₦airaland Forum

kenny987:
...Meanwhile d FG decides d bulk of development projects and has decided to site major seaports only in Lagos. What do u then expect a naturally entrepreneurial people to do but flock the same area in droves?..

Untrue. There are other sea ports in Port-harcourt, Sapele, Calabar, Onne and Ibaka. Don't blame the govt if your people decide not to use those ports.

tsdarkside:
dont even try...were would the capital of biafra be sef??...i can not imagine were....calabars will not accept biafra,they are proud to be calabar...itsekeri?,urhobo?,port-harcourt?.....no chance.....

Point of correction. The Itsekiri and Urhobo are NOT part of the Biafra project!!

This Prof does NOT know what he is talking about. Look at what each student pays per annum, in each of our private universities. You need to be a millionaire, to be able to successfully send your child to a private university, to complete a degree course, in Nigeria.

As a Professor working in Nigeria, how much is his salary? Can he afford to send his child to a private university on his current salary level??

List of Nigerian Private Universities And Their School Fees:

American University Of Nigeria => N1,590,000

Achievers University, Owo => N420, 000

Adeleke University,Ede =N= 350,000.00

Ajayi Crowther University => N500,000

Babcock University => N620,000

Benson Idahosa => N500,000

Bowen University, Iwo => N750,000

Covenant University => N432,000

Crawford University => N480,000

Novena University => N400,000

Igbinedion University Okada => N643,000

Joseph Ayo Babalola University => N436,000

Lead City University => =N=550,500
http://.com/private-universities-in-nigeria-and-their-school-fees/

bigboss80s:
May she Rest in Peace
It is, however, instructive to note that the young lady is unlikely to have survived this incident as electrical burns damage the internal organs ie kidneys, etc severely. And even if that did not happen she could still have died from dehydration or infections arising from loss of the protective skin.
May the good Lord grant her family the fortitude to bear this great loss.

You are NOT God!! So stop offering pathetic excuses. In other countries, victims of burns and electrocution survive if they are given prompt medical care and treated with urgency in an ICU or emergency /trauma care centre.

The lack of compassion among Nigerian doctors is appalling! That doctor that declined to attend to her, should be prosecuted and struck off the medical register for life!

Jaquar456:
WHAT AN IRONY AND HOW SAD....
This man Fernandez was highly celebrated for being one of the richest Nigerians, and so well connected at home and internationally, YET look at his funeral......WHAT NOTABLE PERSONALITY WAS THERE? Even worse, for such a personality, he was buried abroad in A CEMETERY, with pallbearers in cap and suit, and few members of his family, even with all the public announcement of his obituary and enough time given for people to attend, This man was buried like a nonentity. Even my friends fathers funeral had more substance, and the man was just a furniture maker!

WE SHALL SIT BACK AND WAIT FOR THE FIGHT FOR HIS MONEY BY THESE EXCITED CHILDREN OF HIS
BY THE WAY, IS THE LADY AT THE TOP WITH THE DEAD CHICKEN ON HER HEAD ONE OF HIS CHILDREN..?

Is it the number of notable personalities at his funeral that will enable him get into heaven or enter the gates of paradise? Do you know if he left a will expressing a wish for a private funeral with only his family and few friends in attendance?

Where is it written that every funeral must be turned into a carnival with huge crowds? Are there awards given for such things?

prodiG:
beautiful children

Chai! Those babies came out with a ready-made Nigerian frown! Why now?? Na who make dem vex like dis??

Your post was long and parts of it were incoherent. Shippers are the ones that choose their port of destination. If a shipper specifies Onne etc, as the final port, and the vessel agrees to offload his products there for him, who would complain?

You should direct your views to the merchants and shippers of goods and services. And also ask the govt to dredge Calabar port properly and effectively, to enable it support larger vessels.

As for your comment on the fear of "Igbo domination" made Nigeria turn against its most enterprising people at the time, rather than make efforts to compete with them"... it made me laugh! Really hard! Please get your head out of the imaginary clouds. And focus on reality!

Fawklicant:
You people just mention price as if the person stole the vehicle. Go and look for car of 1.45m.
@op, clean car though.

Why the aggro? This is a used and registered car. It was obviously bought as a Tokunbo, and current price for a fresh Tokunboh version is just 2.6 mill to 2.8 mill.

Most times, the general market practice is that a used car often sells for half the price of a new or fresh one. Especially when it has been used locally, for a period of time. The price goes down due to what economists call "depreciation." So why must you insult those willing to offer half the price of a fresh tokunbo version, for a used one?

Apart from that, this is a public forum where negotiation is allowed. Even in a car sales room, prospective buyers can still negotiate for discounts. So what is the big deal? It does not detract from the value of the car. The car still remains a fine vehicle.

No disrespect intended to the seller of the car, but by posting the car for sale on a public forum, it would definitely invite comments, views and enquiries from new and prospective buyers. That is the way it works in the trading world. Deal with it!

I have said it before... the speed at which the Bring Back Our Girls (BBOG) Movement suddenly went quiet after Buhari became president, leaves a lot to be desired. I did not realise there was more to it, than meets the eye. Under GEJ, they were camped outside in the sun for several days, but under PMB they stopped camping outside in public glare and started visiting Aso Rock.

Till date, the girls are yet to be reunited with their parents and the BBOG Movt have gone quiet. Dia ris God, oh!

Location where tanks can be inspected?? Please confirm. Have they been pressure-tested??

No response

Can you do something like this?

Which depot?? At what price?? Don't forget that there are almost 10 depots in Lagos alone...

Atlantian:
APC is the most useless party in Africa. Since PDP handed over power to them, its been one week, one stupidity.

Tinubu wants Saraki out, so that his own stooge can be voted in as Senate President. Remember his story about 'party supremacy?'

Adekagood:
Because that is what will create jobs for the Ekitians and put money in the State Treasury? Rethink pls!!!

Oh, so you really think that an airport will create jobs for Ekiti people? The same kind of jobs that the Akure airport till date, has NOT been able to create for the people of Ondo State?

First of all, how much passenger and cargo traffic is expected to pass through this so-called Ekiti airport? Do you even understand the magnitude of financial resources required to build an airport? Does Ekiti even have those kind of resources? What is Ekiti State's IGR? What is its' current level of liabilities? Think man, think!

Why can't Fayose deploy the scarce resources of the state into more sustainable, value-added projects?

seunmsg:
How will a local airport in Ekiti create jobs and put money in the state treasury?

Abeg, help me ask them! Fayose just wants to leave his own version of a white elephant project on ground, for the next successive government to inherit!

As if the damage and expropriation suffered during the war was not enough, properties owned by Easterners were declared 'abandoned'. This meant that the surviving owners were by law, barred from reclaiming them. This happened in spite of the assurances given by the federal government as was contained in the Blueprint for post-war reconstruction issued as early as 1967. It is to be noted that the 'abandoned' property issue was a federal legislation apparently aimed at inciting the Easterners against one another.

