Indians are known to control agriculture and small businesses (Premdas, Autumn/Winter 1995). In the Indian Andes in South America, linguistic and cultural characteristics provide the basis for discrimination; the Indio, like virtually everyone else in the region, is of mixed ancestry. But the Indio is distinguished from others and ‘kept in his place’ by his mode of dressing, his habits, etc.



In Yugoslavia, the 1999 conflict between the Kosovars (the Moslem ethnic Albanians) and the Serbian military and para-military forces had ethnic and religious coloration. The Kosovars demanded political autonomy from Yugoslavia, but President Slobodan Molisevic (with his military might) was determined to crush the people and their demand. However, the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) did not allow the ethnic cleansing to go unpunished. The Serbs were bombed to submission. But Slobodan Molisevic did not go down, until the people’s October 2000 revolution forced him out of office. Mr. Slobadan Milosevic who has since been arrested and indicted on war crimes charges, will be tried by the International Criminal Tribunal at The Hague (CNN: World, June 29, 2001).




The massacre of the Chechens by Russia is another reminder of the prevalence of prejudice and discrimination all over the globe. It is beyond human comprehension why the world has turned a deaf ear to this unjust extermination of a group by Russia. This is not an exhaustive list of nations in the world where discrimination and prejudice has caused untold misery. The list of injustice around the globe can go on forever.




The Social Implications of the Osu caste system


The Osu caste system has many social implications. For the purpose of this work, we have classified them as human, civil and political implications. Beginning with human implications, the discussion follows below:

1). Human Rights Implications

One of the essential premises of this paper is campaign for justice and freedom for every human being. In addition, the aim of this paper is to change the mentality of those who support the Osu caste system in Igboland. Many of the Osu groups in Igboland have not seen true justice because of their social status. A priori, this has created debilitating psychic pain in the group. Due to paucity of statistics in Nigeria there is no data to ascertain the level of damage this system has caused on the population. It would be appropriate for some research to be carried out in this area.




The story of the human race, from age to age, is full of the struggle to enjoy certain fundamental rights. These rights include freedom from inhuman treatment; freedom from slavery; freedom from discrimination, freedom of thought, assembly and association and other rights that are "reasonably justifiable in a democratic society" (Azikiwe 1965, p.455). Thus, any culture or tradition that abridges people’s freedom of association violates their human and civil rights. The discriminatory Osu caste system in Igboland is an example of such tradition and culture that bridges the people’s rights to free association. This is an insult to the human race. And it is disheartening, to say the least.




Since human rights constitute the very foundations of democracy, how can democracy thrive in Igboland (and in Nigeria in general) with the discriminatory Osu caste system in the society? Everyone should have the freedom to pursue happiness, as liberty is a basic human right. Obviously, nobody can pursue happiness without being free. Those people branded Osu should have as much equal rights to liberty, life, and freedom as the Diala. These rights are what drive social struggles throughout the history of mankind.




When a group is enslaved, there is no freedom for them. And where there is no freedom, there is obviously no democracy for the Osu group. Sadly, in Nigeria the concept of democracy the public knows is political – sharing of resources among individual states, looting of the treasury by the political leaders with ethnic and religious pandering. Human and civil rights are issues that are not very relevant to the politicians running the affairs of the society. It seems that the leaders of Nigeria do not consider the ill treatment of the Osu as a human right violation.




In an article in the Punch newspaper of January 10, 1996, Mr. Kupoluyi reported how a young university graduate who was performing his national youth-service duties in Imo State (one of the 36 states in Nigeria), was discouraged from dating a beautiful young lady who caught his attention. The young man who was excited about his new found lover broke the news to one of his close friends who happened to know the social background of the woman. The young man, who was not an Igbo, had expected his friend to be excited for him. Instead his friend started to lecture him on the Osu culture in Igboland. He was warned that the Diala in the community would think he was Osu if he was seen in the company of the woman, as the woman in question was a member of the Osu of the community. The young man could not comprehend the culture. But his friend pressed on with stories of the social stigma of the Osu, and how other women of Diala extraction in the area would not associate with him because of the women.




His friend pointed out to him the sections of the community where the Osu is living (the system encourages segregation and hinders social interaction). As this young man did not want to limit his chances of dating other girls in the area, he caved to social pressure and abandoned the girl. Obviously, the young lady discovered that her social background had been exposed to her prospective lover when the man started to distance himself from her (Punch Jan 10, 1996). The article (and similar stories) rekindled the ill feelings this author has had for this repugnant and inhumane Osu caste culture.




A NewsWatch investigation in Oruku community in Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu State further demonstrated how diminutive and discriminatory the Osu practice is. The people of Umuode in the Oruku community are regarded as Osu descendants by the villages of Umuchiani and Onuogowo (the two other villages that make up Oruku town). The people of Umuode are not allowed to mingle with the freeborn (Diala); they cannot inter-marry, and they are not allowed to buy or sell in the same local market. This is purely a primitive behavior. In Akwa-Ekiti in Anambra State, the Osu and the Diala (like in many other Igboland communities) live in different parts of the community (Agbaegbu, January 12, 2000). Unfortunately, every-body in the designated Osu community is automatically pariah, irrespective of ones beauty, level of education, or wealth. They are regarded as the lowest species of mankind, and are treated with contempt.




In a society such as Nigeria where there are no enforceable laws to protect the human rights of the people, an Osu person is often exposed to public ridicule. As you read this article many people are being unfairly treated on the basis of the Osu caste system. Even if they are not insulted and ridiculed in public, the "Osus" always have on them the dehumanizing Osu caste stigma.




The crusade guaranteeing human rights and fundamental freedom of people has been on for centuries. Thomas Jefferson’s assertion in the Declaration of Independence (United States) is a good example. In the document, he asserted, in part:


We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…(The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999, pp.552d-552h).




And since 1948 numerous international Human Rights Treaties have been negotiated that really define human rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965), are among the many treaties. However, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which the UN Commission on Human Rights prepared (then Chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt), and the UN General Assembly endorsed on Dec. 10, 1948, stands as the cornerstone document of human rights. This date is now widely commemorated as Human Rights Day. Regional agreements on human rights have also been drafted. The African Charter of Human and People’s Rights signed in 1981 (and put in force in 1986), has been reported as the weakest of the regional human rights efforts. For instance, most of the provisions are not enforced, as regulatory institutions in the countries of Africa are either weak or non-existent. And law enforcement officers and the courts are tainted by corruption. This is apparently some of the reasons human rights violations are relatively high in this part of the world (The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999).




Clearly, the international and regional human rights documents show that human rights and freedom are to be enjoyed by all without distinction. Nobody should be denied the rights based on race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinions, and national or social origin, property or birth. The system is one of the human rights crimes without parallel in the modern world. But the world is not conscious of it. The social taboos placed on the Osu have prevented them from developing expectations of equality and freedom of choice, as the society has accepted the Osu caste culture as a norm. There is no rational explanation for the continued existence of the system, which has broad human and civil rights implications.




2). Civil Rights Implications

Highlighting inequality in human treatment and relationships is the main objective of this book. Normally when people speak of civil rights, they mean those enforceable rights or privileges, such as freedom of speech, press, assembly, the right to vote, freedom of association, among others. Civil rights include all rights, which human beings have received from nature that the government (or another human being) cannot arbitrarily take away from them. And unless deprived by a guilty sentence or death, every person should enjoy these civil rights. Furthermore, civil rights are sometimes used to mean nonpolitical rights granted by law, such as basic economic and social rights.




One enjoys civil rights without hindrance if a law confers upon the person ‘a positive power to do something.’ Thus, civil rights are considered the cornerstone of a free society; they indicate ways in which a society protects individual freedoms. Civil rights also involve the rights to social justice and freedom; they also involve the rights to social justice, and freedom of association with other individuals. Freedom to believe in error and do evil by imposing a system of inequality among a people is not true freedom. This is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland.




The question is how can any rational human being justify the Osu caste system at this period of modern civilization? As a civilized people, the Igbos should note that democracy demands that the human personality in its course of development should be allowed to proceed without artificial forces or barricade so long as its activity does not violate the safety and reasonable rights of others (The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999). It should also be noted that the struggle for social development should not be limited to the accumulation of material things, such as cars, cash, televisions, stereos, the computers and information super highways.




It is equally important to know that the social development of a nation (or a community) must include, among other things, justice, fairness, and equal treatment for its citizenry. In this way, the nation (or community) will achieve, at least for a long time to come, a desirable "unity in diversity" (Allport, 1979, p. 518). Any civilized society which is by "affirmation democratic" is expected to "provide and protect…" the civil rights of its citizens (Smith & Lindeman, 1951, p.19). And any person who violates a person’s civil rights should be given due consequences without fear, or favor, ill will or affection. Could the citizens of Nigeria learn to seek their own welfare and growth, not at the expense of their fellow men and women, but in concert with them?




The younger generation is less stereotype-ridden of the ascribed Osu than their parents, yet social interaction between the Osu and Diala has not really normalized. If the younger generation is perpetuating the wrongs committed by their forebears, they are then responsible for those wrongs. The youths that as the leaders of tomorrow should lead in condemning the Osu practice, which is a civil rights aberration.




Currently, the Igbo community does not have any collective solution to the Osu caste problem. Communities are dealing with the problem as it affects their localities. Nnobi community is a good example. This author would like to see a general Igbo solution to the Osu problem, instead of leaving it to individual communities. The Igbo society should not let discriminatory Osu caste system to continue, as the subjection of a part of the Igbo community to perpetual social misery and degradation is an unjustifiable human behavior.




3). Political Implications

The Osu caste system is politically unpalatable in some Igbo communities. Those who adore the system often express some traditional sentiments in support of the preservation of this primitive heritage and custom whenever the issue is mentioned. Some of them would argue that the present Igbo generation does not have the authority to destroy what their forefathers invented. They would regard as insane any person who suggests the jettisoning of the Osu caste system.




Like ethnicity in Nigeria the Osu caste system influences the people’s voting behavior in Igboland. Community development projects could be abandoned because a project is sited in an Osu area. The community of Ifakala in Mbaitolu local government area of Imo State had no good source of water supply. And the nearest stream in the area is about eight kilometers away. The State government under the leadership of Governor Sam Mbakwe in the 1980’s decided to help the community with a pipe-borne water scheme. Strangely, a few days before the taps would begin to run, rumors circulated that the village in which the project was located was an Osu neighborhood, and therefore the water was deemed by the Diala as unfit for human consumption. Consequently, the project was left to die away (Agbaegbu, Jan 12, 2000).




Some people in Igboland might even vote against any politician who condemns, or suggests the jettisoning of this Osu caste system. And some Igbo community would not elect a politician from the Osu group to represent them, even if such a person is a better candidate than the Diala. This behavior is more pronounced at the local (village) level. This undeniably prevents the ascribed Osu people from contributing as they ordinarily would to the sociopolitical and economic development of their communities.




The avid supporters of the system would not give their political support to Osu persons who are seeking public offices. Even those in office could lose their positions should they protest any ill treatment against the Osu group. Many examples abound, but the one that caught the attention of this author is the case of Mr. Morris Ede, a former commissioner for special duties in Enugu State. Mr. Ede, an Umuode indigene, protested the manner in which Governor Nnamani of Enugu State and his associates were handling the Osu crisis in Oruku community. The people of Umuode were driven out of their community, because they are said to be Osu. Apparently, because of his protest, Mr. Ede lost his job as a commissioner for special duties when Governor Nnamani reshuffled his cabinet. 11




The Osu situation is similar to what happened to the blacks in the United States in the 1960s. Some people are now advocating that America should pay restitution and render apology for the violation of the civil and human rights of the Black Race. The international community has also been called upon to recognize that there is a unique and unprecedented moral debt owed to Africans for their humiliation and exploitation (Robinson, 2000). By the some token, the entire Igbo community should eradicate the Osu system and render an apology, if not restitution, to the ascribed Osu people for their years of humiliation in the hands of the Diala. Thus, human beings should try to differentiate right from wrong, what is permissible and what is impermissible. The discriminatory Osu culture (like other types of discrimination) should be brought to the attention of the world. It is the hope of this author that this paper serves the purpose, as the Osu caste system is a human and civil rights tragedy.




The Osu Caste System: An Agenda for Change


The crucial step of trying to find solution to the Osu issue in I

[b]The Osu Caste System in Igboland Discrimination Based on Descent


By

Victor E. Dike



Introduction


The Igbos are found mostly in the Southeastern and South-central Nigeria called Igboland or Igbo society (Alaigbo or Anaigbo). By the late 20th century the population of the Igbos are about 27 million.1 The majority of the Igbos are Christians, but some of them practice the indigenous traditional religion, whose major tenets are shared by all Igbo-speaking people of Nigeria (Uchendu 1965). The traditional religion is passed on to succeeding generations, but the advent of Christianity in Igboland around "1885" had some influence on the traditional beliefs (Talbot 1969). The indigenous traditionalists believe in the earth goddess, deities and ancestral spirits and in a Creator-God, Chukwu, Obasi, Chi, or Chineke, the "Supreme God" (Achebe 1959). The Igbo traditional beliefs have some positive influence on the culture and social lives of the people. For instance, the forefathers of the Igbos were known for their righteousness, honesty and hard work. And they were opinion leaders, impartial judges and people of impeccable character.




