₦airaland Forum

ogb5:
OP, obviously you do not understand why people are against the type of judgement given out by Buhari. In summary, it was plain evil.

I will try and explain to you, maybe you will open your mind a little to understand.

In sane society, no one uses laws and jail terms for sinister motives. All Buhari jail terms had sinister motives behind them, that is why people kicked against it.

1. Back dating laws. How will you feel if a law is promulgated today making it a jailable offence to insult someone on nairaland and such a law is made retroactive to be effective from the last 6 yrs, you will agree that many NL members will go to jail for something that was not a jailable offence as at the time the it was committed. That was what Buhari was doing, he looked at people, thought how best to jailed them and promulgated backdated laws to get them jailed. This is criminal for any leader to do.

I was referring to the length of the jail terms rather than how justice or laws were applied. I don't agree with retroactive application of laws, however, many countries do back date laws when they face unusual crimes, for example, the United States applied anti-terrorism laws retroactively in Guantanamo bay. Fortunately, the US Supreme court overturned the convictions later. The difference in a military regime is that there is no supreme court to appeal to but there are many examples of appeal and supreme courts in developed countries overturning verdicts because they violated post facto laws or sections of the constitution.

A lot of people have criticised Buhari for the jail sentences of 200 to 300 years that handed out to some politicians during his regime but how do those jail terms compare to those handed out to people convicted of corruption and financial crimes in the United State. Here are some of the longest jail sentences ever handed out in the US:

On February 15, 2000, Shalom Weiss was found guilty for his participation in the bankruptcy of National Heritage Life Insurance Corporation of New York. After robbing investors of their money and featuring in the FBI most wanted list, he was caught and was sentenced for 845 years. He appealed for a lesser punishment but was denied.

Jail Term: 845 years


Norman Schmidt promised attractive high rates to hundreds of investors and robbed them of millions of dollars. He used this money to cover personal expenses and to lead a life of luxury instead of investing as he promised. On April 29, 2008, US District Judge Robert E. Blackburn sentenced him to 330 years of imprisonment after he was found guilty of fraud and money laundering

Jail Term: 330 years


In March 2009, Madoff pleaded guilty to 11 counts of fraud, theft and money laundering. Assistant US attorney, Marc Litt, had been pressing for 150 years, due to the "scope, duration and nature" of the fraud. Madoff's lawyer, Ira Lee Sorkin, had called for leniency and was hoping to keep the sentence as low as 12 years, asking the judge to "set aside the emotion and hysteria attendant to this case."

On June 29, 2009, District Judge Denny Chin condemned his crimes as "extraordinarily evil" and imposed a 150 year prison sentence that was three times as long as the federal probation office suggested and more than 10 times as long as defense lawyers had requested.

Jail Term: 150 years


By the way the US has much longer jail sentences but they are for non-financial crimes, e.g. murder, rape etc. For the record, the longest jail sentence in US history is 30,000 years, which was given to Oklahoma child rapist Charles Scott Robinson in 1994.

Those who criticise the jail sentences handed out by the Buhari regime should think again. Even the world's oldest democracy does the same to ensure it acts as a deterrence. We need long jail sentences for corruption in Nigeria.

maestroferddi:
Not to worry because Buhari will not win.

We have since left Egypt and will not go back to repression and dictatorship.

It is interesting that there are currently 14 or 15 cases in court trying to stop Buhari from contesting, Fayose is also exhausting his brain power to do the same. There are 10 or 15 people running for President, though, so my question is why is the PDP only focusing on stopping Buhari if they think he can't win? No point in wasting energy and resources.