The issue generated a lot of heat and led to litigations in law court. Dee Sam Mbakwe (former Governor of Imo State) of blessed memory fought tirelessly against the abandoned property law. In some places such as Port Harcourt – originally known as Igbo city since the Slave Trade era, where the Igbos had invested heavily in landed property, the state government promised to compensate the victims instead of handing back their properties to them.

As the controversy intensified, the Rivers State government credited the federal government’s account with the sum of 23 million Naira as compensation for the owners. However, some of these properties were recovered most often through the 'benevolence' of the new occupants and/or friendly ties with neighbours or business associates established prior to the war...

The illusion of self-sufficiency and narrow sectionalism was shattered by the war. S. O. O. Ogazi sums it up in this way:

[The war] taught many people exactly how we are. We are not the rich people that we think we were. We discovered that without Hausa nama [cow], we couldn’t get meat. We thought that we are self-sufficient in food and in the end we discovered that we depended so much on outsiders. Not that it has altered their way of life as such, but they were now more conscious of the dependence upon others. http://www.igbofocus.co.uk/html/biafra_in_retrospect.html

How come it was Sam Mbakwe that took up the abandoned property issue on behalf of his people, and not Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu, after he returned from exile?? Just wondering.

gabe15:
fayose is high on weed wat of d airport at akure

There is an airport in Akure that is grossly underutilised. Fayose should focus on teaming up with FAAN and the Ondo State govt to use that, and stop this silly plan of wasting scarce resources to build an airport.

.. Ojukwu's role in history has been well-documented. Let us hope history will judge Nnamdi Kanu kindly, in view of his recent actions.

Ojukwu: In The Eyes Of The People
Published by The Tide Newspapers | Feb. 3rd 2012 |

The first week of February 2012 in Nigeria will witness, amongst many other significant events, the burial of late Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (1933-2011), the Biafran Warlord. Ojukwu undisputed occupies a central position in the history of Nigeria throughout the period of the four exact years from 15 January 1966 when Nigeria’s first coup d’etat occurred to 15 January, 1970 when Nigerians unfortunate Civil War ended. It is estimated that over two million Nigerians lost their lives in the 30 month brutal war that broke out on July 6, 1967. Although, there was no Nuremberg Trials in Nigeria at the end of the war, Ojukwu has been on trial since the end of the war, mainly on the pages of newspapers, news magazines and books. The trial is likely to continue for another century.

Ojukwu means different things to different persons till he breathed the last on November 26, 2011.

Amanyanabo Opubo Daminabo dug into his archive to extract some of the opinions expressed about late Chief Ojukwu between 1970 when the Biafrans surrendered to the Federal Government under “No victor, no vanquished” arrangement and 1983 when Nigeria experienced a civil rule. Compiled in 1983, these divergent views extracted from the Appendix of Daminabo’s book entitled IBOS Are Not Biafrans (Port Harcourt Hanging Publishers) border on Ojukwu’s personality, his pardon by the Federal Government and his intention to contest the 1983 presidential election.

‘Nigeria never was and can never be a united country’. - General Emeka Ojukwu, Opening sentence of Biafra: Selected Speeches of C. Odumegwu Ojukwu New York, 1969, p.1

‘He was no devil. Everybody admired his personal courage, his ability for hard work. But he had one weakness – he did not know when to apply the brakes. But it’s purely because he was ambitious. He was a very capable chap.’ - Major General Philip Effiong Chief of Staff, Biafran Army, ‘Drum’, April, 1970.

‘A natural actor, Colonel Ojukwu had the enviable quality of controlling and concealing unpleasant emotions, a quality which he exploited to the full in inspiring false confidence even in the bleakest hours of the civil war’. - Chief N. U. Akpan Biafra’s Chief Scribe, London, 1972, The Struggle for Secession, p.175.

‘We were both agreed on this one point, that for all we cared this particular civil war could be fought with bows and arrows. I phoned up some friends at the United Nations Organization and they joined in the discussion’. - Professor Wole Soyinka London, 1972, The Man Died, p. 52.

‘Suddenly, here were black men, intelligent, well-educated, charming black men, standing virtually alone and successfully defying an enemy four times their size backed by the world’s super powers … The Biafrans were everywhere, it seemed, eloquently putting their case in excellent English, quoting neat European or American parallels, pointing out, with obvious truth and conviction that they were the most “westernized” of all Africans, indeed, perhaps, of all Third World peoples’. - John de St. Jorre London, 1972, The Nigerian Civil War, pp. 359-360 .

‘This strange, complex, fascinating man is now sharing the lonely fate of Nkrumah and Obote, Africa’s other fallen giants. A statesman without a state, a leader without a people, an orator without a platform, an actor without a stage; for a man such as Ojukwu, exile must be a living death. - John de St. Jorre London, 1972, The Nigerian Civil War, p.413.

‘Ojukwu’s resistance was really an experiment in human misery’. - Captain Elechi Amadi London, 1973, Sunset in Blofra, p.48

‘In Nigeria, theft by rulers and officials is regrettably frequent. Some end up stealing money, others minor items; Ojukwu is the only one who tried to steal a country!’ - Ken Saro-Wiwa Lagos, Sunday Times 27/6/82

‘He was perhaps the only man who ever held power in West Africa who came out without a private nest-egg of money embezzled from public funds. Not only had he not milked the till, he had spent every penny of his private fortune on his people. He was penniless … He was and is a remarkable man. He could have had everything, if he had bowed the knee to Gowon. Instead he lost many things: his fortune, his homeland, his passport. But he never lost the loyalty of his people; and he never lost any man’s respect. Even his worst enemies respect him. Knowing him, he would say that he had still had the best of the bargain. - Frederick Forsyth, Dublin, 1976, The Making of An African Legend: The Biafra Story, pp. 285 – 286.

‘The desperate nature of this operation and the fact that it simply had to succeed earned for it the name “Operation Do or Die” …. Viewed from any angle, that operation was indeed an “Operation Do or Die”, for many did and many died’. - Major General Alexander A. Madiebo, Commander of Biafran Army, Enugu, 1980, The Nigerian Revolution and The Biafran War, pp. 343 & 348.

‘…Biafra was the first ship of state to sail the sea of nationhood on a completely indigenous motor. Biafra was run from top to bottom by blacks … the first black nation to be taken seriously in a world dominated by white people … ‘ - Arthur Nwankwo, Enugu, 1980, Nigerian: The Challenge of Biafra, pp. 81-82

‘What follows in this book is … the story of how the arrogant and conceited Ojukwu, who wanted to rule an independent nation at all costs, deceived the people he claimed to love and left them in the lurch at their desperate hour of need, and fled “Biafra” under the guise of seeking peace’. - General Olusegun Obasanjo, GOC, 3MCDO, Nigerian Army, London, 1980, My Command, p. xiii.