However, a relic of the indigenous religious practice of the Igbos is the dehumanizing Osu caste system, which has divided and alienated the Igbos.




Therefore, this paper discusses the Osu caste system, an indigenous religious belief system, practiced within the Igbo nation, with the purpose of bringing the discriminatory, dehumanizing and obnoxious Osu caste system to the attention of the international community. This is because whenever issues of discriminatory practices around the world are tabled for discussion in the international community the repugnant and discriminatory Osu caste system is never mentioned.



Definitions of Terms

It is essential to provide some definitions and clarifications of terms associated with the Osu caste system. It would be very difficult, if not impossible to explain and analyze the terms related to the issue to individuals who are not familiar with the system without an explanation of the many labels describing the Osu. Each ethnic nationality in Nigeria has its own reasons for discriminating against their own people; and some of the reasons are apparently religious.




The Igbos, which are the center of this discourse, discriminate against each other by reason of the Osu caste status. The Igbo people refer to the Osu in varied names; it is referred to as Adu-Ebo in Nzam in Onitsha. In the Nsukka area it is referred to as Oruma; it is called Nwani or Ohualusi at Augwu area.2 These names, Osu, Ume, Ohu, Oru, Ohu Ume, Omoni (Okpu-Aja), have the same connotation in Igboland. The people referred to by the names are regarded as sub-human being, the unclean class, or slaves.




In this paper the author shall use the term, Osu, to describe all the lower caste groups in Igboland. It should noted that in their hierarchy of social status, the Ume (especially, in this author’s community) is the Osu class the Diala abhors to interact or socialize with the most.




The Osu, by definition, is a people sacrificed to the gods in Igbo community. And they assist the high priest of the traditional religion to serve the deities or the gods in their shrine. It is the belief of many Igbo traditionalists that the deities, which were (and are still) perceived in some quarters as being very powerful, would wreck havoc in the society, if they are not appeased. In some special circumstances, those who hold the traditional beliefs of the Igbos could transform a Diala who committed certain atrocities against the land, into an Osu. This process involved intricate rituals (offering of libations and sacrificing animals to the earth goddess). Some of the ancestors of the present-day Osu people inherited their dehumanizing social status this way. That method is now a thing of the old; Western influence has affected this practice. Presently, one could acquire the Osu status through inheritance and marriage.




Because of many oral interpretations of the construct, the Osu has various definitions. It has been defined as a ‘cult slave,’ a living sacrifice,’ an ‘untouchable,’ ‘outcast,’ ‘owner’s cult,’ ‘a slave of the deity,’ and a ‘sacred and holy being.’ 3 These names mean the same: it is an abomination in the Igbo society for the Diala to marry Osu.




For this author, the Osu caste system is a societal institution borne out of a primitive traditional belief system colored by superstition, and propagated by ignorance. It is absurd to categorize a human as a sub-human being. Although this author is not a member of the group, he condemns the practice of the Osu caste system, because it is a human rights aberration.




The Osu caste system, which is a form of discrimination, has caused inter-communal discords and wars between the Osu and the Diala in Igboland. And many lives and properties have been destroyed as a result.




According to the United Nations definition, ‘discrimination includes any conduct based on a distinction made on grounds of natural or social categories, which have no relation either to individual capacities or merits, or to the concrete behavior of the individual person.’ The discrimi-natory Osu practices involves inequality in freedom of movement and choice of residence, inequality in the right of peaceful association, inequality in the enjoyment of the right to marry and establish a family, (and) inequality in access to public office… slavery’ (Allport 1979, p. 52). That is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland. If one may ask, could a right exist if it is not regularly enforced? To put it differently, can a right exist without specific legislation that provides for its protection and remedies if violated? Oddly enough, the victims of the Osu system have not any legal recourse in Igboland. And strangely, some people believe that the humiliating Osu caste system is a part of the Igbo culture nobody should temper with. Fortunately, many Igbos have a contrary opinion.



The Osu Caste System and the Indigenous Religious Practices of the Igbo nation

All human beings are created equal, but human experiences are heterogeneous. Some people have had it rough all their life on earth, while others do not have a lot to complain about. Naturally, life has the same meaning for everyone, but the Osu caste system in Igboland seems to have changed the meaning of life for a group of people branded Osu. No historical question gives the Igbos more concern than that of, "How did the Osu caste system come to be in Igboland?" This section of the paper attempts to deal with the question.




There are many versions of oral information on the origins of the Osu caste system. In the absence of documented information, oral sources are central to the study of history in Igboland, and other parts of Nigeria. There is a paucity of written information on the issue of the Osu caste system. This is apparently because many people shy away from discussing the issue for fear of being branded Osu lovers. However, available little documented information show that the Osu caste system started out of the indigenous religious practices of the Igbos.




The indigenous religion is interwoven with Igbo cultural practices, and it is difficult for foreigners to fully understand and appreciate the good part of the Igbo culture. The indigenous Igbo regards himself as a meeting point of Mother Earth or "Ala", which contains all physical creation and the ancestral spirit that is functionally linked to his ancestors. The Supreme Spirit "Chi-Ukwu" or "Chukwu" is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything. The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the deities that are ultimately linked to one’s "chi" or spiritual force. Deities are derived out of objects of creation such as ‘geophysical landmarks’ like seas, lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains, spirits such as warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders. Those geophysical landmarks are regarded as the homes of the gods and the ancestral spirits (Isiechi 1976). And the gods are perceived as the bridges between the people and their life. And the belief was that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect them and serve their interest.4




An individual’s fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that exist between one’s "chi", the deities and the Creator or "Chineke". Humans interact directly with deities, which function as intermediaries to the Supreme Spirit or Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one’s domain is an assurance that one is likely to obtain the largesse of creation while, at same time, minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an individual’s obligation to observe the customs of the land since their violation could offend the deities; and goodwill and protection from the deities depends on one’s cordial relationship with them.




Every indigenous Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family’s ancestral spirits resided and communed with the living. There were (are still) village and town deities, which became more powerful because of their reputation or notoriety. This category of deities is almost like institutions unto themselves. The deities were (and some are still) attended to by highly respected priests and assistants, who were (are) engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors who could come from far away places to commune at the famous shrines.




Historical accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful deities created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major shrines. Miniature ‘monasteries’ were established in the vicinity of major shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. And because some of these deities are believed to be very powerful, they should be attended to on continuous basis, with intricate religious rituals in their shrines. However, the "indigenous monks," upon mastering their spiritual functions (of learning to serve the gods) were unjustly and erroneously assigned the Igbo pejorative name of Osu, Ume or Ohu arusi (the slave of the deities/gods or shrines). And so was the story of how the institution of the Osu cult (ritual slavery) originated. The Osus and their descendants belonged to the gods; and they become the properties of the shrines. And they resided in the vicinity of the shrines of major deities and for all practical purposes excluded themselves from routine engagements with the rest of the community. In other words, being the agents of the deities the Osus maintained an aloof relationship with the rest of the civil society.




The early Osu ranks were "non-celibate" and thus had families; and the offspring inherited their status. The community maintained a set of rules that regulated their interactions with the Osus, mostly out of fear (and or respect) for the powerful deities under which they thrived and performed their religious functions. For instance, intimate social interaction, including marriage, was forbidden between Osus and the Diala. In some communities, it is forbidden for the Diala to spill the blood of Osus (even in non-hostile situations). Some communities go as far as forbidding the Diala from eating meat that was butchered or prepared by an Osu. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the Osus and the Diala grew and till today, but they vary from place to place. Any person who breaches the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu automatically becomes an Osu. Even though the offenders may not physically relocate to cohabit with the Osus, they were (are) regarded and treated like an Osu by the rest of the community. Like the racism, Osuism 5 have distorts and impedes normal interpersonal relationship between the Diala and Osu in Igboland.




Before the arrival of the ‘white man’ and Christianity, the discriminatory relationship that existed between Osus and Diala was perceived as normal. Things are gradually changing; the world is beginning to perceive the Osu caste system as a form of discrimination. However, the Osus fulfilled their lives in the communities by serving the deities. In return, they obtained a reasonable livelihood from proceeds of offerings that pour steadily into the premises of the deities that they served. The coming of the Europeans led to a process of social change and some of the customs of the indigenous Igbo society were beginning to be seen as going contrary to the beliefs of the Europeans. In the past, the tradition of some of the Igbo states, such as Ossomari and Arondizuogu, engaged in communal wars with the intention of procuring captives and slaves. Communities tended to punish their criminals by selling them into slavery. In some cases, parents were forced by "poverty and hunger" to sell their never-do-well children. During this stone-aged era human sacrifice was common, and slaves were often used for this purpose. According to Isiechi (1976), the dead rulers of Igbo Ukwu were buried together with several slaves as sacrifices.




However, the trans-Atlantic slave trade contributed to the frequency of inter-clan wars, which often resulted in neighboring communities raiding each other for slaves and other booties. The Osus were forbidden to be combatants in warfare for fear of spilling their blood, which could unleash the wrath of the deities. Some defenseless small communities were often compelled to seek refuge in the premises of nearby shrines in order to avert impending doom when under sudden attack from superior invading forces. Once the deity’s high priest acknowledged and granted them protection from attack and harm to the refugees, they were automatically converted to the Osu status.




In some circumstances, prisoners captured during inter-communal wars were sold off, and their new owners could elect to enlist some of them to Osu status by giving them away as gestures of and placation to a local deity. Other captives could be sold as slaves or become objects of ritual murder, which occurred mostly upon the death of powerful chieftains. However, some war captives preferred the Osu status rather than being sold far away to distant lands as slaves. Thus, the population of the Osu increased. Evidence suggests that the Osu were originally regarded with "respect and honour" apparently because they belonged to the gods. This show of respect for those who attended to the shrines, unfortunately, transformed into social ostracism. 6 And the Osus were not many in number. But in the nineteenth century, "their numbers expanded and their status deteriorated dramatically, so that they became outcasts, feared and despised" or even abhorred (Basden 1966).




With the abolition of slave trade in the nineteenth century (1807) the loss of external outlets for the sale of slaves led to an unprecedented escalation of the practice of using human beings for sacrifice. It was reported that forty slaves were killed and used for sacrifice at the death of Obi Ossai of Aboh, in 1845 (Isiechi 1976). As mentioned earlier, there is a strong Igbo belief that the spirits of one’s ancestors keep a constant vigil over him/her. And traditional religion was highly practiced by the traditionalists; thus, the spirits of the all-important ancestors were worshipped through the gods or deities.




In addition, the cessation of trans-Atlantic slave trade (and the inculcation of new values from the Europeans), the respect accorded to the Osu (because of their role as servants of powerful deities) began to wane. As noted earlier, the European missionaries began to perceive the ways of the indigenous religious practices as impediments to their mission of spreading the Christian faith. Thus, assault on the Igbo indigenous religious practices was fierce and multi-faceted. Children were effectively indoctrinated in the emerging school system to reject their parents’ traditional way of life, which was characterized as both primitive and barbaric. The children in schools were used effectively as conduits for transforming the rest of the family.




In most cases, parents opted to join their children by converting to Christianity in order to avert major internal family crises. Where such was not the case, the aging parents were simply allowed to die away with their indigenous religious and cultural belief system. The converts to the new faith were used by early missionaries as effective tools for the destruction of cultural artifacts and religious objects like shrines, traditional sculptures and a host of other valuable indigenous artwork. Test of the new converts’ faith in Christianity was usually their ability to destroy any relics of the past within their reach. But the whole of Igbo culture did not lie only in its artistic, cultural and religious artifacts. In spite of all the destruction, the average Igbo person retained the core values of his cultural heritage. Many people became churchgoers on Sundays, but remained loyal to the indigenous culture.




The interest of the British in Nigeria was purely economic; and this took precedence over everything else. The Osu caste system, a dynamic offshoot of Igbo indigenous religious practice, remains alive today as the British and their converts could not obliterate the belief system. And as those entrapped in the caste system could not be helped by system of their new Christian faith, they became disillusioned.




One of the factors that enabled early Christian missionaries to establish a foothold quickly in the Igbo heartland was their promise to new converts (mostly the Osus) that the new order would guarantee equality of rights and opportunities to everyone. But disillusionment (as earlier noted), soon dampened their enthusiasm when it gradually became clear that even the "whiteman’s church" was not powerful enough to stop the discriminatory treatment meted out to them. The Osus, at the time in review, were known to have pursued Western education in large numbers. In addition, many joined the new Christian mission as priests and teachers. In spite of these accomplishments, the Osus’ right to equal treatment remained unfulfilled, because neither the Christian missionaries nor the sketchy colonial administration in place had what it took to change the attitude of the people at the grassroots level where the Osu practice predominates. Presently, the Osus are like refugees who have been abandoned to wonder in the wilderness after being dislodged from their comfortable places as the servers of the deities. The respect and dignity that the Osus experienced because of their role within the indigenous religion has now been replaced with a de facto social ostracism from which escape is extremely difficult.



