ProfShymex:
Though I supported Fashola when he deported the miscreants. However, you can't deport folks living in the same country.

Can you get miscreants with no fixed address off the roads, to their relatives wherever they're, so as to stop them from creating nuisance? - absolutely.

But can you do a mass deportation of folks within the same country, when they have a fixed address? - hell no. It's illegal and somewhat xenophobic.

And how are you going to deport over 10 million people cos the total population of Lagos shouldn't be more than 10 million and it's already over 21 million?

They just have to find a way somewhere and somehow to depopulate the place. That should be their primary objective. Just take a look at all the infrastructures Fashola commissioned. I bet the overwhelming majority of them are in ruins now. That's the curse that comes with population explosion.

Deportation will not work. If you deport people today, they will simply board the next bus back into Lagos tomorrow.

The old Lagos as we used to know it, has expanded considerably from its current well-defined districts like Ilupeju, Ojota, Ketu, Ikeja, Yaba, Amuwo-Odofin, Lekki, Yaba etc to other surburbs such as Ikorodu, Ibeju, Badagry, etc.

Residents of Lagos pay taxes in one form or the other. The only thing is that people are unsure about the level of taxes being paid. The local govt councils are the worst culprits who collect all kinds of taxes ranging from business permits to radio/TV licenses to sanitation levies, shop permits, signboard levies etc., but they provide zero services in exchange for the taxes and fees they collect.

What I believe is that the tax collection mechanism needs to be overhauled at the local govt level. This is usually the catchment area closest to the grassroots. Strict monitoring of funds collected will help to ensure accountability and transparency. Next, a list of priority projects need to be articulated. Estate associations or residents' association, community groups, trade associations etc., need to be part of the local govt management. They should monitor how funds are collected and expended, in order to ensure it is utilised for the greater good.

Next thing that needs to be implemented is an effective multi-modal transport system. If safe, functional, effective rail lines and ferries are in operation, a lot of people would not mind living outside Lagos and just commuting into the city for business, whenever the need arises.

In England for example, lots of folks live in Kent and commute daily to London for work. Can't we find a way to do the same in Lagos?

IlekeHD:
Mary Olushoga

Olushoga is founder of awpnetwork.com, a platform powering small business success for African entrepreneurs. She is a 2015 Vital Voices Global Leadership Fellow, the first-ever GOOD Maker/Oxfam America International Women’s Day Challenge Winner, a Nigeria Leadership Initiative (NLI) Associate, and an Oxfam America Sisters on the Planet Ambassador.
Olushoga received a bachelor’s degree from Union College in Schenectady, New York and a Master of Science degree from Baruch College. She has served as a Public Policy Fellow at the University at Albany, Center for Women in Government and Civil Society and participated in the Sub-Saharan African Women In Public Service Fall Institute. Olushoga has featured on BBC World News, Black Enterprise, iwantherjob.com, AFK Insider, Applause Africa, BET Networks, and has presented her work on women entrepreneurs at the Columbia University Africa Economic Forum, the United States Department of Labor Strategy Meeting on Inclusion.


Yoruba women rocks!

Woooah!! She needs to be a Minister. See profile~

Aare,I would remove the bold later when I am unbanned.Meanwhile....


CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH

The Celebrated Battle of Ikirun Otherwise Called —
" The Jalumi War "

The Are of Ibadan at this crisis hastily filled up one or two gaps
in the ranks of the chiefs. Oranyan was worshipped on the 20th
October and the standard of war immediately marched northwards
to the seat of carnage. It was a most unfavourable time for the
army to march out, as it was the time of the latter rains. The rivers
were unusually full, and unhappily many of the soldiers found a
watery grave in the overswollen Oba and Osun rivers before ever
they came in sight of the enemy.

The expedition was altogether a trying one for the Balogun, for
the Are even in this hour of danger recklessly continued to practise
those short-sighted, suicidal policies of his which tended to weaken
the power of Ibadan, thus showing a great lack of statesmanship.
He slyly tried to handicap the Balogxm by making the Osi his
rival. To this young man already of considerable importance
he assigned most of his own war-chiefs and his fighting slaves, and
also all the fighting men of the late Seriki lyapo his old rival.
Intoxicated with such honours conferred upon him, the Osi looked
down upon the Balogun ; he not only refused to obey orders,
but often dictated his wish to the Balogun. Happily the latter
was a man of great experience, of consummate tact, and marvellous
resources ; he would readily yield in minor points as of no great
importance in order to maintain peace and harmony at this
crisis. Twice before they reached Ikirun he claimed in advance
from the Balogun a reward for the victory that he would achieve,
for he was confident that the honour of the victory would be his.
At each time the Balogun sent him 10 heads of cowries. It must
be added, however, that he was scarcely ever sober during the
expedition. The free use of spirituous liquors was considered at
this time the acme of pleasure and mark of greatness ; spirits being
at this period beyond the reach of poor men.