‘Later on, after I had been released to join in the struggle, I realized that Ojukwu knew what he was talking about whenever he assured Biafrans that they would fight to the last man. He knew that he was ill-prepared for the fight and that if it came, he had nothing to send against the enemy except the bodies of his own citizens – no guns, no armour, no planes, no ships – only flesh and flesh and flesh – what a suicide plot, or was it a reverse pogrom? … Surely, history will not forgive him’. - Major Adewale Ademoyega, Ibadan, 1981, Why We Struck, pp. 141 and 174.

‘In fact, if anything, the counter-coup was a complete flop. Significantly, it was the failure of the Northern dissidents to topple Lieutenant Colonel Ojukwu’s Enugu-based Government – and not the shortcomings of the January coup – that eventually paved the way for secession, and in time, the barbaric civil war’. - Captain Ben Gbulie Onitsha, 1981, Nigeria’s Five Majors, p. 154.

‘History will say of Victor Banjo, Emmanuel lfeajuna, Philip Alale and Samuel Agbam just as history had said of Hitler’s enemies that they brilliantly anticipated the end of the road along which Ojukwu, with fourteen million highly intelligent people on the tow, was walking, but that when it came to the crunch, they clumsily and pathetically bungled their chance to stop him from traversing the road to its bloody end’ . - Nelson Ottah, London, 1981, Rebels Against Rebels, p.l0.

‘On the 5th of January, 1967, the historic Aburi meeting of the military leaders was called to resolve accumulating differences, but Ojukwu went there to manufacture a confederal constitution. Later, Decree No. 8 was passed to satisfy his ends, yet he would not let the Ibos alone. All he wanted was secession’ . - Major Isaac Boro, Benin-City, 1982, The Twelve – Day Revolution, p. 157.

‘When the war Ojukwu and his group said was to defend their homeland came, they made it a war of conquest. Whose “homeland” is the Midwest? When did Ibadan and Lagos become part of the East?’ - Major General Joe Garba London, 1982, Revolution in Nigeria: Another View, p. 115.

‘What most people are saying is li the Ibo leader is back” and I share that view. What political party Ojukwu will join is immaterial. If he stands on a tree, we will all stand on the tree with him’. - Cyprian Ekwensi, Lagos 1982, ‘Sunday Times’ (27/6/82).

‘Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the former leader of Biafra, is a man of history in the most serious sense of the term, not because he is a graduate of history, but for the reasons that he probably decided to study history. Singled minded, deliberate and totally shorn of any emotional inclinations, Odumegwu Ojukwu is a man who doesn’t believe in the force of destiny, but a man who believes that strong men can shape the destiny of weaker men and cause a part for nations’. - Dele Giwa Lagos, 1982, ‘Sunday Concord’ (27/6/82). [/color]

‘Has anyone cared to ask why this son of a millionaire and History graduate, this material and intellectual aristocrat branched off into the Army at a time that many people thought the Army was a dumping ground for street brawlers and the like? I suggest that he knew that power resides in the barrel of a gun… Calculating, rational, never known to shed tears, Ojukwu, according to those who claim to know him well, has a rugged disposition that borders on demonism, and is inclined to have things his own way or not at all… I cannot say whether Ojukwu does have the Ibo tribe in his pocket, but it seems to me that the Ibo tribe would not mind having Ojukwu in its pocket.’ - Ray Ekpu, Lagos 1982, ‘Sunday Times’ (1/8/82)

‘As far as the Ibos are concerned, the name Biafra is a stolen property. How the Ibo nation stole the name is fully explained in this book. The earlier Ibos stop the use of the name, Biafra, as a symbol of Iboland, Ibo nation and Ibo culture, the better for all Nigerians. There are several Igbo names of Igbo-related names for major physical features and other man-made features (especially rivers, towns and cities and even caves) in Iboland that can serve as an appropriate substitute for the stolen Biafra name. A few examples of such Ibo names or Igbo-related names include Nri (the cradle, now a town, of Ibos), Anambra and Imo (major rivers in Iboland), Abia, Enugu, Onitsha, Owerri and Umuahia (major cities in Iboland) and Ogbunike (an important town with a famous cave). Any of these names is an appropriate substitute for the Ibo nation to bear or use as her symbol than the stolen Biafra name.’ - Opubo Daminabo, Port Harcourt, Ibos Are Not Biafrans 1983, p 1.

‘Until today Ojukwu has not explained why he was a counter-revolutionary in January 1966, whether it was because he would not yield to junior officers or because he did not agree that change was desirable at the time. What we do know, however, from what the little Forsyth has disclosed is that Ojukwu did not, because of rank-related concerns, want to serve under Yakubu Gowon following the counter-coup of July 1966. Ibo massacres and persecution were just incidental in Ojukwu’s posturing during the crisis of July 1966- May 1967. We do know also that the only reason Ojukwu was appointed military Governor of the Eastern Region in January 1966 was for being a conspirator against the patriotic majors.’ - Fidel Odum Enugu, 1983, ‘Sunday Satellite’ (20/2/83).

His ambition was to achieve the Biafran victory and to go down in history as its first “Head of State.” His genius was instrumental, not creative; he excelled in manipulation, not in construction… Emeka’s return to Nigeria and his dramatic entry into partisan politics is a clear manifestation of his inordinate ambition to grab power that eluded him in Biafra… He confused popular acclaim for popular support.’ - Obiora Egbunike, Ibadan, 1983, ‘Sunday Tribune’ (20/3/83).

Ojukwu’s pardon in conception and execution contradicts all the laws of the Medes and Persians. Nemesis will surely act… Ojukwu gambled with lives of millions of people without caring a hoot. Once a gambler, always a gambler. He is at it again and he is ready to spill blood without remorse.’ - Professor Chike Obi, Enugu 1983, ‘Satellite’ (20/3/83 and 2/8/83).

Read the rest here: http://www.thetidenewsonline.com/2012/02/03/ojukwu-in-the-eyes-of-the-people/

Ojukwu's role in history has been well-documented. Let us hope history will judge Nnamdi Kanu kindly, in view of his recent actions.

Ojukwu: In The Eyes Of The People
Published by The Tide Newspapers | Feb. 3rd 2012 |

The first week of February 2012 in Nigeria will witness, amongst many other significant events, the burial of late Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (1933-2011), the Biafran Warlord. Ojukwu undisputed occupies a central position in the history of Nigeria throughout the period of the four exact years from 15 January 1966 when Nigeria’s first coup d’etat occurred to 15 January, 1970 when Nigerians unfortunate Civil War ended. It is estimated that over two million Nigerians lost their lives in the 30 month brutal war that broke out on July 6, 1967. Although, there was no Nuremberg Trials in Nigeria at the end of the war, Ojukwu has been on trial since the end of the war, mainly on the pages of newspapers, news magazines and books. The trial is likely to continue for another century.

Ojukwu means different things to different persons till he breathed the last on November 26, 2011.

Amanyanabo Opubo Daminabo dug into his archive to extract some of the opinions expressed about late Chief Ojukwu between 1970 when the Biafrans surrendered to the Federal Government under “No victor, no vanquished” arrangement and 1983 when Nigeria experienced a civil rule. Compiled in 1983, these divergent views extracted from the Appendix of Daminabo’s book entitled IBOS Are Not Biafrans (Port Harcourt Hanging Publishers) border on Ojukwu’s personality, his pardon by the Federal Government and his intention to contest the 1983 presidential election.