Another story has a different version of how the Osu system came to be in Igboland community. The story had it that an old man told some children who were gathered with him around a camp fire during a cold harmattan morning how a group of traditional elders ganged up to give up one of their own to the gods of the land. (The harmattan is a cold and dry wind blowing down from the north). The storyteller reported that his father told him that there was an agreement among the persons that were gathered for a ritual that one person from the village would be sacrificed to the gods, which would be made to appease the gods of the land that were terrorizing the community. Everyone at the meeting swore in the name of the gods and on the ofor (the ofor is the bible for those who hold traditional Igbo beliefs) that nobody would disagree with their decisions. The powerful gods would be made happy so that they would desist from wrecking havoc on the community. The man who was later chosen to attend to the shrines did not know that he was the person that would be selected to perform the task of serving the gods.




When the man who was a party to the decision was unanimously selected (to be offered in sacrifice to the deities), he jumped up from his chair and cried, as he knew what his social status would be in the community. After a series of intense rituals were undertaken, the man was transformed and labeled an Osu of the land. And his descendants have since inherited his status. The community had to build a hut for him at a market square of the town, as the gods are usually located near a market place in many communities in Igboland.7 Thus, the Osu system finds rationalization in Igbo religious beliefs and dogma.




Each time these stories are recounted, it would be easy for any rational person to figure out that they are colored by misconception. It is the opinion of this author that the Osu caste system, which has caused a lot misery to many people in Igboland, originated out of ancient beliefs. All these stories about the Osu caste system precede the Chinua Achebe’s popular Things Fall Apart, in which the plights of the Osu or outcast in Igboland were vividly, described (1959, pp.154-156).




No matter how the Osu caste system originated in Igboland, and no matter its apparent past benefits, it is now the feeling of many peace-loving individuals that the ancient institution, which is an internal apartheid in Igboland, has outlived its usefulness. To redeem the Osus and Igbo society (which practice the obnoxious Osu caste system) one should revisit the past so as to explain the rationale behind the once vibrant Osu caste culture. The Osu caste system remains a sad reminder of the historical past of the Igbo nation. The only way to put those sad memories to rest is to find the ways and means to terminate the discriminatory practices of the Osu caste system as it exists today. And with the co-operation of everyone in the Igbo nation, this task can be accomplished.




Internal Apartheid


Many other forms of discriminatory practices abound in Nigeria, but the Osu caste system is the main focus here. In the Southeast of Nigeria, the people of Umuode in Nkanu East local government area of Enugu State, who are said to be the descendants of the Osu, are being treated as second class citizens. In their Oruku community made up of Umuode, Umuchiani and Onuogowu, the people of Umuode have limited social interaction with the rest of the community because of their ascribed Osu status. And strangely, the other two villages cannot intermarry with the people of Umuode. No matter their social status in the community the local churches could hardly appoint the people of Umuode to positions of responsibility. Thus, the people are made outcasts. This class ostracism is operated in such a manner that any person from the other side of the community who talks to, or greets any person from Umuode, pays a fine sometimes as high as one Thousand Naira (N1,000). Because of this situation the people of Umuode operate their own local market different from the Eke-oruku market, which is owned exclusively by Umuchiani and Onuogowo. The people of Umuode have waged wars against this social stigma; about five major conflicts have been recorded in this area since 1995, and many lives have been lost (Agbaegbu, 12 Jan. 2000).




The people of Umuaka community in Imo State, Nigeria, categorize one of their ten villages Osu. Other minor lower caste groups found in many kindred are given the pejorative Igbo expression of ‘ndi ejiri goro ihe,’ meaning those who are sacrificial lamb to the gods. They are slaves to the gods of the community and kindred. As is the case in Umuode in Oruku community, the discrimination of the Diala against the Osu in Umuaka affects marriage and relationships of love with the Osu and the rest of the community. The Diala is traditionally and socially abhorred and forbidden to marry an Osu; intermarriage with Osu is an abomination.




However, some communities, for example, Nnobi in Idemili local government area of Anambra State, have been able to fully integrate their Osu population into the mainstream of the community. 8 All other Igbo communities should emulate the good work of the Nnobi community and work harder to bridge the Osu divide in their areas.




In Umuaka the Osus who are interested in politics in the community are not getting the necessary support from the rest of the community. This has greatly hindered their social upward mobility in the community. In the past the avid supporters of the Osu caste system would even refrain from eating (dinning) with them or drink from the same water-well (pond) with the Osu.




As noted earlier, this type of behavior could be likened to the issues during the civil right struggles in the United States when the ‘whites’ and ‘blacks’ were prevented from drinking from the same public fountain (Smelser 1981). In the past when the Osu discriminatory behavior was taken to the extreme, those who believed in the system would even refrain from touching the Osu for fear of being transformed into an Osu. In addition, in the past the ardent supporters of the Osu caste system would not buy whatever the Osu merchants had for sell in the local market. During that period in review, there was an apparent superstition that the ghost of the ancestors would haunt any person who was friendly with the Osu. There has been some slight improvement in social interaction between the Diala and the Osu, although inter-marriage between the two is still seen as a social taboo by the Diala.




In the late 1980s, the Osu people in Umuaka revolted, as they could not take the humiliation from the Diala any more. They physically assaulted a couple of women from the Diala section of the community, with the intention of transforming the women to Osu so that the Diala would reject them. The action would also give them the taste of the pains and humiliation of the Osu status. The brouhaha that followed this action was short-lived, as the Diala in the community responded with counter forces. In Imo State alone over 60 of such incidents have been reported since 1979 (see Ezeala & the Association for Social Justice (not dated); and Agbaegbu, 12 January 2000).




The Osu social problem cannot be solved by temporarily subduing those groups that are suffering from injustices with force. This author is not advocating violence, but the riots, which occurred in Umuaka in the late 1980s, and those of Umuode in the 1990s, are cautionary tales of what might happen to some of the Igbo communities if the plights of the Osu are not resolved. The insensitivity of the generality of the Igbos to the plights of the Osu has the potential to cause social violence in Igboland. And according to psychology, frustration can breed aggression. This author would like to add that hatred and discrimination breed frustration, which in turn breeds hatred and aggression. As Philosopher Spinoza rightly and nicely noted, "He who conceives himself hated by another, and believes that he had given him no cause for hatred, will hate that other in return" (Allport 1979, p.155).




The Igbos should begin to treat the "Osus" as the human beings that they really are. Any person who thinks they deserve the ugly social conditions they found themselves in should walk in their shoes (or switch lives with them) to feel their pains. While the world may not know everything about why and how conflicts occur in societies, several studies show that inequality, abuse of human and civil rights, absence of the rule of law, discrimination and absence of freedom are among the major causes of conflicts (and even civil wars). The United Nations’ documents on social unrest in African societies point to these factors.9




Although some of the behaviors against the Osu are caused by the traditional belief system of the Igbos, this author would say that many of the supporters of the Osu caste practice are deficient in the skills needed to analyze the socio-economic and political development of the Igbo nations. If not, they should have known that such behaviors toward the so-called Osu affects the image of, and are detrimental to their welfare and the progress of the hardworking and peace loving Igbo society at large. It is criminal to violate people’s civil and human rights under the excuse of preserving an ancient culture. As it were, "An injustice unresolved…burns a hole in the heart" (Cose, April 21, 1997, p.45).




The Osu caste system and stereotype


It has been noted in the preceding sections that the Diala interact less with or avoids the Osu completely. In some communities in Igboland an Osu is regarded as a worthless human being. As Things Fall Apart notes in a conversation, which ensued over the question of admitting outcasts to a local little church in the village of Mbanta, between Mr. Kiaga, a missionary teacher, and one of the converts, the Osu is:


a person dedicated to a god, a thing set apart – a taboo forever, and his children after him. He could neither marry nor be married by the freeborn. He was in fact an outcast, living in a special area of the village, close to the Great Shrine. Wherever he went he carried with him the mark of his forbidden caste – long, tangled dirty hair. A razor was a taboo to him. An Osu could not attend an assembly of the freeborn, and they, in turn, could not shelter under his roof. He could not take any of the four titles of the clan, and when he died he was buried by his kind in the Evil Forest. How could such a man be a follower of Christ? (Achebe 1959, p.156)




The issue of stereotyping is not new. With almost a uniform agreement among white Americans, African-Americans are labeled (in error), as lower class in mentality and manners. In a study conducted in the 1930s, Kimball Young listed many stereotypes for the "Negroes" in the United States. The study noted that African-Americans have "emotional instability, [are] lazy and boisterous" (Young, 1934, pp.158-163).




Why does the Diala avoid (or interacts less) with the Osu groups? When this author was younger, he was told many ‘funny and strange’ stories about the Osu group in his community similar to those documented in Things Fall Apart. There is a belief that people interact less or avoid the Osu because they feared that the spirit of the deities (which the Osu people serve), would haunt those who socialize with the Osu. The people in the villages believe that the deities that the Osu attends to are powerful and dangerous.




Others would say that socializing with the Osu would contaminate, pollute and transform the Diala into an Osu. There is also the belief that since the Osu has been dedicated to the gods it was a taboo to socialize with the group. In addition, oral history would say that the Osu is isolated because they "steal" and are "dishonest." Yet, other stories would say that the Diala abhor those branded Osu because they are "dirty" or that they have "repulsive body odor" and are "lazy." However, there is no empirical evidence to support these inhumane assertions (Dike 2002).




While some of the leaders of thoughts, the elite and politicians in Igboland pretend not to know about this social injustice, many reasonable and enlightened individuals in Igboland believe that the Osu caste system is a pure "politics of unreason" at its highest level (Lipset & Raab 1970). This discriminatory behavior is an added burden on the Osu who are already burdened with unemployment, poverty, crime and other injustices prevalent in Nigeria. And through socialization (and bias inherited from their parents) some of the Igbo youth have internalized the discriminatory behavior toward the Osu.



Culture and Social Progress


The Osu system is "a cultural albatross for the Igbo society," as it is an impediment to human relationships and social progress (Nwosu, June 19, 1999). The Osu caste system, which the forefathers of the Igbos invented, has become the culture in parts of Igboland. Sociologists have noted that the culture of a people influences their lives. And Igbo culture (as one can see), has influenced the practice and propagation of the Osu caste system.




Without a doubt, "Culture Matters" (Harrison and Huntington (eds.) 2000). The culture of a people, therefore, is an important variable in their social progress. Thus, a society’s heritage, values, and customs, in large part, determine its social progress. If discrimination and segregation are inimical to social progress, then no society should preserve that aspect of its culture, which hinders its progress.




If one may ask, are the shrines that were inherited from the ancestors to blame for the continued practice of the Osu caste system in Igboland? Is the caste system compatible with the principles of democracy? Are the civil and human rights of the Osu groups not being violated? Is the Osu caste system in agreement with the Igbos’ belief that one is his or her brother’s keeper? One cannot ask enough questions here!




Obviously the Osu culture violates the civil and human rights of the people subjected to it. It is also against the principles of democracy, as it encourages segregation and inhibits the free association of the Osu with the Diala in Igbo society. At a period when the world is evolving into a global community, there is no room for this type of hate and bigotry. Preaching democracy by word of mouth is not enough. It has to be followed with actions. The discriminatory treatment of this group by the Diala runs contrary to how Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart portrays the Igbo culture. Okonkwu visited Nwakibie "to pay his respects and also to ask for a favor" with two pots of palm wine. During the presentation of colanut and offering of libation Nwakibie intoned:

We shall all live. We pray for life, children, a good harvest and happiness. You will have what is good for you and I will have what is good for me. Let the kite perch and the eagle perch too. If one says no to the other, let his wing break. (Achebe, 1959, p.19)




Thus, any person (or group) who discriminates against any human being (or group), does not wish that person (or group) well. In fact, if it were within the power of the ardent believers of the Osu system to decide who would go to heaven. The untouchables (as the Osu is often referred to), because of their social status, would not be allowed any place in heaven. Fortunately, these heartless and overly mean-spirited individuals do not have the power to play God. The Osu system and other forms of discrimination should not occur in any modern society. Nigeria should begin to educate her population on the importance of respecting the human and civil rights of their fellow human beings. Although the Osu caste system is not a Pan-Igbo issue, the effects on the people subjected to it is as discouraging and humiliating as the effects of the racial discrimination in the United States, or apartheid policy in South Africa before 1994.




Global Perspective on Discrimination


Hatred and distrust between and among groups is not new. The Blacks in the United States suffer terrible discrimination in the hands of whites. As an example, the banks in the United States are much more reluctant to give loans/grants to blacks than to whites (The Economist, July 10th 1993). In Apartheid South Africa, blacks (before the system was dismantled in 1994), suffered similar discrimination in the hands of the whites.




Like the racial discrimination in the United States, the Osu caste system promotes an ideology of the supremacy of the Diala over the Osu. Because racial discrimination occurs mostly between people of different skin colors (e.g. black and white) or between people from different nationalities, it is very difficult to understand the Osu phenomenon in the social history of the Igbos (a people of the same ethnicity).




The modern world views the ownership of human beings by other human beings, and the use of human beings for sacrifice as evil. Sadly, this was one of the characteristics of the Osu caste system in Igboland. As mentioned earlier, several Osu slaves were buried as a ritual to bury and mourn for deceased rulers, including the ruler of Igbo Ukwu. And this practice expanded during the years of slave trade (Isichei 1976). Although the Osu people are not physically being slaughtered presently for rituals, but the Osu social stigma is a tremendous barrier to human relations and their upward mobility in some Igbo communities (see Chapter 2).