We must stop Buhari before he sends us to jail – Ex-Senator, Zwingina


The Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, candidate for Adamawa South Senatorial District, Silas Zwingina, has claimed that the Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress, Muhammadu Buhari, intends to send public office holders to jail if he emerges president.
Mr. Zwingina, therefore, urged his party members to work hard to ensure that Mr. Buhari fails in his bid to become president.
Speaking in Yola, the Adamawa state capital, Mr. Zwingina said “we have to stop Buhari and his plan to build more prisons to jail politicians.
“You know Buhari, he will send us to jail for between 200 to 300 years and it is the lucky ones among us that will get 50 years.
“As you know, there is no way you will hold office in Nigeria and go scot free if the authorities want to get you.
“Buhari is determined to send people to jail and even APC governors are not comfortable with him and that’s why many of them are not following his campaign team,” Mr. Zwingina alleged.
He said President Goodluck Jonathan is better than Mr. Buhari and needs to be returned to continue his transformation agenda.
“Let me tell you, that Jonathan is 1,000 times better than Buhari and that’s why people resolved to vote for our candidate, President Jonathan,” he said.
He also urged the people to elect the PDP gubernatorial candidate, Nuhu Ribadu as Governor and vote all other PDP candidates in the state.
In his remarks, Mr. Ribadu pleaded for the unity of PDP in the state if it must emerged victorious.
“If you vote me, I promise you that I will not betray you. I met just recently with Mr. President and he showed concern over the level of underdevelopment in Adamawa with the promise that Adamawa is among the states he will accord priority in terms of federal projects.
“In 2011 election, we gave the president 65 per cent and I promised him that this time around we will give him 80 per cent,” Mr. Ribadu said.

Source: http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/177439-we-must-stop-buhari-before-he-sends-us-to-jail-ex-senator-zwingina.html

Peace is not the absence of war, it is the presence of justice. There is no justice in Nigeria. Poor men steal and get burned alive, rich men steal millions of dollars and go free. In fact the rich who steal are celebrated, even in churches. What a country.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1zzYbtGCyn4&feature=youtu.be

Omexonomy:
so why do APC lie that ffk is campainging for gej

Did you listen to what FFK said on this video? It doesn't matter whether he said it before he joined the PDP. The fact remains that he was honestly speaking his mind about the facts and quality of leadership in both parties. Those facts haven't change, it is the same PDP he is now a member of.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1zzYbtGCyn4&feature=youtu.be

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1zzYbtGCyn4&feature=youtu.be

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1zzYbtGCyn4&feature=youtu.be

Ouch! The video has gone viral.


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1zzYbtGCyn4&feature=youtu.be

Can strongman Buhari mend a broken Nigeria?
Source: http://qz.com/347454/can-strongman-buhari-mend-a-broken-nigeria/