‘Nigeria never was and can never be a united country’. - General Emeka Ojukwu, Opening sentence of Biafra: Selected Speeches of C. Odumegwu Ojukwu New York, 1969, p.1

‘He was no devil. Everybody admired his personal courage, his ability for hard work. But he had one weakness – he did not know when to apply the brakes. But it’s purely because he was ambitious. He was a very capable chap.’ - Major General Philip Effiong Chief of Staff, Biafran Army, ‘Drum’, April, 1970.

‘A natural actor, Colonel Ojukwu had the enviable quality of controlling and concealing unpleasant emotions, a quality which he exploited to the full in inspiring false confidence even in the bleakest hours of the civil war’. - Chief N. U. Akpan Biafra’s Chief Scribe, London, 1972, The Struggle for Secession, p.175.

‘We were both agreed on this one point, that for all we cared this particular civil war could be fought with bows and arrows. I phoned up some friends at the United Nations Organization and they joined in the discussion’. - Professor Wole Soyinka London, 1972, The Man Died, p. 52.

‘Suddenly, here were black men, intelligent, well-educated, charming black men, standing virtually alone and successfully defying an enemy four times their size backed by the world’s super powers … The Biafrans were everywhere, it seemed, eloquently putting their case in excellent English, quoting neat European or American parallels, pointing out, with obvious truth and conviction that they were the most “westernized” of all Africans, indeed, perhaps, of all Third World peoples’. - John de St. Jorre London, 1972, The Nigerian Civil War, pp. 359-360 .

‘This strange, complex, fascinating man is now sharing the lonely fate of Nkrumah and Obote, Africa’s other fallen giants. A statesman without a state, a leader without a people, an orator without a platform, an actor without a stage; for a man such as Ojukwu, exile must be a living death. - John de St. Jorre London, 1972, The Nigerian Civil War, p.413.

‘Ojukwu’s resistance was really an experiment in human misery’. - Captain Elechi Amadi London, 1973, Sunset in Blofra, p.48

‘In Nigeria, theft by rulers and officials is regrettably frequent. Some end up stealing money, others minor items; Ojukwu is the only one who tried to steal a country!’ - Ken Saro-Wiwa Lagos, Sunday Times 27/6/82

‘He was perhaps the only man who ever held power in West Africa who came out without a private nest-egg of money embezzled from public funds. Not only had he not milked the till, he had spent every penny of his private fortune on his people. He was penniless … He was and is a remarkable man. He could have had everything, if he had bowed the knee to Gowon. Instead he lost many things: his fortune, his homeland, his passport. But he never lost the loyalty of his people; and he never lost any man’s respect. Even his worst enemies respect him. Knowing him, he would say that he had still had the best of the bargain. - Frederick Forsyth, Dublin, 1976, The Making of An African Legend: The Biafra Story, pp. 285 – 286.

‘The desperate nature of this operation and the fact that it simply had to succeed earned for it the name “Operation Do or Die” …. Viewed from any angle, that operation was indeed an “Operation Do or Die”, for many did and many died’. - Major General Alexander A. Madiebo, Commander of Biafran Army, Enugu, 1980, The Nigerian Revolution and The Biafran War, pp. 343 & 348.

‘…Biafra was the first ship of state to sail the sea of nationhood on a completely indigenous motor. Biafra was run from top to bottom by blacks … the first black nation to be taken seriously in a world dominated by white people … ‘ - Arthur Nwankwo, Enugu, 1980, Nigerian: The Challenge of Biafra, pp. 81-82

‘What follows in this book is … the story of how the arrogant and conceited Ojukwu, who wanted to rule an independent nation at all costs, deceived the people he claimed to love and left them in the lurch at their desperate hour of need, and fled “Biafra” under the guise of seeking peace’. - General Olusegun Obasanjo, GOC, 3MCDO, Nigerian Army, London, 1980, My Command, p. xiii.

‘Later on, after I had been released to join in the struggle, I realized that Ojukwu knew what he was talking about whenever he assured Biafrans that they would fight to the last man. He knew that he was ill-prepared for the fight and that if it came, he had nothing to send against the enemy except the bodies of his own citizens – no guns, no armour, no planes, no ships – only flesh and flesh and flesh – what a suicide plot, or was it a reverse pogrom? … Surely, history will not forgive him’. - Major Adewale Ademoyega, Ibadan, 1981, Why We Struck, pp. 141 and 174.

‘In fact, if anything, the counter-coup was a complete flop. Significantly, it was the failure of the Northern dissidents to topple Lieutenant Colonel Ojukwu’s Enugu-based Government – and not the shortcomings of the January coup – that eventually paved the way for secession, and in time, the barbaric civil war’. - Captain Ben Gbulie Onitsha, 1981, Nigeria’s Five Majors, p. 154.

‘History will say of Victor Banjo, Emmanuel lfeajuna, Philip Alale and Samuel Agbam just as history had said of Hitler’s enemies that they brilliantly anticipated the end of the road along which Ojukwu, with fourteen million highly intelligent people on the tow, was walking, but that when it came to the crunch, they clumsily and pathetically bungled their chance to stop him from traversing the road to its bloody end’ . - Nelson Ottah, London, 1981, Rebels Against Rebels, p.l0.

‘On the 5th of January, 1967, the historic Aburi meeting of the military leaders was called to resolve accumulating differences, but Ojukwu went there to manufacture a confederal constitution. Later, Decree No. 8 was passed to satisfy his ends, yet he would not let the Ibos alone. All he wanted was secession’ . - Major Isaac Boro, Benin-City, 1982, The Twelve – Day Revolution, p. 157.

‘When the war Ojukwu and his group said was to defend their homeland came, they made it a war of conquest. Whose “homeland” is the Midwest? When did Ibadan and Lagos become part of the East?’ - Major General Joe Garba London, 1982, Revolution in Nigeria: Another View, p. 115.

‘What most people are saying is li the Ibo leader is back” and I share that view. What political party Ojukwu will join is immaterial. If he stands on a tree, we will all stand on the tree with him’. - Cyprian Ekwensi, Lagos 1982, ‘Sunday Times’ (27/6/82).

‘Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the former leader of Biafra, is a man of history in the most serious sense of the term, not because he is a graduate of history, but for the reasons that he probably decided to study history. Singled minded, deliberate and totally shorn of any emotional inclinations, Odumegwu Ojukwu is a man who doesn’t believe in the force of destiny, but a man who believes that strong men can shape the destiny of weaker men and cause a part for nations’. - Dele Giwa Lagos, 1982, ‘Sunday Concord’ (27/6/82).