The sad fact remains that the domination and control of human beings by others has been a common practice in societies around the world; and this has been powered by prejudice and discrimination. For instance, slavery was an integral part of the ancient Greek society, and Plato was known to have opposed the enslavement of Greeks. Slaves were used for many tedious domestic chores in ancient Rome before the 2nd Century BC. But most of the slaves were foreigners and prisoners-of-war (Adkins and Adkins, 1994).




Unlike the Osu caste system in Igboland the slaves did not remain slaves from cradle to grave. And this practice of human enslavement did not go unchallenged. Three great slave revolts took place during this period. Two revolts occurred in Sicily in 135-132 BC and104-101 BC; and the other took place in Italy around 73-71 BC (Adkins & Adkins, 1994; Madden, 1996). However, those slaves became free by being given manumission (freedom) by their owner, or by buying their own freedom. And any children subsequently born to them became free citizens (Adkins & Adkins 1994; Madden, 1996).




As noted earlier, in the Apartheid South Africa racial segregation was the law of the land before 1994. In South Africa, the English are against the Afrikaner. Both are against the Jews; and all the three are opposed to the Indians. But all the four conspire against the native black South Africans (Allport 1979). But the apartheid system was destroyed with the combination of internal forces and pressure from multinational corporations and foreign countries. Some of the readers may recall that the election of Nelson Mandela as the first black president of the country apparently brought a closure to the inhuman system.




The Igbos of Nigeria were among the many nations that opposed the repressive system of Apartheid in South Africa. Although the Osu caste system in Igboland may not be perceived as a national issue, Nigeria and in fact, the Igbos who were against Apartheid in South Africa should have destroyed its own internal apartheid before asking South Africa to do the same. Unfortunately, at the turn of the 21st Century, the Osu caste system is still in existence in many Igbo communities. This system is as repressive, if not more repressive, than the apartheid system in South Africa. As it was in the apartheid system an Osu, in most part, is segregated from the rest of the community; they are more or less like a socially imprisoned people in the Igbo community.




Racial discrimination was prominent in the Southern part of the United States before the American Civil War (1860-1865). The so-called Jim Crow laws enforced segregation with separate public drinking fountains for blacks and whites. Other minorities, Hispanics, Vietnamese, Native Americans were (and are still) being treated with disregard in the United States (Smelser 1981). Federal and State laws by the end of the sixties prohibit discrimination in all places. And the laws weigh heavily on any person or organization found guilty of this offense. Despite all the laws against discrimination in the society, covert racial discrimination is still alive and well in the United States. There remain discriminations in employment, housing, and in marriage.




This author has been subjected to discrimination in many instances in the United States. In one painful and frustrating instance, he was intentionally negatively appraised, and disparately treated on the job. Why? This is simply because he is a black person. Having experienced discrimination in the United States, this author could not avoid speaking against discrimination in Igboland. The ability of a black person in the United States to perform a simple task is always in question by the racist white man, even after he or she has proved himself capable of performing the task beyond all reasonable doubt. As one writer rightly noted, in the year 2000, race in America still has a powerful impact on life experiences. Race affects mortality rates of black babies, the quality of education of black children where blacks live, how they interact with the police, the kind of employment opportunities or health care available to them – in short, life experiences from cradle to grave (Shaw, Feb. 25, 2000, p. A72).




Unlike the Osu caste practice in Igboland, racial discrimination in the United States is now chiefly practiced in covert and indirect ways. Because of all the laws in the society discrimination is no longer primarily a face-to-face encounter where embarrassment would result. And with the laws the victims of racial discrimination have some legal recourse. This is not to idealize the United States on race matters. White Americans are still very much better off; and they dominate political power. In other words, race still affects all facets of a black person’s life in the United States.




The common ill treatment of blacks, both the poor as well as the affluent could be seen in attitudes. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the Skin Heads and White Supremacy, are among the reminders of the hostility against minorities, and the dangers of discrimination and prejudice in the United States (Smelser 1981; Bettelheim & Janowitz, 1964).




Adolf Hitler’s hatred for the Jews and the atrocities his followers committed at the Auschwitz concentration camp, are still fresh in memory. The heinous act is very difficult to understand. In this camp millions of men, women, and children, mostly of Jewish descent, were murdered. Between the summer of 1941 and the end of World War II in 1945, about two and a half million people perished at Auschwitz in gas chambers and ovens. This was a deliberate genocide, which represented what Adolf Hitler had called the final solution of the Jewish problem. Nothing other than prejudice and discrimination against the Jews led to the horrible and unpardonable homicide (Allport 1979; Smelser, 1981; Shirer 1960).




The ending of the East-West Cold War and the peace treaty signed between Israel, Egypt, and Jordan has not helped the matter in the Middle East. And despite the on-going peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, the Arab/ Muslim, and Israeli conflict continues to simmer in the Middle East. In other words, violence between Muslims and Christians is still on the rise.




The caste discrimination in India is another global problem. The original caste system in India, Varna, came about when the Aryan-speaking nomadic groups migrated from the north to India in about 1500 BC. In other words, the caste system, which has been part of the Hindu religion, is believed to be nearly 3000 years old. The caste is an indicator of social and economic disparity in India.10 The Harijans (the unclean, the lowest of the low caste, outcast, or untouchables) were known to have performed the menial jobs in the society (Sarchet-Waller, 1996; Murthy, 1999). The Harijans and Chamars were formerly denied access to skilled jobs and landed property by virtue of their caste. In India religious sanctions are used to impose an assignment of social hierarchy, which is impossible to escape, except of course, by changing one’s religion.




However, Mahatma Gandhi fought against the evils of the caste system until he was assassinated in 1948. In September 1932, he began the struggle to "bring about a silent revolution in the structure" of the Indian society. Gandhi lamented that untouchability was "crushing the very soul of Indian religion and society." He promised the poorest and most downtrodden of the India’s poor- the untouchables- that democracy would free them from their misery. Gandhi continued to fight to "eradicate the [caste] practice he found so abhorrent" until his death in 1948 (Jesudasam 1984).




The strongest and most frontal attack on the caste system in India was the Constitution of India adopted on Nov. 26, 1949. It is perhaps appropriate to mention that India became an independent nation in 1947. The 1949 "constitution guarantees the right of all its citizens to justice, liberty, equality, and dignity" (Murthy 1999). India has since been working assiduously to bridge the country’s bitter political divides. Although prejudice still exists in the villages, currently, India’s outcast hold high paying jobs, and in the cities they can marry from other groups. The question is, can Nigeria’s democracy free the Osu in Igboland as democracy has improved the life of the lower caste in India? This is an ultimate challenge for the Nigerian democracy.




In Guyana, a color-caste system has produced a racially divided labor market. The Africans (blacks) are said to dominate the civil service, the professional positions, and industry; and Indians are known to control agriculture and small businesses (Premdas, Autumn/Winter 1995). In the Indian Andes in South America, linguistic and cultural characteristics provide the basis for discrimination; the Indio, like virtually everyone else in the region, is of mixed ancestry. But the Indio is distinguished from others and ‘kept in his place’ by his mode of dressing, his habits, etc.



In Yugoslavia, the 1999 conflict between the Kosovars (the Moslem ethnic Albanians) and the Serbian military and para-military forces had ethnic and religious coloration. The Kosovars demanded political autonomy from Yugoslavia, but President Slobodan Molisevic (with his military might) was determined to crush the people and their demand. However, the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) did not allow the ethnic cleansing to go unpunished. The Serbs were bombed to submission. But Slobodan Molisevic did not go down, until the people’s October 2000 revolution forced him out of office. Mr. Slobadan Milosevic who has since been arrested and indicted on war crimes charges, will be tried by the International Criminal Tribunal at The Hague (CNN: World, June 29, 2001).




The massacre of the Chechens by Russia is another reminder of the prevalence of prejudice and discrimination all over the globe. It is beyond human comprehension why the world has turned a deaf ear to this unjust extermination of a group by Russia. This is not an exhaustive list of nations in the world where discrimination and prejudice has caused untold misery. The list of injustice around the globe can go on forever.




The Social Implications of the Osu caste system


The Osu caste system has many social implications. For the purpose of this work, we have classified them as human, civil and political implications. Beginning with human implications, the discussion follows below:

1). Human Rights Implications

One of the essential premises of this paper is campaign for justice and freedom for every human being. In addition, the aim of this paper is to change the mentality of those who support the Osu caste system in Igboland. Many of the Osu groups in Igboland have not seen true justice because of their social status. A priori, this has created debilitating psychic pain in the group. Due to paucity of statistics in Nigeria there is no data to ascertain the level of damage this system has caused on the population. It would be appropriate for some research to be carried out in this area.




The story of the human race, from age to age, is full of the struggle to enjoy certain fundamental rights. These rights include freedom from inhuman treatment; freedom from slavery; freedom from discrimination, freedom of thought, assembly and association and other rights that are "reasonably justifiable in a democratic society" (Azikiwe 1965, p.455). Thus, any culture or tradition that abridges people’s freedom of association violates their human and civil rights. The discriminatory Osu caste system in Igboland is an example of such tradition and culture that bridges the people’s rights to free association. This is an insult to the human race. And it is disheartening, to say the least.




Since human rights constitute the very foundations of democracy, how can democracy thrive in Igboland (and in Nigeria in general) with the discriminatory Osu caste system in the society? Everyone should have the freedom to pursue happiness, as liberty is a basic human right. Obviously, nobody can pursue happiness without being free. Those people branded Osu should have as much equal rights to liberty, life, and freedom as the Diala. These rights are what drive social struggles throughout the history of mankind.




When a group is enslaved, there is no freedom for them. And where there is no freedom, there is obviously no democracy for the Osu group. Sadly, in Nigeria the concept of democracy the public knows is political – sharing of resources among individual states, looting of the treasury by the political leaders with ethnic and religious pandering. Human and civil rights are issues that are not very relevant to the politicians running the affairs of the society. It seems that the leaders of Nigeria do not consider the ill treatment of the Osu as a human right violation.




In an article in the Punch newspaper of January 10, 1996, Mr. Kupoluyi reported how a young university graduate who was performing his national youth-service duties in Imo State (one of the 36 states in Nigeria), was discouraged from dating a beautiful young lady who caught his attention. The young man who was excited about his new found lover broke the news to one of his close friends who happened to know the social background of the woman. The young man, who was not an Igbo, had expected his friend to be excited for him. Instead his friend started to lecture him on the Osu culture in Igboland. He was warned that the Diala in the community would think he was Osu if he was seen in the company of the woman, as the woman in question was a member of the Osu of the community. The young man could not comprehend the culture. But his friend pressed on with stories of the social stigma of the Osu, and how other women of Diala extraction in the area would not associate with him because of the women.




His friend pointed out to him the sections of the community where the Osu is living (the system encourages segregation and hinders social interaction). As this young man did not want to limit his chances of dating other girls in the area, he caved to social pressure and abandoned the girl. Obviously, the young lady discovered that her social background had been exposed to her prospective lover when the man started to distance himself from her (Punch Jan 10, 1996). The article (and similar stories) rekindled the ill feelings this author has had for this repugnant and inhumane Osu caste culture.




A NewsWatch investigation in Oruku community in Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu State further demonstrated how diminutive and discriminatory the Osu practice is. The people of Umuode in the Oruku community are regarded as Osu descendants by the villages of Umuchiani and Onuogowo (the two other villages that make up Oruku town). The people of Umuode are not allowed to mingle with the freeborn (Diala); they cannot inter-marry, and they are not allowed to buy or sell in the same local market. This is purely a primitive behavior. In Akwa-Ekiti in Anambra State, the Osu and the Diala (like in many other Igboland communities) live in different parts of the community (Agbaegbu, January 12, 2000). Unfortunately, every-body in the designated Osu community is automatically pariah, irrespective of ones beauty, level of education, or wealth. They are regarded as the lowest species of mankind, and are treated with contempt.




In a society such as Nigeria where there are no enforceable laws to protect the human rights of the people, an Osu person is often exposed to public ridicule. As you read this article many people are being unfairly treated on the basis of the Osu caste system. Even if they are not insulted and ridiculed in public, the "Osus" always have on them the dehumanizing Osu caste stigma.




The crusade guaranteeing human rights and fundamental freedom of people has been on for centuries. Thomas Jefferson’s assertion in the Declaration of Independence (United States) is a good example. In the document, he asserted, in part:


We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…(The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999, pp.552d-552h).




And since 1948 numerous international Human Rights Treaties have been negotiated that really define human rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965), are among the many treaties. However, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which the UN Commission on Human Rights prepared (then Chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt), and the UN General Assembly endorsed on Dec. 10, 1948, stands as the cornerstone document of human rights. This date is now widely commemorated as Human Rights Day. Regional agreements on human rights have also been drafted. The African Charter of Human and People’s Rights signed in 1981 (and put in force in 1986), has been reported as the weakest of the regional human rights efforts. For instance, most of the provisions are not enforced, as regulatory institutions in the countries of Africa are either weak or non-existent. And law enforcement officers and the courts are tainted by corruption. This is apparently some of the reasons human rights violations are relatively high in this part of the world (The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999).