According to a recent poll, an equal number of Nigerian voters—41%—fell on either side of the debate surrounding the postponement of presidential elections. It is perhaps no coincidence that those numbers almost perfectly overlap with the results of a December 2014 presidential voting survey, in which each of the two main parties racked up 42% of the total tally. By a rule of thumb, supporters of the ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) and president Goodluck Jonathan backed the postponement, while those of the All Progressives Congress (APC), the main opposition party, opposed it.
The opposition’s candidate is Muhammadu Buhari, a former military ruler, and three-time presidential contender, who has since his emergence undergone what is arguably the most impressive political rebranding in the history of Nigeria. A man once given exclusively to babarigas—traditional dress favored by Hausa-Fulani men from northern Nigeria—now poses for photographs bow-tied and besuited, or in the traditional outfits of southeastern Nigeria and the oil-rich Niger delta, regions in which he has consistently recorded meager votes in his three previous attempts at the presidency.
Buhari and his supporters insist that the PDP forced the postponement to undermine the APC’s unprecedented momentum, and to buy more time to work out a way of rigging an election it looks set to lose. The PDP has denied those allegations, focusing instead on querying the preparedness level of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC).
By all accounts, the INEC has not lived up to its responsibility. Going by several indices (distribution of biometric voter-cards, accreditation of observers, training of election personnel) the preparations have been shoddy, and a February 14 election, had it gone ahead, would have been—not uncharacteristically, it must be said—chaotic.
The PDP is also increasingly voicing its opposition to the planned deployment of handheld card-readers that the INEC wants to experiment with during the coming elections. The fingerprint technology on which the card readers are based is designed to produce greater transparency in the elections by ensuring that no one is able to vote more than once. (One of the commonest of conventional voter-fraud methods in Nigeria has been through the mass thumb-printing of ballot papers.)
On the surface, the PDP’s argument is that the card readers are untested, and that it would be imprudent to attempt an experiment using the all-important presidential election as a catalyst. The actual reason, in my opinion, is not far-fetched: by insisting on the use of non-biometric cards, the PDP will be able to throw open the elections for the sort of rigging that earned it landslide victories in the last four presidential elections.
Between insisting on the use of card-readers and biometric cards, and that the rescheduled elections must on no account be postponed again, the APC has its hands full. If it wins these two battles, its chances of forming the next central government are significant.
The party, a merger of Nigeria’s three leading opposition parties, has been fighting against-all-odds battles even before it was formally registered by the electoral commission in July of 2013. The first hurdle was a court case by an organization—presumably sponsored by the PDP—that called itself the African People’s Congress and laid claim to the “APC” acronym, insisting it had filed for registration as a political party before the All Progressives Congress.
Having been registered, the APC wasted no time firming up its position, attracting a raft of high profile defectors—including five governors—from the ruling party. The PDP, sufficiently jolted, let go of Bamanga Tukur, the divisive chairman under whose watch the defections happened, and replaced him with Adamu Mu’azu, a former governor with a knack for political strategy.
The next big hurdle for the APC was the selection of presidential and vice presidential candidates. Considering its origins as a coalition of disparate political movements, it seemed unlikely that it would manage the process of selecting flag-bearers that everyone felt were in their interest.
It spectacularly disappointed pessimists. In the days that followed, tensions swiftly rose over the choice of a running mate to Buhari. Again the party smoothed over a looming dissension, and presented a cerebral professor of law as Buhari’s deputy—a necessary contrast to the former military man’s gruff, blunt demeanor. This carefully structured campaign-organogram helped bring on board the influential interests who had lost out up until then.
Events over the last several months would then conspire to ensure that incumbent president Jonathan’s most formidable opponent would not even be the APC, or Buhari, but instead the terrorist group Boko Haram, and, to a lesser extent, the Nigerian currency (the naira).