‘Has anyone cared to ask why this son of a millionaire and History graduate, this material and intellectual aristocrat branched off into the Army at a time that many people thought the Army was a dumping ground for street brawlers and the like? I suggest that he knew that power resides in the barrel of a gun… Calculating, rational, never known to shed tears, Ojukwu, according to those who claim to know him well, has a rugged disposition that borders on demonism, and is inclined to have things his own way or not at all… I cannot say whether Ojukwu does have the Ibo tribe in his pocket, but it seems to me that the Ibo tribe would not mind having Ojukwu in its pocket.’ - Ray Ekpu, Lagos 1982, ‘Sunday Times’ (1/8/82)

‘As far as the Ibos are concerned, the name Biafra is a stolen property. How the Ibo nation stole the name is fully explained in this book. The earlier Ibos stop the use of the name, Biafra, as a symbol of Iboland, Ibo nation and Ibo culture, the better for all Nigerians. There are several Igbo names of Igbo-related names for major physical features and other man-made features (especially rivers, towns and cities and even caves) in Iboland that can serve as an appropriate substitute for the stolen Biafra name. A few examples of such Ibo names or Igbo-related names include Nri (the cradle, now a town, of Ibos), Anambra and Imo (major rivers in Iboland), Abia, Enugu, Onitsha, Owerri and Umuahia (major cities in Iboland) and Ogbunike (an important town with a famous cave). Any of these names is an appropriate substitute for the Ibo nation to bear or use as her symbol than the stolen Biafra name.’ - Opubo Daminabo, Port Harcourt, Ibos Are Not Biafrans 1983, p 1.

‘Until today Ojukwu has not explained why he was a counter-revolutionary in January 1966, whether it was because he would not yield to junior officers or because he did not agree that change was desirable at the time. What we do know, however, from what the little Forsyth has disclosed is that Ojukwu did not, because of rank-related concerns, want to serve under Yakubu Gowon following the counter-coup of July 1966. Ibo massacres and persecution were just incidental in Ojukwu’s posturing during the crisis of July 1966- May 1967. We do know also that the only reason Ojukwu was appointed military Governor of the Eastern Region in January 1966 was for being a conspirator against the patriotic majors.’ - Fidel Odum Enugu, 1983, ‘Sunday Satellite’ (20/2/83).

His ambition was to achieve the Biafran victory and to go down in history as its first “Head of State.” His genius was instrumental, not creative; he excelled in manipulation, not in construction… Emeka’s return to Nigeria and his dramatic entry into partisan politics is a clear manifestation of his inordinate ambition to grab power that eluded him in Biafra… He confused popular acclaim for popular support.’ - Obiora Egbunike, Ibadan, 1983, ‘Sunday Tribune’ (20/3/83).

Ojukwu’s pardon in conception and execution contradicts all the laws of the Medes and Persians. Nemesis will surely act… Ojukwu gambled with lives of millions of people without caring a hoot. Once a gambler, always a gambler. He is at it again and he is ready to spill blood without remorse.’ - Professor Chike Obi, Enugu 1983, ‘Satellite’ (20/3/83 and 2/8/83).

Read the rest here: http://www.thetidenewsonline.com/2012/02/03/ojukwu-in-the-eyes-of-the-people/

Ojukwu's role in history has been well-documented. Let us hope history will judge Nnamdi Kanu kindly, in view of his recent actions.

Ojukwu: In The Eyes Of The People
Published by The Tide Newspapers | Feb. 3rd 2012 |

The first week of February 2012 in Nigeria will witness, amongst many other significant events, the burial of late Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (1933-2011), the Biafran Warlord. Ojukwu undisputed occupies a central position in the history of Nigeria throughout the period of the four exact years from 15 January 1966 when Nigeria’s first coup d’etat occurred to 15 January, 1970 when Nigerians unfortunate Civil War ended. It is estimated that over two million Nigerians lost their lives in the 30 month brutal war that broke out on July 6, 1967. Although, there was no Nuremberg Trials in Nigeria at the end of the war, Ojukwu has been on trial since the end of the war, mainly on the pages of newspapers, news magazines and books. The trial is likely to continue for another century.

Ojukwu means different things to different persons till he breathed the last on November 26, 2011.

Amanyanabo Opubo Daminabo dug into his archive to extract some of the opinions expressed about late Chief Ojukwu between 1970 when the Biafrans surrendered to the Federal Government under “No victor, no vanquished” arrangement and 1983 when Nigeria experienced a civil rule. Compiled in 1983, these divergent views extracted from the Appendix of Daminabo’s book entitled IBOS Are Not Biafrans (Port Harcourt Hanging Publishers) border on Ojukwu’s personality, his pardon by the Federal Government and his intention to contest the 1983 presidential election.

‘Nigeria never was and can never be a united country’. - General Emeka Ojukwu, Opening sentence of Biafra: Selected Speeches of C. Odumegwu Ojukwu New York, 1969, p.1

‘He was no devil. Everybody admired his personal courage, his ability for hard work. But he had one weakness – he did not know when to apply the brakes. But it’s purely because he was ambitious. He was a very capable chap.’ - Major General Philip Effiong Chief of Staff, Biafran Army, ‘Drum’, April, 1970.

‘A natural actor, Colonel Ojukwu had the enviable quality of controlling and concealing unpleasant emotions, a quality which he exploited to the full in inspiring false confidence even in the bleakest hours of the civil war’. - Chief N. U. Akpan Biafra’s Chief Scribe, London, 1972, The Struggle for Secession, p.175.

‘We were both agreed on this one point, that for all we cared this particular civil war could be fought with bows and arrows. I phoned up some friends at the United Nations Organization and they joined in the discussion’. - Professor Wole Soyinka London, 1972, The Man Died, p. 52.

‘Suddenly, here were black men, intelligent, well-educated, charming black men, standing virtually alone and successfully defying an enemy four times their size backed by the world’s super powers … The Biafrans were everywhere, it seemed, eloquently putting their case in excellent English, quoting neat European or American parallels, pointing out, with obvious truth and conviction that they were the most “westernized” of all Africans, indeed, perhaps, of all Third World peoples’. - John de St. Jorre London, 1972, The Nigerian Civil War, pp. 359-360 .

‘This strange, complex, fascinating man is now sharing the lonely fate of Nkrumah and Obote, Africa’s other fallen giants. A statesman without a state, a leader without a people, an orator without a platform, an actor without a stage; for a man such as Ojukwu, exile must be a living death. - John de St. Jorre London, 1972, The Nigerian Civil War, p.413.

‘Ojukwu’s resistance was really an experiment in human misery’. - Captain Elechi Amadi London, 1973, Sunset in Blofra, p.48

‘In Nigeria, theft by rulers and officials is regrettably frequent. Some end up stealing money, others minor items; Ojukwu is the only one who tried to steal a country!’ - Ken Saro-Wiwa Lagos, Sunday Times 27/6/82

‘He was perhaps the only man who ever held power in West Africa who came out without a private nest-egg of money embezzled from public funds. Not only had he not milked the till, he had spent every penny of his private fortune on his people. He was penniless … He was and is a remarkable man. He could have had everything, if he had bowed the knee to Gowon. Instead he lost many things: his fortune, his homeland, his passport. But he never lost the loyalty of his people; and he never lost any man’s respect. Even his worst enemies respect him. Knowing him, he would say that he had still had the best of the bargain. - Frederick Forsyth, Dublin, 1976, The Making of An African Legend: The Biafra Story, pp. 285 – 286.