Clearly, the international and regional human rights documents show that human rights and freedom are to be enjoyed by all without distinction. Nobody should be denied the rights based on race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinions, and national or social origin, property or birth. The system is one of the human rights crimes without parallel in the modern world. But the world is not conscious of it. The social taboos placed on the Osu have prevented them from developing expectations of equality and freedom of choice, as the society has accepted the Osu caste culture as a norm. There is no rational explanation for the continued existence of the system, which has broad human and civil rights implications.




2). Civil Rights Implications

Highlighting inequality in human treatment and relationships is the main objective of this book. Normally when people speak of civil rights, they mean those enforceable rights or privileges, such as freedom of speech, press, assembly, the right to vote, freedom of association, among others. Civil rights include all rights, which human beings have received from nature that the government (or another human being) cannot arbitrarily take away from them. And unless deprived by a guilty sentence or death, every person should enjoy these civil rights. Furthermore, civil rights are sometimes used to mean nonpolitical rights granted by law, such as basic economic and social rights.




One enjoys civil rights without hindrance if a law confers upon the person ‘a positive power to do something.’ Thus, civil rights are considered the cornerstone of a free society; they indicate ways in which a society protects individual freedoms. Civil rights also involve the rights to social justice and freedom; they also involve the rights to social justice, and freedom of association with other individuals. Freedom to believe in error and do evil by imposing a system of inequality among a people is not true freedom. This is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland.




The question is how can any rational human being justify the Osu caste system at this period of modern civilization? As a civilized people, the Igbos should note that democracy demands that the human personality in its course of development should be allowed to proceed without artificial forces or barricade so long as its activity does not violate the safety and reasonable rights of others (The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999). It should also be noted that the struggle for social development should not be limited to the accumulation of material things, such as cars, cash, televisions, stereos, the computers and information super highways.




It is equally important to know that the social development of a nation (or a community) must include, among other things, justice, fairness, and equal treatment for its citizenry. In this way, the nation (or community) will achieve, at least for a long time to come, a desirable "unity in diversity" (Allport, 1979, p. 518). Any civilized society which is by "affirmation democratic" is expected to "provide and protect…" the civil rights of its citizens (Smith & Lindeman, 1951, p.19). And any person who violates a person’s civil rights should be given due consequences without fear, or favor, ill will or affection. Could the citizens of Nigeria learn to seek their own welfare and growth, not at the expense of their fellow men and women, but in concert with them?




The younger generation is less stereotype-ridden of the ascribed Osu than their parents, yet social interaction between the Osu and Diala has not really normalized. If the younger generation is perpetuating the wrongs committed by their forebears, they are then responsible for those wrongs. The youths that as the leaders of tomorrow should lead in condemning the Osu practice, which is a civil rights aberration.




Currently, the Igbo community does not have any collective solution to the Osu caste problem. Communities are dealing with the problem as it affects their localities. Nnobi community is a good example. This author would like to see a general Igbo solution to the Osu problem, instead of leaving it to individual communities. The Igbo society should not let discriminatory Osu caste system to continue, as the subjection of a part of the Igbo community to perpetual social misery and degradation is an unjustifiable human behavior.




3). Political Implications

The Osu caste system is politically unpalatable in some Igbo communities. Those who adore the system often express some traditional sentiments in support of the preservation of this primitive heritage and custom whenever the issue is mentioned. Some of them would argue that the present Igbo generation does not have the authority to destroy what their forefathers invented. They would regard as insane any person who suggests the jettisoning of the Osu caste system.




Like ethnicity in Nigeria the Osu caste system influences the people’s voting behavior in Igboland. Community development projects could be abandoned because a project is sited in an Osu area. The community of Ifakala in Mbaitolu local government area of Imo State had no good source of water supply. And the nearest stream in the area is about eight kilometers away. The State government under the leadership of Governor Sam Mbakwe in the 1980’s decided to help the community with a pipe-borne water scheme. Strangely, a few days before the taps would begin to run, rumors circulated that the village in which the project was located was an Osu neighborhood, and therefore the water was deemed by the Diala as unfit for human consumption. Consequently, the project was left to die away (Agbaegbu, Jan 12, 2000).




Some people in Igboland might even vote against any politician who condemns, or suggests the jettisoning of this Osu caste system. And some Igbo community would not elect a politician from the Osu group to represent them, even if such a person is a better candidate than the Diala. This behavior is more pronounced at the local (village) level. This undeniably prevents the ascribed Osu people from contributing as they ordinarily would to the sociopolitical and economic development of their communities.




The avid supporters of the system would not give their political support to Osu persons who are seeking public offices. Even those in office could lose their positions should they protest any ill treatment against the Osu group. Many examples abound, but the one that caught the attention of this author is the case of Mr. Morris Ede, a former commissioner for special duties in Enugu State. Mr. Ede, an Umuode indigene, protested the manner in which Governor Nnamani of Enugu State and his associates were handling the Osu crisis in Oruku community. The people of Umuode were driven out of their community, because they are said to be Osu. Apparently, because of his protest, Mr. Ede lost his job as a commissioner for special duties when Governor Nnamani reshuffled his cabinet. 11




The Osu situation is similar to what happened to the blacks in the United States in the 1960s. Some people are now advocating that America should pay restitution and render apology for the violation of the civil and human rights of the Black Race. The international community has also been called upon to recognize that there is a unique and unprecedented moral debt owed to Africans for their humiliation and exploitation (Robinson, 2000). By the some token, the entire Igbo community should eradicate the Osu system and render an apology, if not restitution, to the ascribed Osu people for their years of humiliation in the hands of the Diala. Thus, human beings should try to differentiate right from wrong, what is permissible and what is impermissible. The discriminatory Osu culture (like other types of discrimination) should be brought to the attention of the world. It is the hope of this author that this paper serves the purpose, as the Osu caste system is a human and civil rights tragedy.




The Osu Caste System: An Agenda for Change


The crucial step of trying to find solution to the Osu issue in I

[b]The Osu Caste System in Igboland Discrimination Based on Descent


By

Victor E. Dike



Introduction


The Igbos are found mostly in the Southeastern and South-central Nigeria called Igboland or Igbo society (Alaigbo or Anaigbo). By the late 20th century the population of the Igbos are about 27 million.1 The majority of the Igbos are Christians, but some of them practice the indigenous traditional religion, whose major tenets are shared by all Igbo-speaking people of Nigeria (Uchendu 1965). The traditional religion is passed on to succeeding generations, but the advent of Christianity in Igboland around "1885" had some influence on the traditional beliefs (Talbot 1969). The indigenous traditionalists believe in the earth goddess, deities and ancestral spirits and in a Creator-God, Chukwu, Obasi, Chi, or Chineke, the "Supreme God" (Achebe 1959). The Igbo traditional beliefs have some positive influence on the culture and social lives of the people. For instance, the forefathers of the Igbos were known for their righteousness, honesty and hard work. And they were opinion leaders, impartial judges and people of impeccable character.




However, a relic of the indigenous religious practice of the Igbos is the dehumanizing Osu caste system, which has divided and alienated the Igbos.




Therefore, this paper discusses the Osu caste system, an indigenous religious belief system, practiced within the Igbo nation, with the purpose of bringing the discriminatory, dehumanizing and obnoxious Osu caste system to the attention of the international community. This is because whenever issues of discriminatory practices around the world are tabled for discussion in the international community the repugnant and discriminatory Osu caste system is never mentioned.



Definitions of Terms

It is essential to provide some definitions and clarifications of terms associated with the Osu caste system. It would be very difficult, if not impossible to explain and analyze the terms related to the issue to individuals who are not familiar with the system without an explanation of the many labels describing the Osu. Each ethnic nationality in Nigeria has its own reasons for discriminating against their own people; and some of the reasons are apparently religious.




The Igbos, which are the center of this discourse, discriminate against each other by reason of the Osu caste status. The Igbo people refer to the Osu in varied names; it is referred to as Adu-Ebo in Nzam in Onitsha. In the Nsukka area it is referred to as Oruma; it is called Nwani or Ohualusi at Augwu area.2 These names, Osu, Ume, Ohu, Oru, Ohu Ume, Omoni (Okpu-Aja), have the same connotation in Igboland. The people referred to by the names are regarded as sub-human being, the unclean class, or slaves.




In this paper the author shall use the term, Osu, to describe all the lower caste groups in Igboland. It should noted that in their hierarchy of social status, the Ume (especially, in this author’s community) is the Osu class the Diala abhors to interact or socialize with the most.




The Osu, by definition, is a people sacrificed to the gods in Igbo community. And they assist the high priest of the traditional religion to serve the deities or the gods in their shrine. It is the belief of many Igbo traditionalists that the deities, which were (and are still) perceived in some quarters as being very powerful, would wreck havoc in the society, if they are not appeased. In some special circumstances, those who hold the traditional beliefs of the Igbos could transform a Diala who committed certain atrocities against the land, into an Osu. This process involved intricate rituals (offering of libations and sacrificing animals to the earth goddess). Some of the ancestors of the present-day Osu people inherited their dehumanizing social status this way. That method is now a thing of the old; Western influence has affected this practice. Presently, one could acquire the Osu status through inheritance and marriage.




Because of many oral interpretations of the construct, the Osu has various definitions. It has been defined as a ‘cult slave,’ a living sacrifice,’ an ‘untouchable,’ ‘outcast,’ ‘owner’s cult,’ ‘a slave of the deity,’ and a ‘sacred and holy being.’ 3 These names mean the same: it is an abomination in the Igbo society for the Diala to marry Osu.




For this author, the Osu caste system is a societal institution borne out of a primitive traditional belief system colored by superstition, and propagated by ignorance. It is absurd to categorize a human as a sub-human being. Although this author is not a member of the group, he condemns the practice of the Osu caste system, because it is a human rights aberration.




The Osu caste system, which is a form of discrimination, has caused inter-communal discords and wars between the Osu and the Diala in Igboland. And many lives and properties have been destroyed as a result.




According to the United Nations definition, ‘discrimination includes any conduct based on a distinction made on grounds of natural or social categories, which have no relation either to individual capacities or merits, or to the concrete behavior of the individual person.’ The discrimi-natory Osu practices involves inequality in freedom of movement and choice of residence, inequality in the right of peaceful association, inequality in the enjoyment of the right to marry and establish a family, (and) inequality in access to public office… slavery’ (Allport 1979, p. 52). That is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland. If one may ask, could a right exist if it is not regularly enforced? To put it differently, can a right exist without specific legislation that provides for its protection and remedies if violated? Oddly enough, the victims of the Osu system have not any legal recourse in Igboland. And strangely, some people believe that the humiliating Osu caste system is a part of the Igbo culture nobody should temper with. Fortunately, many Igbos have a contrary opinion.



The Osu Caste System and the Indigenous Religious Practices of the Igbo nation

All human beings are created equal, but human experiences are heterogeneous. Some people have had it rough all their life on earth, while others do not have a lot to complain about. Naturally, life has the same meaning for everyone, but the Osu caste system in Igboland seems to have changed the meaning of life for a group of people branded Osu. No historical question gives the Igbos more concern than that of, "How did the Osu caste system come to be in Igboland?" This section of the paper attempts to deal with the question.




There are many versions of oral information on the origins of the Osu caste system. In the absence of documented information, oral sources are central to the study of history in Igboland, and other parts of Nigeria. There is a paucity of written information on the issue of the Osu caste system. This is apparently because many people shy away from discussing the issue for fear of being branded Osu lovers. However, available little documented information show that the Osu caste system started out of the indigenous religious practices of the Igbos.




The indigenous religion is interwoven with Igbo cultural practices, and it is difficult for foreigners to fully understand and appreciate the good part of the Igbo culture. The indigenous Igbo regards himself as a meeting point of Mother Earth or "Ala", which contains all physical creation and the ancestral spirit that is functionally linked to his ancestors. The Supreme Spirit "Chi-Ukwu" or "Chukwu" is the force of creation and the custodian of infinite power over everything. The Igbo man relates to this infinitely powerful God image through the deities that are ultimately linked to one’s "chi" or spiritual force. Deities are derived out of objects of creation such as ‘geophysical landmarks’ like seas, lakes, rivers, streams, caves, hills and mountains, spirits such as warrior-kings and legendary spiritual leaders. Those geophysical landmarks are regarded as the homes of the gods and the ancestral spirits (Isiechi 1976). And the gods are perceived as the bridges between the people and their life. And the belief was that these gods could be manipulated in order to protect them and serve their interest.4




An individual’s fortunes are determined by the byproduct of interactions that exist between one’s "chi", the deities and the Creator or "Chineke". Humans interact directly with deities, which function as intermediaries to the Supreme Spirit or Creator. Being in good terms with powerful deities in one’s domain is an assurance that one is likely to obtain the largesse of creation while, at same time, minimize the wrath of the forces of nature. It is an individual’s obligation to observe the customs of the land since their violation could offend the deities; and goodwill and protection from the deities depends on one’s cordial relationship with them.




Every indigenous Igbo community maintained a shrine where the family’s ancestral spirits resided and communed with the living. There were (are still) village and town deities, which became more powerful because of their reputation or notoriety. This category of deities is almost like institutions unto themselves. The deities were (and some are still) attended to by highly respected priests and assistants, who were (are) engaged in serving the spiritual needs of visitors who could come from far away places to commune at the famous shrines.