The abduction by Boko Haram of more than 200 schoolgirls in Chibok last April, and the belated, incoherent response of the Jonathan government, dealt a huge blow to his reputation at home and abroad. Since then, Boko Haram has marched on confidently, seizing and holding towns and villages, keeping the military consistently on defense. Last year alone, the group’s onslaught claimed the lives of more than 4,000 persons; and more than 1.5 million Nigerians have been displaced as a result.
Around October of last year, at a time when Boko Haram was stepping up its attacks and seizing increasingly larger swathes of territory, the naira began to slump, thanks to crashing oil prices. If Boko Haram was mainly affecting people in the country’s remote northeastern region, the devaluing naira took its own fight straight to the economic heartlands of the country—the southern cities that are the hubs of Nigeria’s banking and manufacturing industries.
The net effect of terrorism and the economic downturn has been devastating for the president’s re-election prospects. Boko Haram has depleted his northern support base so profoundly that he spent quite a bit of time on the campaign stump trying to convince northerners that he is not, in fact, a Boko Haram sponsor.
The naira—which has now fallen by about 20% against the US dollar—is undermining his support among the business community (manufacturers and merchants heavily dependent on dollar-denominated imports of raw materials and machines), and among the multitudes of Nigerians paying for education and healthcare abroad. Linked to the currency crisis is a budgetary one. Nigeria, dependent on crude oil for as much as 75% of government revenues (and 90% of foreign exchange earnings), is earning much less now than it did a year ago. It is not a pretty picture at all. External reserves are down to about $33 billion, the lowest in several years. This itself raises an important question: what did the Jonathan government do with three years of record-high oil prices?
This is where Buhari enters the picture, poised to demolish an incumbent already weakened by allegations that he has overlooked monumental corruption in his government, an Islamist insurgency in the north, and a weakening naira.
Part of Buhari’s allure lies in the ambivalent affinity that Nigerians have with “strongmen”—military-style figures who sweep in to rescue a flailing country from a misruling government. Buhari has the good fortune of being a retired strongman about to get a second chance.
On January 1, 1984, when a group of coup-plotters, having just overthrown the elected government of Shehu Shagari, asked him, then a major general in the Nigerian army, to lead the succeeding military government. Over the next twenty months, he went about his redemptive task with gusto, slugging the recently deposed politicians with long jail terms, slashing public service jobs, executing drug pushers using retroactive decrees, and generally seeking to instill his own brand of discipline in a country that had long discarded restraint.
By the time he was himself overthrown in August of 1985, Nigerians had generally had enough of his highhandedness. Therein lies an interesting paradox: Nigerians, as much as they’ve loved their strongmen, have never had much patience for those ones who either went too far, or didn’t know when their time was up.
In this love-hate relationship with strongmen lies a substantial part of Buhari’s surprising popularity—and president Jonathan’s unpopularity. Here is a an incumbent who has built a reputation on not being a strongman. Months after his election in 2011, he told a church gathering that Nigerians generally want a president who is “a lion or a tiger,” or behaves like “the kings of Syria, Babylon; the Pharaoh, all the powerful people that you read about in the Bible.” He made it clear he was none of those. “I am not a lion, I am also not a general,” he said. “I can change this country without those traits.”
Now, arrayed against an ex-general who has acquired many enemies as a result of his draconian rule, and who, 30 years ago chased armed-to-the-teeth Chadian rebels out of Nigeria, Jonathan looks to many Nigerians like the weaker choice.
The obvious danger here is that Nigerians might be expecting too much from Buhari. While his army background might work some magic against Boko Haram, there are no strongmen strong enough to prop up declining federal revenues or floundering currencies. There is no amount of political will that can singlehandedly cause oil prices to break free of a $50-a-barrel curse.
As Dr. Folarin Gbadebo-Smith, director of the Center for Public Policy Alternatives, a Lagos-based thinktank, recently told me: “Since this [will be] a new government altogether, there’ll be a steep learning curve. It won’t matter that Buhari was in power once. The world was a different place, the country was a different place.”
Buhari’s best hope is that he might be better able to bandage the wounds through which the country is bleeding revenue. But considering just how numerous—and how deep—these wounds are, that in itself might be all the game-changing move this broken country needs.