‘The desperate nature of this operation and the fact that it simply had to succeed earned for it the name “Operation Do or Die” …. Viewed from any angle, that operation was indeed an “Operation Do or Die”, for many did and many died’. - Major General Alexander A. Madiebo, Commander of Biafran Army, Enugu, 1980, The Nigerian Revolution and The Biafran War, pp. 343 & 348.

‘…Biafra was the first ship of state to sail the sea of nationhood on a completely indigenous motor. Biafra was run from top to bottom by blacks … the first black nation to be taken seriously in a world dominated by white people … ‘ - Arthur Nwankwo, Enugu, 1980, Nigerian: The Challenge of Biafra, pp. 81-82

‘What follows in this book is … the story of how the arrogant and conceited Ojukwu, who wanted to rule an independent nation at all costs, deceived the people he claimed to love and left them in the lurch at their desperate hour of need, and fled “Biafra” under the guise of seeking peace’. - General Olusegun Obasanjo, GOC, 3MCDO, Nigerian Army, London, 1980, My Command, p. xiii.

‘Later on, after I had been released to join in the struggle, I realized that Ojukwu knew what he was talking about whenever he assured Biafrans that they would fight to the last man. He knew that he was ill-prepared for the fight and that if it came, he had nothing to send against the enemy except the bodies of his own citizens – no guns, no armour, no planes, no ships – only flesh and flesh and flesh – what a suicide plot, or was it a reverse pogrom? … Surely, history will not forgive him’. - Major Adewale Ademoyega, Ibadan, 1981, Why We Struck, pp. 141 and 174.

‘In fact, if anything, the counter-coup was a complete flop. Significantly, it was the failure of the Northern dissidents to topple Lieutenant Colonel Ojukwu’s Enugu-based Government – and not the shortcomings of the January coup – that eventually paved the way for secession, and in time, the barbaric civil war’. - Captain Ben Gbulie Onitsha, 1981, Nigeria’s Five Majors, p. 154.

‘History will say of Victor Banjo, Emmanuel lfeajuna, Philip Alale and Samuel Agbam just as history had said of Hitler’s enemies that they brilliantly anticipated the end of the road along which Ojukwu, with fourteen million highly intelligent people on the tow, was walking, but that when it came to the crunch, they clumsily and pathetically bungled their chance to stop him from traversing the road to its bloody end’ . - Nelson Ottah, London, 1981, Rebels Against Rebels, p.l0.

‘On the 5th of January, 1967, the historic Aburi meeting of the military leaders was called to resolve accumulating differences, but Ojukwu went there to manufacture a confederal constitution. Later, Decree No. 8 was passed to satisfy his ends, yet he would not let the Ibos alone. All he wanted was secession’ . - Major Isaac Boro, Benin-City, 1982, The Twelve – Day Revolution, p. 157.

‘When the war Ojukwu and his group said was to defend their homeland came, they made it a war of conquest. Whose “homeland” is the Midwest? When did Ibadan and Lagos become part of the East?’ - Major General Joe Garba London, 1982, Revolution in Nigeria: Another View, p. 115.

‘What most people are saying is li the Ibo leader is back” and I share that view. What political party Ojukwu will join is immaterial. If he stands on a tree, we will all stand on the tree with him’. - Cyprian Ekwensi, Lagos 1982, ‘Sunday Times’ (27/6/82).

‘Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the former leader of Biafra, is a man of history in the most serious sense of the term, not because he is a graduate of history, but for the reasons that he probably decided to study history. Singled minded, deliberate and totally shorn of any emotional inclinations, Odumegwu Ojukwu is a man who doesn’t believe in the force of destiny, but a man who believes that strong men can shape the destiny of weaker men and cause a part for nations’. - Dele Giwa Lagos, 1982, ‘Sunday Concord’ (27/6/82).

‘Has anyone cared to ask why this son of a millionaire and History graduate, this material and intellectual aristocrat branched off into the Army at a time that many people thought the Army wa a dumping ground for street brawlers and the like? I suggest that he knew that power resides in the barrel of a gun… Calculating, rational, never known to shed tears, Ojukwu, according to those who claim to know him well, has a rugged disposition that borders on demonism, and is inclined to have things his own way or not at all… I cannot say whether Ojukwu does have the Ibo tribe in his pocket, but it seems to me that the Ibo tribe would not mind having Ojukwu in its pocket.’ - Ray Ekpu, Lagos 1982, ‘Sunday Times’ (1/8/82)

‘As far as the Ibos are concerned, the name Biafra is a stolen property. How the Ibo nation stole the name is fully explained in this book. The earlier Ibos stop the use of the name, Biafra, as a symbol of Iboland, Ibo nation and Ibo culture, the better for all Nigerians. There are several Igbo names of Igbo-related names for major physical features and other man-made features (especially rivers, towns and cities and even caves) in Iboland that can serve as an appropriate substitute for the stolen Biafra name. A few examples of such Ibo names or Igbo-related names include Nri (the cradle, now a town, of Ibos), Anambra and Imo (major rivers in Iboland), Abia, Enugu, Onitsha, Owerri and Umuahia (major cities in Iboland) and Ogbunike (an important town with a famous cave). Any of these names is an appropriate substitute for the Ibo nation to bear or use as her symbol than the stolen Biafra name.’ - Opubo Daminabo, Port Harcourt, Ibos Are Not Biafrans 1983, p 1.

‘Until today Ojukwu has not explained why he was a counter-revolutionary in January 1966, whether it was because he would not yield to junior officers or because he did not agree that change was desirable at the time. What we do know, however, from what the little Forsyth has disclosed is that Ojukwu did not, because of rank-related concerns, want to serve under Yakubu Gowon following the counter-coup of July 1966. Ibo massacres and persecution were just incidental in Ojukwu’s posturing during the crisis of July 1966- May 1967. We do know also that the only reason Ojukwu was appointed military Governor of the Eastern Region in January 1966 was for being a conspirator against the patriotic majors.’ - Fidel Odum Enugu, 1983, ‘Sunday Satellite’ (20/2/83).

His ambition was to achieve the Biafran victory and to go down in history as its first “Head of State.” His genius was instrumental, not creative; he excelled in manipulation, not in construction… Emeka’s return to Nigeria and his dramatic entry into partisan politics is a clear manifestation of his inordinate ambition to grab power that eluded him in Biafra… He confused popular acclaim for popular support.’ - Obiora Egbunike, Ibadan, 1983, ‘Sunday Tribune’ (20/3/83).

Ojukwu’s pardon in conception and execution, contradicts all the laws of the Medes and Persians. Nemesis will surely act… Ojukwu gambled with lives of millions of people without caring a hoot. Once a gambler, always a gambler. He is at it again and he is ready to spill blood without remorse.’ - Professor Chike Obi, Enugu 1983, ‘Satellite’ (20/3/83 and 2/8/83).