Historical accounts have it that, about 6 centuries ago, the growth in number of powerful deities created the need for many assistants for the high priests of major shrines. Miniature ‘monasteries’ were established in the vicinity of major shrines to train and maintain a constant supply of high-priest assistants. And because some of these deities are believed to be very powerful, they should be attended to on continuous basis, with intricate religious rituals in their shrines. However, the "indigenous monks," upon mastering their spiritual functions (of learning to serve the gods) were unjustly and erroneously assigned the Igbo pejorative name of Osu, Ume or Ohu arusi (the slave of the deities/gods or shrines). And so was the story of how the institution of the Osu cult (ritual slavery) originated. The Osus and their descendants belonged to the gods; and they become the properties of the shrines. And they resided in the vicinity of the shrines of major deities and for all practical purposes excluded themselves from routine engagements with the rest of the community. In other words, being the agents of the deities the Osus maintained an aloof relationship with the rest of the civil society.




The early Osu ranks were "non-celibate" and thus had families; and the offspring inherited their status. The community maintained a set of rules that regulated their interactions with the Osus, mostly out of fear (and or respect) for the powerful deities under which they thrived and performed their religious functions. For instance, intimate social interaction, including marriage, was forbidden between Osus and the Diala. In some communities, it is forbidden for the Diala to spill the blood of Osus (even in non-hostile situations). Some communities go as far as forbidding the Diala from eating meat that was butchered or prepared by an Osu. The list of items that maintain a social divide between the Osus and the Diala grew and till today, but they vary from place to place. Any person who breaches the rules regulating their interaction with the Osu automatically becomes an Osu. Even though the offenders may not physically relocate to cohabit with the Osus, they were (are) regarded and treated like an Osu by the rest of the community. Like the racism, Osuism 5 have distorts and impedes normal interpersonal relationship between the Diala and Osu in Igboland.




Before the arrival of the ‘white man’ and Christianity, the discriminatory relationship that existed between Osus and Diala was perceived as normal. Things are gradually changing; the world is beginning to perceive the Osu caste system as a form of discrimination. However, the Osus fulfilled their lives in the communities by serving the deities. In return, they obtained a reasonable livelihood from proceeds of offerings that pour steadily into the premises of the deities that they served. The coming of the Europeans led to a process of social change and some of the customs of the indigenous Igbo society were beginning to be seen as going contrary to the beliefs of the Europeans. In the past, the tradition of some of the Igbo states, such as Ossomari and Arondizuogu, engaged in communal wars with the intention of procuring captives and slaves. Communities tended to punish their criminals by selling them into slavery. In some cases, parents were forced by "poverty and hunger" to sell their never-do-well children. During this stone-aged era human sacrifice was common, and slaves were often used for this purpose. According to Isiechi (1976), the dead rulers of Igbo Ukwu were buried together with several slaves as sacrifices.




However, the trans-Atlantic slave trade contributed to the frequency of inter-clan wars, which often resulted in neighboring communities raiding each other for slaves and other booties. The Osus were forbidden to be combatants in warfare for fear of spilling their blood, which could unleash the wrath of the deities. Some defenseless small communities were often compelled to seek refuge in the premises of nearby shrines in order to avert impending doom when under sudden attack from superior invading forces. Once the deity’s high priest acknowledged and granted them protection from attack and harm to the refugees, they were automatically converted to the Osu status.




In some circumstances, prisoners captured during inter-communal wars were sold off, and their new owners could elect to enlist some of them to Osu status by giving them away as gestures of and placation to a local deity. Other captives could be sold as slaves or become objects of ritual murder, which occurred mostly upon the death of powerful chieftains. However, some war captives preferred the Osu status rather than being sold far away to distant lands as slaves. Thus, the population of the Osu increased. Evidence suggests that the Osu were originally regarded with "respect and honour" apparently because they belonged to the gods. This show of respect for those who attended to the shrines, unfortunately, transformed into social ostracism. 6 And the Osus were not many in number. But in the nineteenth century, "their numbers expanded and their status deteriorated dramatically, so that they became outcasts, feared and despised" or even abhorred (Basden 1966).




With the abolition of slave trade in the nineteenth century (1807) the loss of external outlets for the sale of slaves led to an unprecedented escalation of the practice of using human beings for sacrifice. It was reported that forty slaves were killed and used for sacrifice at the death of Obi Ossai of Aboh, in 1845 (Isiechi 1976). As mentioned earlier, there is a strong Igbo belief that the spirits of one’s ancestors keep a constant vigil over him/her. And traditional religion was highly practiced by the traditionalists; thus, the spirits of the all-important ancestors were worshipped through the gods or deities.




In addition, the cessation of trans-Atlantic slave trade (and the inculcation of new values from the Europeans), the respect accorded to the Osu (because of their role as servants of powerful deities) began to wane. As noted earlier, the European missionaries began to perceive the ways of the indigenous religious practices as impediments to their mission of spreading the Christian faith. Thus, assault on the Igbo indigenous religious practices was fierce and multi-faceted. Children were effectively indoctrinated in the emerging school system to reject their parents’ traditional way of life, which was characterized as both primitive and barbaric. The children in schools were used effectively as conduits for transforming the rest of the family.




In most cases, parents opted to join their children by converting to Christianity in order to avert major internal family crises. Where such was not the case, the aging parents were simply allowed to die away with their indigenous religious and cultural belief system. The converts to the new faith were used by early missionaries as effective tools for the destruction of cultural artifacts and religious objects like shrines, traditional sculptures and a host of other valuable indigenous artwork. Test of the new converts’ faith in Christianity was usually their ability to destroy any relics of the past within their reach. But the whole of Igbo culture did not lie only in its artistic, cultural and religious artifacts. In spite of all the destruction, the average Igbo person retained the core values of his cultural heritage. Many people became churchgoers on Sundays, but remained loyal to the indigenous culture.




The interest of the British in Nigeria was purely economic; and this took precedence over everything else. The Osu caste system, a dynamic offshoot of Igbo indigenous religious practice, remains alive today as the British and their converts could not obliterate the belief system. And as those entrapped in the caste system could not be helped by system of their new Christian faith, they became disillusioned.




One of the factors that enabled early Christian missionaries to establish a foothold quickly in the Igbo heartland was their promise to new converts (mostly the Osus) that the new order would guarantee equality of rights and opportunities to everyone. But disillusionment (as earlier noted), soon dampened their enthusiasm when it gradually became clear that even the "whiteman’s church" was not powerful enough to stop the discriminatory treatment meted out to them. The Osus, at the time in review, were known to have pursued Western education in large numbers. In addition, many joined the new Christian mission as priests and teachers. In spite of these accomplishments, the Osus’ right to equal treatment remained unfulfilled, because neither the Christian missionaries nor the sketchy colonial administration in place had what it took to change the attitude of the people at the grassroots level where the Osu practice predominates. Presently, the Osus are like refugees who have been abandoned to wonder in the wilderness after being dislodged from their comfortable places as the servers of the deities. The respect and dignity that the Osus experienced because of their role within the indigenous religion has now been replaced with a de facto social ostracism from which escape is extremely difficult.



Another story has a different version of how the Osu system came to be in Igboland community. The story had it that an old man told some children who were gathered with him around a camp fire during a cold harmattan morning how a group of traditional elders ganged up to give up one of their own to the gods of the land. (The harmattan is a cold and dry wind blowing down from the north). The storyteller reported that his father told him that there was an agreement among the persons that were gathered for a ritual that one person from the village would be sacrificed to the gods, which would be made to appease the gods of the land that were terrorizing the community. Everyone at the meeting swore in the name of the gods and on the ofor (the ofor is the bible for those who hold traditional Igbo beliefs) that nobody would disagree with their decisions. The powerful gods would be made happy so that they would desist from wrecking havoc on the community. The man who was later chosen to attend to the shrines did not know that he was the person that would be selected to perform the task of serving the gods.




When the man who was a party to the decision was unanimously selected (to be offered in sacrifice to the deities), he jumped up from his chair and cried, as he knew what his social status would be in the community. After a series of intense rituals were undertaken, the man was transformed and labeled an Osu of the land. And his descendants have since inherited his status. The community had to build a hut for him at a market square of the town, as the gods are usually located near a market place in many communities in Igboland.7 Thus, the Osu system finds rationalization in Igbo religious beliefs and dogma.




Each time these stories are recounted, it would be easy for any rational person to figure out that they are colored by misconception. It is the opinion of this author that the Osu caste system, which has caused a lot misery to many people in Igboland, originated out of ancient beliefs. All these stories about the Osu caste system precede the Chinua Achebe’s popular Things Fall Apart, in which the plights of the Osu or outcast in Igboland were vividly, described (1959, pp.154-156).




No matter how the Osu caste system originated in Igboland, and no matter its apparent past benefits, it is now the feeling of many peace-loving individuals that the ancient institution, which is an internal apartheid in Igboland, has outlived its usefulness. To redeem the Osus and Igbo society (which practice the obnoxious Osu caste system) one should revisit the past so as to explain the rationale behind the once vibrant Osu caste culture. The Osu caste system remains a sad reminder of the historical past of the Igbo nation. The only way to put those sad memories to rest is to find the ways and means to terminate the discriminatory practices of the Osu caste system as it exists today. And with the co-operation of everyone in the Igbo nation, this task can be accomplished.




Internal Apartheid


Many other forms of discriminatory practices abound in Nigeria, but the Osu caste system is the main focus here. In the Southeast of Nigeria, the people of Umuode in Nkanu East local government area of Enugu State, who are said to be the descendants of the Osu, are being treated as second class citizens. In their Oruku community made up of Umuode, Umuchiani and Onuogowu, the people of Umuode have limited social interaction with the rest of the community because of their ascribed Osu status. And strangely, the other two villages cannot intermarry with the people of Umuode. No matter their social status in the community the local churches could hardly appoint the people of Umuode to positions of responsibility. Thus, the people are made outcasts. This class ostracism is operated in such a manner that any person from the other side of the community who talks to, or greets any person from Umuode, pays a fine sometimes as high as one Thousand Naira (N1,000). Because of this situation the people of Umuode operate their own local market different from the Eke-oruku market, which is owned exclusively by Umuchiani and Onuogowo. The people of Umuode have waged wars against this social stigma; about five major conflicts have been recorded in this area since 1995, and many lives have been lost (Agbaegbu, 12 Jan. 2000).




The people of Umuaka community in Imo State, Nigeria, categorize one of their ten villages Osu. Other minor lower caste groups found in many kindred are given the pejorative Igbo expression of ‘ndi ejiri goro ihe,’ meaning those who are sacrificial lamb to the gods. They are slaves to the gods of the community and kindred. As is the case in Umuode in Oruku community, the discrimination of the Diala against the Osu in Umuaka affects marriage and relationships of love with the Osu and the rest of the community. The Diala is traditionally and socially abhorred and forbidden to marry an Osu; intermarriage with Osu is an abomination.




However, some communities, for example, Nnobi in Idemili local government area of Anambra State, have been able to fully integrate their Osu population into the mainstream of the community. 8 All other Igbo communities should emulate the good work of the Nnobi community and work harder to bridge the Osu divide in their areas.




In Umuaka the Osus who are interested in politics in the community are not getting the necessary support from the rest of the community. This has greatly hindered their social upward mobility in the community. In the past the avid supporters of the Osu caste system would even refrain from eating (dinning) with them or drink from the same water-well (pond) with the Osu.




As noted earlier, this type of behavior could be likened to the issues during the civil right struggles in the United States when the ‘whites’ and ‘blacks’ were prevented from drinking from the same public fountain (Smelser 1981). In the past when the Osu discriminatory behavior was taken to the extreme, those who believed in the system would even refrain from touching the Osu for fear of being transformed into an Osu. In addition, in the past the ardent supporters of the Osu caste system would not buy whatever the Osu merchants had for sell in the local market. During that period in review, there was an apparent superstition that the ghost of the ancestors would haunt any person who was friendly with the Osu. There has been some slight improvement in social interaction between the Diala and the Osu, although inter-marriage between the two is still seen as a social taboo by the Diala.




In the late 1980s, the Osu people in Umuaka revolted, as they could not take the humiliation from the Diala any more. They physically assaulted a couple of women from the Diala section of the community, with the intention of transforming the women to Osu so that the Diala would reject them. The action would also give them the taste of the pains and humiliation of the Osu status. The brouhaha that followed this action was short-lived, as the Diala in the community responded with counter forces. In Imo State alone over 60 of such incidents have been reported since 1979 (see Ezeala & the Association for Social Justice (not dated); and Agbaegbu, 12 January 2000).




The Osu social problem cannot be solved by temporarily subduing those groups that are suffering from injustices with force. This author is not advocating violence, but the riots, which occurred in Umuaka in the late 1980s, and those of Umuode in the 1990s, are cautionary tales of what might happen to some of the Igbo communities if the plights of the Osu are not resolved. The insensitivity of the generality of the Igbos to the plights of the Osu has the potential to cause social violence in Igboland. And according to psychology, frustration can breed aggression. This author would like to add that hatred and discrimination breed frustration, which in turn breeds hatred and aggression. As Philosopher Spinoza rightly and nicely noted, "He who conceives himself hated by another, and believes that he had given him no cause for hatred, will hate that other in return" (Allport 1979, p.155).