aviazuva:
Very soon, just very soon.
After March 28th all these insults will end

Yes, I can't wait for the great March 2 Gr-8-ness with Gen. Buhari.

In other words, Fayose is saying, 'I (Fayose), not Nigerians, will determine who will become President'

Nigerians, what is your response to Fayose? Let us tell him loud and clear that Nigerians, not Fayose nor PDP, will determine who the next President will be.

Nigerians will March 2 Gr-8-ness with Gen. Buhari.

In one short sentence, 10 words or less, what do you think is Jonathan's biggest mistake, for example:

Pardoning Diepreye Alamieyeseigha - It undermined his credibility about fighting corruption.

The Buhari Phenomenon (1)

Let us begin this brief discussion with the obvious. General Muhammadu Buhari, former head of state, 1984-85, is in the presidential race for the fourth time since 2003. It is thus easy for his detractors to put it down to his consuming ambition to rule this country for the second time. I think it should now be possible for us to be fair and open-minded about him, what he stands for and what motivates him to weather his disappointments and maintain his focus towards his objective of leading a competent and dedicated national team to salvage our dear country ravaged by termites. It has been his obsession for 31 years now.

It is difficult not to admire his courage. Three times he ran the race and three times he lost. Each time, believing that the verdict by the electoral umpire did not reflect the true decision of the people, he pursued his case all the way to the highest court in the land. In 2003, he spent more than three years trying to persuade their lordships to listen to him and do justice to him, the electoral system, the rule of law and the country. The courts failed him each time because politics trumped justice in the temple of justice. The system failed him each time with palpable injury to our collective sense of justice. Yet, he was not, to use the popular saying, even shaken. Each setback fired his resolve. It seems to me that only he could see the rainbow where the rest of us see the dark clouds of despair and lost hope. I have no intention of couching his political ambition in sacerdotal terms but a man this faithful to his cause and belief is an inspiration.

It is no longer difficult to see that the general is clearly motivated by nobler and higher objectives than his alleged greed for power, whatever his detractors might say. For one, his quest is clear evidence that unlike many, he has not lost faith in the present and the future of our country. Buhari believes that our country is not a lost cause.

Many of our compatriots have more or less given up on the country because they are convinced that like Nazareth, nothing good will come out of this lumbering giant of Africa. You can’t blame those who feel that way. Nigeria seems condemned to being a permanently potentially great country. Lesser African and other Third World countries have pulled themselves up by their bootstraps but ours seems content to hold the candle to such countries. This country has squandered its riches and opportunities and overdrawn from its bank account of international goodwill. It evokes more pity than pride. Its once loud voice in the comity of nations has been reduced to incoherent whining. Its once commanding presence in the international arena has been reduced to a black fedora at photo ops at the gathering of world leaders.

Buhari told TheNews magazine at an interview in December 2003, “I think this country is in a mess.” He has consistently demonstrated his belief that the mess could be cleaned up and it would be morning again in Nigeria. If good people run away from the mess, it would only get messier. This has been his mantra since January 1984. He told us on his assumption of office as head of state: “This generation of Nigerians and indeed future generations have no other country than Nigeria. We shall remain here and salvage it together.”

The general is still in the salvage operation. In 1984, Buhari came into office as an angry general. He was disappointed that in only four years and three months or so, the politicians had managed, quite remarkably, to put the economy in serious “predicament.” Our country was “afflicted” by a “crisis of confidence.” Nigeria became a risky country to do business with. Its trading partners denied it lines of credit. Young Nigerians were checking out in search of greener pastures elsewhere.

His appearance on the political scene in 2003 was a big surprise to many, yours sincerely not excepted, who believed that Buhari hated politics and the politicians. How could he keep the company of those who worship in the shrines of untruth and who verily believe that corruption is merely a smart way of being “better pass your neighbour”? There were obstacles in his path in the shapes and sizes of some of those he put behind bars in 1984-85. They had become the party moguls and the deciders-in-chief of political fortunes and misfortunes in the country. How could they let the general on to the turf? They obviously feared that if Buhari came again, he would head them back into jail again. Time sharpens the edge of revenge.

Buhari looked beyond that and surprisingly showed that he understood the elementary facts of a presidential contest. He did not come into it as a joke. He did so with serious-mindedness. He was the only presidential candidate that year to publish his manifesto – an impressive document that lamented our lost opportunities but wasted no tears over them or indulge in a puerile and futile blame game. His manifesto detailed his appreciation of our national challenges and his informed approach to meeting and defeating them.

Twice Buhari stood on the platform of his party, ANPP, and twice the wily politicians used him as a bargaining chip with the ruling party. Thus compromised and happy with it, the politicians also made their party history. Their vengeance was to make Buhari a political orphan. By the 2003 general elections, the party had lost all but two of the seven states it won in 1999.

Buhari understood the game. He took an unprecedented step. He formed his own political party, Congress for Progressive Change, CPC, on whose platform he contested the presidential election in 2011. Was he doing all these because of his greed for power? It does not add up.