Read the rest here: http://www.thetidenewsonline.com/2012/02/03/ojukwu-in-the-eyes-of-the-people/

Ojukwu's role in history has been well-documented. Let us hope history will judge Nnamdi Kanu kindly, in view of his recent actions.

Ojukwu: In The Eyes Of The People
Published by The Tide Newspapers | Feb. 3rd 2012 |

The first week of February 2012 in Nigeria will witness, amongst many other significant events, the burial of late Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu (1933-2011), the Biafran Warlord. Ojukwu undisputed occupies a central position in the history of Nigeria throughout the period of the four exact years from 15 January 1966 when Nigeria’s first coup d’etat occurred to 15 January, 1970 when Nigerians unfortunate Civil War ended. It is estimated that over two million Nigerians lost their lives in the 30 month brutal war that broke out on July 6, 1967. Although, there was no Nuremberg Trials in Nigeria at the end of the war, Ojukwu has been on trial since the end of the war, mainly on the pages of newspapers, news magazines and books. The trial is likely to continue for another century.

Ojukwu means different things to different persons till he breathed the last on November 26, 2011.

Amanyanabo Opubo Daminabo dug into his archive to extract some of the opinions expressed about late Chief Ojukwu between 1970 when the Biafrans surrendered to the Federal Government under “No victor, no vanquished” arrangement and 1983 when Nigeria experienced a civil rule. Compiled in 1983, these divergent views extracted from the Appendix of Daminabo’s book entitled IBOS Are Not Biafrans (Port Harcourt Hanging Publishers) border on Ojukwu’s personality, his pardon by the Federal Government and his intention to contest the 1983 presidential election.

‘Nigeria never was and can never be a united country’. - General Emeka Ojukwu, Opening sentence of Biafra: Selected Speeches of C. Odumegwu Ojukwu New York, 1969, p.1

‘He was no devil. Everybody admired his personal courage, his ability for hard work. But he had one weakness – he did not know when to apply the brakes. But it’s purely because he was ambitious. He was a very capable chap.’ - Major General Philip Effiong Chief of Staff, Biafran Army, ‘Drum’, April, 1970.

‘A natural actor, Colonel Ojukwu had the enviable quality of controlling and concealing unpleasant emotions, a quality which he exploited to the full in inspiring false confidence even in the bleakest hours of the civil war’. - Chief N. U. Akpan Biafra’s Chief Scribe, London, 1972, The Struggle for Secession, p.175.

‘We were both agreed on this one point, that for all we cared this particular civil war could be fought with bows and arrows. I phoned up some friends at the United Nations Organization and they joined in the discussion’. - Professor Wole Soyinka London, 1972, The Man Died, p. 52.

‘Suddenly, here were black men, intelligent, well-educated, charming black men, standing virtually alone and successfully defying an enemy four times their size backed by the world’s super powers … The Biafrans were everywhere, it seemed, eloquently putting their case in excellent English, quoting neat European or American parallels, pointing out, with obvious truth and conviction that they were the most “westernized” of all Africans, indeed, perhaps, of all Third World peoples’. - John de St. Jorre London, 1972, The Nigerian Civil War, pp. 359-360 .

‘This strange, complex, fascinating man is now sharing the lonely fate of Nkrumah and Obote, Africa’s other fallen giants. A statesman without a state, a leader without a people, an orator without a platform, an actor without a stage; for a man such as Ojukwu, exile must be a living death. - John de St. Jorre London, 1972, The Nigerian Civil War, p.413.

‘Ojukwu’s resistance was really an experiment in human misery’. - Captain Elechi Amadi London, 1973, Sunset in Blofra, p.48

‘In Nigeria, theft by rulers and officials is regrettably frequent. Some end up stealing money, others minor items; Ojukwu is the only one who tried to steal a country!’ - Ken Saro-Wiwa Lagos, Sunday Times 27/6/82

‘He was perhaps the only man who ever held power in West Africa who came out without a private nest-egg of money embezzled from public funds. Not only had he not milked the till, he had spent every penny of his private fortune on his people. He was penniless … He was and is a remarkable man. He could have had everything, if he had bowed the knee to Gowon. Instead he lost many things: his fortune, his homeland, his passport. But he never lost the loyalty of his people; and he never lost any man’s respect. Even his worst enemies respect him. Knowing him, he would say that he had still had the best of the bargain. - Frederick Forsyth, Dublin, 1976, The Making of An African Legend: The Biafra Story, pp. 285 – 286.

‘The desperate nature of this operation and the fact that it simply had to succeed earned for it the name “Operation Do or Die” …. Viewed from any angle, that operation was indeed an “Operation Do or Die”, for many did and many died’. - Major General Alexander A. Madiebo, Commander of Biafran Army, Enugu, 1980, The Nigerian Revolution and The Biafran War, pp. 343 & 348.

‘…Biafra was the first ship of state to sail the sea of nationhood on a completely indigenous motor. Biafra was run from top to bottom by blacks … the first black nation to be taken seriously in a world dominated by white people … ‘ - Arthur Nwankwo, Enugu, 1980, Nigerian: The Challenge of Biafra, pp. 81-82

‘What follows in this book is … the story of how the arrogant and conceited Ojukwu, who wanted to rule an independent nation at all costs, deceived the people he claimed to love and left them in the lurch at their desperate hour of need, and fled “Biafra” under the guise of seeking peace’. - General Olusegun Obasanjo, GOC, 3MCDO, Nigerian Army, London, 1980, My Command, p. xiii.

‘Later on, after I had been released to join in the struggle, I realized that Ojukwu knew what he was talking about whenever he assured Biafrans that they would fight to the last man. He knew that he was ill-prepared for the fight and that if it came, he had nothing to send against the enemy except the bodies of his own citizens – no guns, no armour, no planes, no ships – only flesh and flesh and flesh – what a suicide plot, or was it a reverse pogrom? … Surely, history will not forgive him’. - Major Adewale Ademoyega, Ibadan, 1981, Why We Struck, pp. 141 and 174.

‘In fact, if anything, the counter-coup was a complete flop. Significantly, it was the failure of the Northern dissidents to topple Lieutenant Colonel Ojukwu’s Enugu-based Government – and not the shortcomings of the January coup – that eventually paved the way for secession, and in time, the barbaric civil war’. - Captain Ben Gbulie Onitsha, 1981, Nigeria’s Five Majors, p. 154.

‘History will say of Victor Banjo, Emmanuel lfeajuna, Philip Alale and Samuel Agbam just as history had said of Hitler’s enemies that they brilliantly anticipated the end of the road along which Ojukwu, with fourteen million highly intelligent people on the tow, was walking, but that when it came to the crunch, they clumsily and pathetically bungled their chance to stop him from traversing the road to its bloody end’ . - Nelson Ottah, London, 1981, Rebels Against Rebels, p.l0.