The Igbos should begin to treat the "Osus" as the human beings that they really are. Any person who thinks they deserve the ugly social conditions they found themselves in should walk in their shoes (or switch lives with them) to feel their pains. While the world may not know everything about why and how conflicts occur in societies, several studies show that inequality, abuse of human and civil rights, absence of the rule of law, discrimination and absence of freedom are among the major causes of conflicts (and even civil wars). The United Nations’ documents on social unrest in African societies point to these factors.9




Although some of the behaviors against the Osu are caused by the traditional belief system of the Igbos, this author would say that many of the supporters of the Osu caste practice are deficient in the skills needed to analyze the socio-economic and political development of the Igbo nations. If not, they should have known that such behaviors toward the so-called Osu affects the image of, and are detrimental to their welfare and the progress of the hardworking and peace loving Igbo society at large. It is criminal to violate people’s civil and human rights under the excuse of preserving an ancient culture. As it were, "An injustice unresolved…burns a hole in the heart" (Cose, April 21, 1997, p.45).




The Osu caste system and stereotype


It has been noted in the preceding sections that the Diala interact less with or avoids the Osu completely. In some communities in Igboland an Osu is regarded as a worthless human being. As Things Fall Apart notes in a conversation, which ensued over the question of admitting outcasts to a local little church in the village of Mbanta, between Mr. Kiaga, a missionary teacher, and one of the converts, the Osu is:


a person dedicated to a god, a thing set apart – a taboo forever, and his children after him. He could neither marry nor be married by the freeborn. He was in fact an outcast, living in a special area of the village, close to the Great Shrine. Wherever he went he carried with him the mark of his forbidden caste – long, tangled dirty hair. A razor was a taboo to him. An Osu could not attend an assembly of the freeborn, and they, in turn, could not shelter under his roof. He could not take any of the four titles of the clan, and when he died he was buried by his kind in the Evil Forest. How could such a man be a follower of Christ? (Achebe 1959, p.156)




The issue of stereotyping is not new. With almost a uniform agreement among white Americans, African-Americans are labeled (in error), as lower class in mentality and manners. In a study conducted in the 1930s, Kimball Young listed many stereotypes for the "Negroes" in the United States. The study noted that African-Americans have "emotional instability, [are] lazy and boisterous" (Young, 1934, pp.158-163).




Why does the Diala avoid (or interacts less) with the Osu groups? When this author was younger, he was told many ‘funny and strange’ stories about the Osu group in his community similar to those documented in Things Fall Apart. There is a belief that people interact less or avoid the Osu because they feared that the spirit of the deities (which the Osu people serve), would haunt those who socialize with the Osu. The people in the villages believe that the deities that the Osu attends to are powerful and dangerous.




Others would say that socializing with the Osu would contaminate, pollute and transform the Diala into an Osu. There is also the belief that since the Osu has been dedicated to the gods it was a taboo to socialize with the group. In addition, oral history would say that the Osu is isolated because they "steal" and are "dishonest." Yet, other stories would say that the Diala abhor those branded Osu because they are "dirty" or that they have "repulsive body odor" and are "lazy." However, there is no empirical evidence to support these inhumane assertions (Dike 2002).




While some of the leaders of thoughts, the elite and politicians in Igboland pretend not to know about this social injustice, many reasonable and enlightened individuals in Igboland believe that the Osu caste system is a pure "politics of unreason" at its highest level (Lipset & Raab 1970). This discriminatory behavior is an added burden on the Osu who are already burdened with unemployment, poverty, crime and other injustices prevalent in Nigeria. And through socialization (and bias inherited from their parents) some of the Igbo youth have internalized the discriminatory behavior toward the Osu.



Culture and Social Progress


The Osu system is "a cultural albatross for the Igbo society," as it is an impediment to human relationships and social progress (Nwosu, June 19, 1999). The Osu caste system, which the forefathers of the Igbos invented, has become the culture in parts of Igboland. Sociologists have noted that the culture of a people influences their lives. And Igbo culture (as one can see), has influenced the practice and propagation of the Osu caste system.




Without a doubt, "Culture Matters" (Harrison and Huntington (eds.) 2000). The culture of a people, therefore, is an important variable in their social progress. Thus, a society’s heritage, values, and customs, in large part, determine its social progress. If discrimination and segregation are inimical to social progress, then no society should preserve that aspect of its culture, which hinders its progress.




If one may ask, are the shrines that were inherited from the ancestors to blame for the continued practice of the Osu caste system in Igboland? Is the caste system compatible with the principles of democracy? Are the civil and human rights of the Osu groups not being violated? Is the Osu caste system in agreement with the Igbos’ belief that one is his or her brother’s keeper? One cannot ask enough questions here!




Obviously the Osu culture violates the civil and human rights of the people subjected to it. It is also against the principles of democracy, as it encourages segregation and inhibits the free association of the Osu with the Diala in Igbo society. At a period when the world is evolving into a global community, there is no room for this type of hate and bigotry. Preaching democracy by word of mouth is not enough. It has to be followed with actions. The discriminatory treatment of this group by the Diala runs contrary to how Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart portrays the Igbo culture. Okonkwu visited Nwakibie "to pay his respects and also to ask for a favor" with two pots of palm wine. During the presentation of colanut and offering of libation Nwakibie intoned:

We shall all live. We pray for life, children, a good harvest and happiness. You will have what is good for you and I will have what is good for me. Let the kite perch and the eagle perch too. If one says no to the other, let his wing break. (Achebe, 1959, p.19)




Thus, any person (or group) who discriminates against any human being (or group), does not wish that person (or group) well. In fact, if it were within the power of the ardent believers of the Osu system to decide who would go to heaven. The untouchables (as the Osu is often referred to), because of their social status, would not be allowed any place in heaven. Fortunately, these heartless and overly mean-spirited individuals do not have the power to play God. The Osu system and other forms of discrimination should not occur in any modern society. Nigeria should begin to educate her population on the importance of respecting the human and civil rights of their fellow human beings. Although the Osu caste system is not a Pan-Igbo issue, the effects on the people subjected to it is as discouraging and humiliating as the effects of the racial discrimination in the United States, or apartheid policy in South Africa before 1994.




Global Perspective on Discrimination


Hatred and distrust between and among groups is not new. The Blacks in the United States suffer terrible discrimination in the hands of whites. As an example, the banks in the United States are much more reluctant to give loans/grants to blacks than to whites (The Economist, July 10th 1993). In Apartheid South Africa, blacks (before the system was dismantled in 1994), suffered similar discrimination in the hands of the whites.




Like the racial discrimination in the United States, the Osu caste system promotes an ideology of the supremacy of the Diala over the Osu. Because racial discrimination occurs mostly between people of different skin colors (e.g. black and white) or between people from different nationalities, it is very difficult to understand the Osu phenomenon in the social history of the Igbos (a people of the same ethnicity).




The modern world views the ownership of human beings by other human beings, and the use of human beings for sacrifice as evil. Sadly, this was one of the characteristics of the Osu caste system in Igboland. As mentioned earlier, several Osu slaves were buried as a ritual to bury and mourn for deceased rulers, including the ruler of Igbo Ukwu. And this practice expanded during the years of slave trade (Isichei 1976). Although the Osu people are not physically being slaughtered presently for rituals, but the Osu social stigma is a tremendous barrier to human relations and their upward mobility in some Igbo communities (see Chapter 2).




The sad fact remains that the domination and control of human beings by others has been a common practice in societies around the world; and this has been powered by prejudice and discrimination. For instance, slavery was an integral part of the ancient Greek society, and Plato was known to have opposed the enslavement of Greeks. Slaves were used for many tedious domestic chores in ancient Rome before the 2nd Century BC. But most of the slaves were foreigners and prisoners-of-war (Adkins and Adkins, 1994).




Unlike the Osu caste system in Igboland the slaves did not remain slaves from cradle to grave. And this practice of human enslavement did not go unchallenged. Three great slave revolts took place during this period. Two revolts occurred in Sicily in 135-132 BC and104-101 BC; and the other took place in Italy around 73-71 BC (Adkins & Adkins, 1994; Madden, 1996). However, those slaves became free by being given manumission (freedom) by their owner, or by buying their own freedom. And any children subsequently born to them became free citizens (Adkins & Adkins 1994; Madden, 1996).




As noted earlier, in the Apartheid South Africa racial segregation was the law of the land before 1994. In South Africa, the English are against the Afrikaner. Both are against the Jews; and all the three are opposed to the Indians. But all the four conspire against the native black South Africans (Allport 1979). But the apartheid system was destroyed with the combination of internal forces and pressure from multinational corporations and foreign countries. Some of the readers may recall that the election of Nelson Mandela as the first black president of the country apparently brought a closure to the inhuman system.




The Igbos of Nigeria were among the many nations that opposed the repressive system of Apartheid in South Africa. Although the Osu caste system in Igboland may not be perceived as a national issue, Nigeria and in fact, the Igbos who were against Apartheid in South Africa should have destroyed its own internal apartheid before asking South Africa to do the same. Unfortunately, at the turn of the 21st Century, the Osu caste system is still in existence in many Igbo communities. This system is as repressive, if not more repressive, than the apartheid system in South Africa. As it was in the apartheid system an Osu, in most part, is segregated from the rest of the community; they are more or less like a socially imprisoned people in the Igbo community.




Racial discrimination was prominent in the Southern part of the United States before the American Civil War (1860-1865). The so-called Jim Crow laws enforced segregation with separate public drinking fountains for blacks and whites. Other minorities, Hispanics, Vietnamese, Native Americans were (and are still) being treated with disregard in the United States (Smelser 1981). Federal and State laws by the end of the sixties prohibit discrimination in all places. And the laws weigh heavily on any person or organization found guilty of this offense. Despite all the laws against discrimination in the society, covert racial discrimination is still alive and well in the United States. There remain discriminations in employment, housing, and in marriage.




This author has been subjected to discrimination in many instances in the United States. In one painful and frustrating instance, he was intentionally negatively appraised, and disparately treated on the job. Why? This is simply because he is a black person. Having experienced discrimination in the United States, this author could not avoid speaking against discrimination in Igboland. The ability of a black person in the United States to perform a simple task is always in question by the racist white man, even after he or she has proved himself capable of performing the task beyond all reasonable doubt. As one writer rightly noted, in the year 2000, race in America still has a powerful impact on life experiences. Race affects mortality rates of black babies, the quality of education of black children where blacks live, how they interact with the police, the kind of employment opportunities or health care available to them – in short, life experiences from cradle to grave (Shaw, Feb. 25, 2000, p. A72).




Unlike the Osu caste practice in Igboland, racial discrimination in the United States is now chiefly practiced in covert and indirect ways. Because of all the laws in the society discrimination is no longer primarily a face-to-face encounter where embarrassment would result. And with the laws the victims of racial discrimination have some legal recourse. This is not to idealize the United States on race matters. White Americans are still very much better off; and they dominate political power. In other words, race still affects all facets of a black person’s life in the United States.




The common ill treatment of blacks, both the poor as well as the affluent could be seen in attitudes. The Ku Klux Klan (KKK), the Skin Heads and White Supremacy, are among the reminders of the hostility against minorities, and the dangers of discrimination and prejudice in the United States (Smelser 1981; Bettelheim & Janowitz, 1964).




Adolf Hitler’s hatred for the Jews and the atrocities his followers committed at the Auschwitz concentration camp, are still fresh in memory. The heinous act is very difficult to understand. In this camp millions of men, women, and children, mostly of Jewish descent, were murdered. Between the summer of 1941 and the end of World War II in 1945, about two and a half million people perished at Auschwitz in gas chambers and ovens. This was a deliberate genocide, which represented what Adolf Hitler had called the final solution of the Jewish problem. Nothing other than prejudice and discrimination against the Jews led to the horrible and unpardonable homicide (Allport 1979; Smelser, 1981; Shirer 1960).




The ending of the East-West Cold War and the peace treaty signed between Israel, Egypt, and Jordan has not helped the matter in the Middle East. And despite the on-going peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians, the Arab/ Muslim, and Israeli conflict continues to simmer in the Middle East. In other words, violence between Muslims and Christians is still on the rise.




The caste discrimination in India is another global problem. The original caste system in India, Varna, came about when the Aryan-speaking nomadic groups migrated from the north to India in about 1500 BC. In other words, the caste system, which has been part of the Hindu religion, is believed to be nearly 3000 years old. The caste is an indicator of social and economic disparity in India.10 The Harijans (the unclean, the lowest of the low caste, outcast, or untouchables) were known to have performed the menial jobs in the society (Sarchet-Waller, 1996; Murthy, 1999). The Harijans and Chamars were formerly denied access to skilled jobs and landed property by virtue of their caste. In India religious sanctions are used to impose an assignment of social hierarchy, which is impossible to escape, except of course, by changing one’s religion.




However, Mahatma Gandhi fought against the evils of the caste system until he was assassinated in 1948. In September 1932, he began the struggle to "bring about a silent revolution in the structure" of the Indian society. Gandhi lamented that untouchability was "crushing the very soul of Indian religion and society." He promised the poorest and most downtrodden of the India’s poor- the untouchables- that democracy would free them from their misery. Gandhi continued to fight to "eradicate the [caste] practice he found so abhorrent" until his death in 1948 (Jesudasam 1984).