Buhari is the most misunderstood Nigerian of his generation since his whirlwind 20-month rule. Much of the misunderstanding is a product of the fear of the man they refuse to understand. He has been tarred and feathered as an alleged religious fanatic whose alleged objective in seeking power is to Islamise Nigeria. Yet, his detractors find it convenient not to remember that in his quest for the presidency, Buhari has not carried his campaigns to mosques or Muslim groups anywhere in the country. Religion has never featured in his campaigns. Political leadership is not about the god you worship. It is about serving that god by serving the people.

On the other hand, unlike Buhari, President Goodluck Jonathan is busy mining religion for his political benefits. It is no secret that he hops from one obscure church to another, seeking assurance from pastors that he is the man chosen by God. Twice, he took state governors, ministers and pastors to pray at the Wailing Wall in Jerusalem. I have heard no one accuse him of Christianising Nigeria.

The trouble for Buhari’s detractors is that despite their poor attempts to tarnish his integrity, they are unable to reasonably question his solid credentials: his incorruptibility and his belief in and commitment to discipline and the rule of law. Not all of us are comfortable with a strong leader. Many of us prefer a weak and jolly leader who holds the cow for the smart ones to milk. When US President Obama advised that Africa needed strong institutions, not strong leaders Buhari’s quite sensible response was that you need strong leaders to build strong institutions on the continent. Just see how many of our national institutions are mothballed through a poor appreciation of the fact that nations are built and they progress on the strong pillars of their institutions.

The governor of Jigawa, Sule Lamido, was once quoted as saying, “the fear of Buhari is the beginning of wisdom.” Perhaps, that is the problem. (To be concluded).

– Agbese, former Editor-in-Chief, Newswatch magazine, is an executive director, MayFive Media Limited, Lagos.



Source: http://leadership.ng/columns/413368/the-buhari-phenomenon-1

If Buhari can never be president then why is Fayose wasting all his time trying to discredit Buhari and prove that he is sick. If Buhari can never be president then Fayose has nothing to worry or waste his time about and should never speak about Buhari again.

or this one?


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=619ia_Xe-TA

Which FFK showed up at channels, this one?


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=o3JLKzd3mjw

“Without security, there is no government. So it is not debatable, it is something we have to addressed and we are working towards that with vigour. But if I’m voted into power within the next four years, the issue of power will become a thing of the past. Four years is enough for anyone in power to make significant improvement and if I can’t improve on power within this period, it then means I cannot do anything even if I am there for the next four years.”

President Goodluck Jonathan, 31st January 2011.

Bizinton:
More facts appear to be emerging on the allegation by Rivers State Governor, Rotimi Amaechi, that President Goodluck Jonathan gave pastors across the country N6bn to vote against the Presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress, Maj-Gen. Muhammadu Buhari(retd.), in the presidential election.

A Borno-based Pastor, Kallamu Musa-Dikwa, said on Thursday that the money that was given to pastors by the President was actually N7bn and not N6bn as alleged by Amaechi, who doubles as the Director-General of the APC Presidential Campaign Organisation.

Amaechi had alleged that unnamed leaders of the Peoples Democratic Party paid N6bn to Christian clerics to campaign against Buhari and the APC.

It is interesting that the money reported was N6bn. Abi Oritsejafor don pocket N1bn before distributing the balance? Shame on Nigeria.

All those who asked how the PVC collection rate could be so high in Borno, and accused INEC of falsifying the figures, this is your answer. More people attended the rally in Borno than in states with relative peace.

Here's another

Nonsense. Honestly, journalism is dead in Nigeria. Being paid by politicians to write silly articles like this is not journalism. Below is a picture of Buhari in a tie.

Nigeria’s Miserable Choices
By THE EDITORIAL BOARDFEB. 16, 2015

The Nigerian government was supposed to hold presidential elections this past weekend, which presented voters with the dispiriting choice of keeping a lousy incumbent or returning to power a former autocratic leader. Now they will have to wait at least six weeks to cast votes.