‘On the 5th of January, 1967, the historic Aburi meeting of the military leaders was called to resolve accumulating differences, but Ojukwu went there to manufacture a confederal constitution. Later, Decree No. 8 was passed to satisfy his ends, yet he would not let the Ibos alone. All he wanted was secession’ . - Major Isaac Boro, Benin-City, 1982, The Twelve – Day Revolution, p. 157.

‘When the war Ojukwu and his group said was to defend their homeland came, they made it a war of conquest. Whose “homeland” is the Midwest? When did Ibadan and Lagos become part of the East?’ - Major General Joe Garba London, 1982, Revolution in Nigeria: Another View, p. 115.

‘What most people are saying is li the Ibo leader is back” and I share that view. What political party Ojukwu will join is immaterial. If he stands on a tree, we will all stand on the tree with him’. - Cyprian Ekwensi, Lagos 1982, ‘Sunday Times’ (27/6/82).

‘Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu, the former leader of Biafra, is a man of history in the most serious sense of the term, not because he is a graduate of history, but for the reasons that he probably decided to study history. Singled minded, deliberate and totally shorn of any emotional inclinations, Odumegwu Ojukwu is a man who doesn’t believe in the force of destiny, but a man who believes that strong men can shape the destiny of weaker men and cause a part for nations’. - Dele Giwa Lagos, 1982, ‘Sunday Concord’ (27/6/82).

‘Has anyone cared to ask why this son of a millionaire and History graduate, this material and intellectual aristocrat branched off into the Army at a time that many people thought the Army wa a dumping ground for street brawlers and the like? I suggest that he knew that power resides in the barrel of a gun… Calculating, rational, never known to shed tears, Ojukwu, according to those who claim to know him well, has a rugged disposition that borders on demonism, and is inclined to have things his own way or not at all… I cannot say whether Ojukwu does have the Ibo tribe in his pocket, but it seems to me that the Ibo tribe would not mind having Ojukwu in its pocket.’ - Ray Ekpu, Lagos 1982, ‘Sunday Times’ (1/8/82)

‘As far as the Ibos are concerned, the name Biafra is a stolen property. How the Ibo nation stole the name is fully explained in this book. The eealier Ibos stop the use of the name, Biafra, as a symbol of Iboland, Ibo nation and Ibo culture, the better for all Nigerians. There are several Igbo names of Igbo-related names for major physical features and other man-made features (especially rivers, towns and cities and even caves) in Iboland that can serve as an appropriate substitute for the stolen Biafra name. A few examples of such Ibo names or Igbo-related names include Nri (the cradle, now a town, of Ibos), Anambra and Imo (major rivers in Iboland), Abia, Enugu, Onitsha, Owerri and Umuahia (major cities in Iboland) and Ogbunike (an important town with a famous cave). Any of these names is an appropriate substitute for the Ibo nation to bear or use as her symbol than the stolen Biafra name.’ - Opubo Daminabo, Port Harcourt, Ibos Are Not Biafrans 1983, p 1.

‘Until today Ojukwu has not explained why he was a counter-revolutionary in January 1966, whether it was because he would not yield to junior officers or because he did not agree that change was desirable at the time. What we do know, however, from what the little Forsyth has disclosed is that Ojukwu did not, because of rank-related concerns, want to serve under Yakubu Gowon following the counter-coup of July 1966. Ibo massacres and persecution were just incidental in Ojukwu’s posturing during the crisis of July 1966- May 1967. We do know also that the only reason Ojukwu was appointed military Governor of the Eastern Region in January 1966 was for being a conspirator against the patriotic majors.’ - Fidel Odum Enugu, 1983, ‘Sunday Satellite’ (20/2/83).

His ambition was to achieve the Biafran victory and to go down in history as its first “Head of State.” His genius was instrumental, not creative; he excelled in manipulation, not in construction… Emeka’s return to Nigeria and his dramatic entry into partisan politics is a clear manifestation of his inordinate ambition to grab power that eluded him in Biafra… He confused popular acclaim for popular support.’ - Obiora Egbunike, Ibadan, 1983, ‘Sunday Tribune’ (20/3/83).

Ojukwu’s pardon in conception and execution contradicts all the laws of the Medes and Persians. Nemesis will surely act… Ojukwu gambled with lives of millions of people without caring a hoot. Once a gambler, always a gambler. He is at it again and he is ready to spill blood without remorse.’ - Professor Chike Obi, Enugu 1983, ‘Satellite’ (20/3/83 and 2/8/83).

Read the rest here: http://www.thetidenewsonline.com/2012/02/03/ojukwu-in-the-eyes-of-the-people/

Wow! OP, this is an eye-opener. Where can I get the book? Who are the publishers?? Is there an e-book version available online??

Will 800k fly for this car?

flyingsnail:
Dele Giwa is from Edo State,

Why Yoruba's claiming him?

Guy, to whom brain is given, common sense is expected. You have not displayed your own common sense, here. Where in your Wikipedia citation, does it show that the Yorubas claimed Dele Giwa? And for your information, the report stated that he was born to a "poor family working in the palace..". It did not say his parents were indigenes of the place. Na wa o! And to think 7 clueless people liked your post, and 2 of them shared it with others without even bothering to verify if it was true or not!!

Anyway, let me leave the Yoruba people to give you an answer on this one.

brize:
it can never happen in nigeria, it was a case of naturelising by a nigerian to spain and she is contesting for president, but common for an igbo man to contest for just house of reps in lagos in the so called one nigeria, hell will let loose, some will threaten to drown him and his kinsmen to the lagoon................ SMH

Guy, update your knowledge base. 2 Igbo people won elections into House of Reps in Lagos State this year.

babaeko1:
I don't know why some people are just not straight forward

Basically what you shown us has flaws. The road pictured is not monastery road clearly.
you don't have a map
you don't have illustrative pictures showing how close it is to monastery road
You are not telling us the title or showing us a copy
WTF and you expecting someone to drop 4m ? I think there should be a minimum requirement to list properties ...

Bros, I no know say you sef, see am. Honestly, the kind of posts that you see in this property section, leaves a lot to be desired. Some of them post ads about properties here, but by the time you turn up to make further enquiries, they go mute or disappear from the thread. Others will turn round to insist that you call them, instead of responding to all the relevant details, online.

I keep wondering if the GSM companies will dash them credit for every single call they receive. My own questions are always simple:

a). In what part behind the Monastery in Lekki exactly, is it located?

b). What kind of title does it have? Is it C of O, Excision or Gazette?

c). What is the plot size?

d). Is the area sandy or waterlogged?

e). Is the area ready for immediate development (i.e. can you buy it today, start building tomorrow and move in once it is completed?)

f). Is the road leading to the site tarred??

Why is it so hard for a lot of these property guys to provide answers to such simple questions, right here on NL??

TouchstoneNgr:
The floor is ready for use.
Laminate floor.
Touchstone Design Solutions Ltd

Beautiful floor!! Can you make floors in cherry wood colouring??

Does anyone know the average market price for an Xterra 2007 - 2008 model?