The strongest and most frontal attack on the caste system in India was the Constitution of India adopted on Nov. 26, 1949. It is perhaps appropriate to mention that India became an independent nation in 1947. The 1949 "constitution guarantees the right of all its citizens to justice, liberty, equality, and dignity" (Murthy 1999). India has since been working assiduously to bridge the country’s bitter political divides. Although prejudice still exists in the villages, currently, India’s outcast hold high paying jobs, and in the cities they can marry from other groups. The question is, can Nigeria’s democracy free the Osu in Igboland as democracy has improved the life of the lower caste in India? This is an ultimate challenge for the Nigerian democracy.




In Guyana, a color-caste system has produced a racially divided labor market. The Africans (blacks) are said to dominate the civil service, the professional positions, and industry; and Indians are known to control agriculture and small businesses (Premdas, Autumn/Winter 1995). In the Indian Andes in South America, linguistic and cultural characteristics provide the basis for discrimination; the Indio, like virtually everyone else in the region, is of mixed ancestry. But the Indio is distinguished from others and ‘kept in his place’ by his mode of dressing, his habits, etc.



In Yugoslavia, the 1999 conflict between the Kosovars (the Moslem ethnic Albanians) and the Serbian military and para-military forces had ethnic and religious coloration. The Kosovars demanded political autonomy from Yugoslavia, but President Slobodan Molisevic (with his military might) was determined to crush the people and their demand. However, the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) did not allow the ethnic cleansing to go unpunished. The Serbs were bombed to submission. But Slobodan Molisevic did not go down, until the people’s October 2000 revolution forced him out of office. Mr. Slobadan Milosevic who has since been arrested and indicted on war crimes charges, will be tried by the International Criminal Tribunal at The Hague (CNN: World, June 29, 2001).




The massacre of the Chechens by Russia is another reminder of the prevalence of prejudice and discrimination all over the globe. It is beyond human comprehension why the world has turned a deaf ear to this unjust extermination of a group by Russia. This is not an exhaustive list of nations in the world where discrimination and prejudice has caused untold misery. The list of injustice around the globe can go on forever.




The Social Implications of the Osu caste system


The Osu caste system has many social implications. For the purpose of this work, we have classified them as human, civil and political implications. Beginning with human implications, the discussion follows below:

1). Human Rights Implications

One of the essential premises of this paper is campaign for justice and freedom for every human being. In addition, the aim of this paper is to change the mentality of those who support the Osu caste system in Igboland. Many of the Osu groups in Igboland have not seen true justice because of their social status. A priori, this has created debilitating psychic pain in the group. Due to paucity of statistics in Nigeria there is no data to ascertain the level of damage this system has caused on the population. It would be appropriate for some research to be carried out in this area.




The story of the human race, from age to age, is full of the struggle to enjoy certain fundamental rights. These rights include freedom from inhuman treatment; freedom from slavery; freedom from discrimination, freedom of thought, assembly and association and other rights that are "reasonably justifiable in a democratic society" (Azikiwe 1965, p.455). Thus, any culture or tradition that abridges people’s freedom of association violates their human and civil rights. The discriminatory Osu caste system in Igboland is an example of such tradition and culture that bridges the people’s rights to free association. This is an insult to the human race. And it is disheartening, to say the least.




Since human rights constitute the very foundations of democracy, how can democracy thrive in Igboland (and in Nigeria in general) with the discriminatory Osu caste system in the society? Everyone should have the freedom to pursue happiness, as liberty is a basic human right. Obviously, nobody can pursue happiness without being free. Those people branded Osu should have as much equal rights to liberty, life, and freedom as the Diala. These rights are what drive social struggles throughout the history of mankind.




When a group is enslaved, there is no freedom for them. And where there is no freedom, there is obviously no democracy for the Osu group. Sadly, in Nigeria the concept of democracy the public knows is political – sharing of resources among individual states, looting of the treasury by the political leaders with ethnic and religious pandering. Human and civil rights are issues that are not very relevant to the politicians running the affairs of the society. It seems that the leaders of Nigeria do not consider the ill treatment of the Osu as a human right violation.




In an article in the Punch newspaper of January 10, 1996, Mr. Kupoluyi reported how a young university graduate who was performing his national youth-service duties in Imo State (one of the 36 states in Nigeria), was discouraged from dating a beautiful young lady who caught his attention. The young man who was excited about his new found lover broke the news to one of his close friends who happened to know the social background of the woman. The young man, who was not an Igbo, had expected his friend to be excited for him. Instead his friend started to lecture him on the Osu culture in Igboland. He was warned that the Diala in the community would think he was Osu if he was seen in the company of the woman, as the woman in question was a member of the Osu of the community. The young man could not comprehend the culture. But his friend pressed on with stories of the social stigma of the Osu, and how other women of Diala extraction in the area would not associate with him because of the women.




His friend pointed out to him the sections of the community where the Osu is living (the system encourages segregation and hinders social interaction). As this young man did not want to limit his chances of dating other girls in the area, he caved to social pressure and abandoned the girl. Obviously, the young lady discovered that her social background had been exposed to her prospective lover when the man started to distance himself from her (Punch Jan 10, 1996). The article (and similar stories) rekindled the ill feelings this author has had for this repugnant and inhumane Osu caste culture.




A NewsWatch investigation in Oruku community in Nkanu East Local Government Area of Enugu State further demonstrated how diminutive and discriminatory the Osu practice is. The people of Umuode in the Oruku community are regarded as Osu descendants by the villages of Umuchiani and Onuogowo (the two other villages that make up Oruku town). The people of Umuode are not allowed to mingle with the freeborn (Diala); they cannot inter-marry, and they are not allowed to buy or sell in the same local market. This is purely a primitive behavior. In Akwa-Ekiti in Anambra State, the Osu and the Diala (like in many other Igboland communities) live in different parts of the community (Agbaegbu, January 12, 2000). Unfortunately, every-body in the designated Osu community is automatically pariah, irrespective of ones beauty, level of education, or wealth. They are regarded as the lowest species of mankind, and are treated with contempt.




In a society such as Nigeria where there are no enforceable laws to protect the human rights of the people, an Osu person is often exposed to public ridicule. As you read this article many people are being unfairly treated on the basis of the Osu caste system. Even if they are not insulted and ridiculed in public, the "Osus" always have on them the dehumanizing Osu caste stigma.




The crusade guaranteeing human rights and fundamental freedom of people has been on for centuries. Thomas Jefferson’s assertion in the Declaration of Independence (United States) is a good example. In the document, he asserted, in part:


We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness…(The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999, pp.552d-552h).




And since 1948 numerous international Human Rights Treaties have been negotiated that really define human rights. The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966), and the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965), are among the many treaties. However, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which the UN Commission on Human Rights prepared (then Chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt), and the UN General Assembly endorsed on Dec. 10, 1948, stands as the cornerstone document of human rights. This date is now widely commemorated as Human Rights Day. Regional agreements on human rights have also been drafted. The African Charter of Human and People’s Rights signed in 1981 (and put in force in 1986), has been reported as the weakest of the regional human rights efforts. For instance, most of the provisions are not enforced, as regulatory institutions in the countries of Africa are either weak or non-existent. And law enforcement officers and the courts are tainted by corruption. This is apparently some of the reasons human rights violations are relatively high in this part of the world (The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999).




Clearly, the international and regional human rights documents show that human rights and freedom are to be enjoyed by all without distinction. Nobody should be denied the rights based on race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinions, and national or social origin, property or birth. The system is one of the human rights crimes without parallel in the modern world. But the world is not conscious of it. The social taboos placed on the Osu have prevented them from developing expectations of equality and freedom of choice, as the society has accepted the Osu caste culture as a norm. There is no rational explanation for the continued existence of the system, which has broad human and civil rights implications.




2). Civil Rights Implications

Highlighting inequality in human treatment and relationships is the main objective of this book. Normally when people speak of civil rights, they mean those enforceable rights or privileges, such as freedom of speech, press, assembly, the right to vote, freedom of association, among others. Civil rights include all rights, which human beings have received from nature that the government (or another human being) cannot arbitrarily take away from them. And unless deprived by a guilty sentence or death, every person should enjoy these civil rights. Furthermore, civil rights are sometimes used to mean nonpolitical rights granted by law, such as basic economic and social rights.




One enjoys civil rights without hindrance if a law confers upon the person ‘a positive power to do something.’ Thus, civil rights are considered the cornerstone of a free society; they indicate ways in which a society protects individual freedoms. Civil rights also involve the rights to social justice and freedom; they also involve the rights to social justice, and freedom of association with other individuals. Freedom to believe in error and do evil by imposing a system of inequality among a people is not true freedom. This is the crux of the matter with the Osu caste system in Igboland.




The question is how can any rational human being justify the Osu caste system at this period of modern civilization? As a civilized people, the Igbos should note that democracy demands that the human personality in its course of development should be allowed to proceed without artificial forces or barricade so long as its activity does not violate the safety and reasonable rights of others (The Encyclopedia Americana, 1999). It should also be noted that the struggle for social development should not be limited to the accumulation of material things, such as cars, cash, televisions, stereos, the computers and information super highways.




It is equally important to know that the social development of a nation (or a community) must include, among other things, justice, fairness, and equal treatment for its citizenry. In this way, the nation (or community) will achieve, at least for a long time to come, a desirable "unity in diversity" (Allport, 1979, p. 518). Any civilized society which is by "affirmation democratic" is expected to "provide and protect…" the civil rights of its citizens (Smith & Lindeman, 1951, p.19). And any person who violates a person’s civil rights should be given due consequences without fear, or favor, ill will or affection. Could the citizens of Nigeria learn to seek their own welfare and growth, not at the expense of their fellow men and women, but in concert with them?




The younger generation is less stereotype-ridden of the ascribed Osu than their parents, yet social interaction between the Osu and Diala has not really normalized. If the younger generation is perpetuating the wrongs committed by their forebears, they are then responsible for those wrongs. The youths that as the leaders of tomorrow should lead in condemning the Osu practice, which is a civil rights aberration.




Currently, the Igbo community does not have any collective solution to the Osu caste problem. Communities are dealing with the problem as it affects their localities. Nnobi community is a good example. This author would like to see a general Igbo solution to the Osu problem, instead of leaving it to individual communities. The Igbo society should not let discriminatory Osu caste system to continue, as the subjection of a part of the Igbo community to perpetual social misery and degradation is an unjustifiable human behavior.




3). Political Implications

The Osu caste system is politically unpalatable in some Igbo communities. Those who adore the system often express some traditional sentiments in support of the preservation of this primitive heritage and custom whenever the issue is mentioned. Some of them would argue that the present Igbo generation does not have the authority to destroy what their forefathers invented. They would regard as insane any person who suggests the jettisoning of the Osu caste system.




Like ethnicity in Nigeria the Osu caste system influences the people’s voting behavior in Igboland. Community development projects could be abandoned because a project is sited in an Osu area. The community of Ifakala in Mbaitolu local government area of Imo State had no good source of water supply. And the nearest stream in the area is about eight kilometers away. The State government under the leadership of Governor Sam Mbakwe in the 1980’s decided to help the community with a pipe-borne water scheme. Strangely, a few days before the taps would begin to run, rumors circulated that the village in which the project was located was an Osu neighborhood, and therefore the water was deemed by the Diala as unfit for human consumption. Consequently, the project was left to die away (Agbaegbu, Jan 12, 2000).




Some people in Igboland might even vote against any politician who condemns, or suggests the jettisoning of this Osu caste system. And some Igbo community would not elect a politician from the Osu group to represent them, even if such a person is a better candidate than the Diala. This behavior is more pronounced at the local (village) level. This undeniably prevents the ascribed Osu people from contributing as they ordinarily would to the sociopolitical and economic development of their communities.




The avid supporters of the system would not give their political support to Osu persons who are seeking public offices. Even those in office could lose their positions should they protest any ill treatment against the Osu group. Many examples abound, but the one that caught the attention of this author is the case of Mr. Morris Ede, a former commissioner for special duties in Enugu State. Mr. Ede, an Umuode indigene, protested the manner in which Governor Nnamani of Enugu State and his associates were handling the Osu crisis in Oruku community. The people of Umuode were driven out of their community, because they are said to be Osu. Apparently, because of his protest, Mr. Ede lost his job as a commissioner for special duties when Governor Nnamani reshuffled his cabinet. 11




The Osu situation is similar to what happened to the blacks in the United States in the 1960s. Some people are now advocating that America should pay restitution and render apology for the violation of the civil and human rights of the Black Race. The international community has also been called upon to recognize that there is a unique and unprecedented moral debt owed to Africans for their humiliation and exploitation (Robinson, 2000). By the some token, the entire Igbo community should eradicate the Osu system and render an apology, if not restitution, to the ascribed Osu people for their years of humiliation in the hands of the Diala. Thus, human beings should try to differentiate right from wrong, what is permissible and what is impermissible. The discriminatory Osu culture (like other types of discrimination) should be brought to the attention of the world. It is the hope of this author that this paper serves the purpose, as the Osu caste system is a human and civil rights tragedy.




The Osu Caste System: An Agenda for Change


The crucial step of trying to find solution to the Osu issue in I

Winnergal:
Thanks to Nollywood, i watch movies where people go for money rituals in order to save their financial situations . . .

But my question is this: Does money ritual really exists? . . .

blood money is real in igboland.