The Nigerian election commission said earlier this month that it had pushed back the vote until at least March 28, after the country’s security chiefs warned that they could not guarantee the safety of voters in northeastern areas of the country where Boko Haram, the extremist militant group, captured international attention last spring when it abducted hundreds of schoolgirls. On Friday, Boko Haram fighters attacked a village in neighboring Chad for the first time, an alarming sign of the group’s expanding strength in a region that also includes areas of Cameroon and Niger.

Any argument to delay the vote might be more credible if President Goodluck Jonathan’s government had not spent much of the past year playing down the threat posed by the militants and if there were a reasonable expectation that the country’s weak military has the ability to improve security in a matter of weeks.

It appears more likely Mr. Jonathan grew alarmed by the surging appeal of Muhammadu Buhari, a former military ruler who has vowed to crack down on Boko Haram. By dragging out the race, Mr. Jonathan stands to deplete his rival’s campaign coffers, while he continues to use state funds and institutions to bankroll his own.

That Mr. Buhari, who helped launch a coup against a democratically elected government in 1983 and ruled until late 1985, has emerged as potential winner is more of an indictment of Mr. Jonathan’s dismal rule than a recognition of the former military chief’s appeal.

Nigerian voters have grown increasingly worried about the stunning rise of Boko Haram, which has committed terrorist atrocities including bombings.

The abductions and attacks by the group have exposed the weaknesses of Nigeria’s armed forces and the dysfunction of the government. Although Mr. Jonathan’s government has in the past been less than enthusiastic, and at times obstructive, in response to offers of American and European aid, he appears to be growing increasingly worried. In an interview with The Wall Street Journal last week, he said he would welcome American troops to fight the insurgency.

Beyond security matters, entrenched corruption and the government’s inability to diversify its economy as the price of oil, the country’s financial bedrock, has fallen have also caused Nigerians to look for new leadership. Nigeria, the most populous nation in Africa, and a relatively young democracy, cannot afford an electoral crisis. That would only set back the faltering effort to reassert government control in districts where Boko Haram is sowing terror. The security forces may not be able to safeguard many districts on Election Day. But postponement is very likely to make the security threat worse.

Source: http://www.nytimes.com/2015/02/16/opinion/nigerias-miserable-choices.html?_r=0

Abi. I really like and respect Osinbajo. I think, together with Buhari, he will transform our country, especially the corrupt judiciary.

On March 28, Nigerians will March 2 Gr-8-ness with Gen. Buhari

clevvermind:
everything problem now is caused by Jonathan or pdp. na wao.

Watch and listen to the video again. The question of religious divisiveness was with respect to the current political campaign. Who sets the tone of the campaign? Of course it is the Presidential candidates. If anyone in your team says or does anything that could cause divisions then the candidate should call that person to account. How could Jonathan keep quiet and do nothing when Sambo made all those divisive statements, unless of course he agrees or even gave prior approval? It is shameful that the Vice President of Nigeria could say those things and attempt to exploit religion.

moderatorr1:
Funny man
QUESTION: what do you think is the cause of the religious divisiveness in Nigeria
OSINBAJO: i blame the PDP. The PDP is to blame especially the president

His answer would pretty much be the same if you ask him the cause of global warming

Watch and listen to the video again. The question of religious divisiveness was with respect to the current political campaign.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3MxoIXylYFE

On Whether churches and mosques should pay tax.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J3GEebk23W8&spfreload=1

On the question of whether Buhari will, or even can, Islamise Nigeria

suretman:
MARCH4BUHARI!!!!!

Indeed. Nigeria will March 2 Gr-8-ness with Gen. Buhari

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1EHp7cgL5Nk

even more on religion. Nigerians seem to be concerned about the role religion plays in politics today and this was reflected in the questions from the audience at this town hall meeting.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=giIw5aEBsVI

More on religion