At Osogbo the Osi deeply offended the principal slaves that
formed his body guard, and on whom he depended at the supreme
hour of danger, by disfiguring two of them with facial marks for
an offence of seizing things from people in the market by way of
privilege. The big slaves interceded in vain. They pleaded for

427



428 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

any other punishment but that, but he gave them no heed, the
culprits were marked with two gashes on either cheek from the
top of the head to the chin. This action they were determined
to revenge whenever opportunity offered.

At Osogbo, he also related to those about him a dream he had
in which he saw his late father Ogunmola and his brother Osun.
He felt rather uncomfortable thereat, and was. ad vised to offer
sacrifices to them. This he did with a horse and a cow.

Meanwhile at Ikirun matters were growing from bad to worse.
The last battle fought before the arrival of the Ibadans was on the
30th October, 1878, in which the Ikiruns were hemmed in on all
sides, and they had to fight within the town walls. Balogun
Ogboriefgn with the Ibadan forces at last entered Ikirun on
Thursday the 31st October. It was said that the Akirun, Oyebode
the chief ruler of Ikirun, when he saw the Ibadan forces marching
into the town for his succour was so overcome with joy that he
could only say to the Balogun " Ajayi, are you come ? I am almost
done for." The Balogun replied, " Take courage, take courage,
we are come, your deliverance is at hand."

The Balogun of Ibadan now learnt from the Ikiruns the situation
of affairs. The allies were in three different camps. The Ilorins
under the command of Ajia were encamped by themselves North-
eastwards, near the Ikirun farms ; the Has and Ekitis together
not very far off from the Ilorins under Prince Adeyala of Ila,
and Fabunmi of Oke Mesin respectively, and the Ijesas under
their generals Ayimoro and Ogunmodede eastwards. These
last had in the meantime captured the small town of Iba near
Ikirun and were encamped within its walls. Iba we may mention
was the paternal town of Osuntoki the Maye of Ibadan (afterwards
Bale) who headed the contingent for the relief of Igbajo.

From these three points the foes marched in the day of battle,
and attacked Ikirun on all sides.

At a council of war held the very day of their arrival the Balogun
of Ibadan proposed to give the men one or two days' rest, the
journey from Ibadan being tedious on account of the incessant
rains and the privations they endured, and then to march against
the confederates. The Osi again opposed the Balogun. He was
to march at once the next day " before the allies are aware of our
arrival ; " and if the Balogun will not go, he will. " To-morrow,"
said the Balogun " will be Friday, and Fridays being unlucky days
it is not likely the allies will attack us, and the men may as well
have some rest."

The Osi again objected, and the Balogun yielded the point.
Then again the Balogun in ordering the battle proposed to divide



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH 429

the Ibadan army into two parts, one led by himself against the
armies of the Ilorins and the Ekitis encamping not very far off
from each other, especially as he had been told that was the
strongest part ; and the other under the Osi to go against the Ijesas
encamping eastwards at Iba. Again the Osi objected. " The Ilorins
and the Ekitis lie to the left of us," said he, " and I am the com-
mander of the left, to the left therefore I go." " Very good,"
replied the Balogun " You can have your own way."

As the Osi commanded nearly the half of the whole Ibadan forces,
there was no reason why he should not accomplish successfully
what he proposed to do, provided he acted with reason and
judgment.

Those about him reported that he was restless and sleepless
all night, he ate little but drank much, and it had been so since
their arrival at Osogbo. He emptied a bottle of gin before
ordering his horse to be saddled long before daybreak. He
marched out of the town by the Northern (O^a) gate, long before
his war-chiefs including Akintgla were ready. He dismounted and
halted a while before dawn behind the town wall until some of his
men came and then he proceeded ; the others had to hurry after
him one after another as each was ready.

The Balogun at dawn with the Otun marched out by the eastern
or Oba'gun gate leading past the ancient village of that name, along
the fine road that leads to the town of Iba where the Ijesas were
then encamped.

The Osi's route lay for about three miles along the highway to
the north, then it verged towards the right nearly at right angles
along a farm road,a high range of mountains parallel to this separat-
ing the forces of the Osi from those of the Balogun. About three
miles along this farm road the Ilorin camp could be descried on
the left hand side, situated on a hill on the other side of a morass,
but approachable by a ford which lay about a mile further on,
which point was more directly near the Ekiti camp. Those of
Osi's men who had gone before went straight along to this ford,
but the Osi wishing to take a short cut to the Ilorin camp left the
road and went by a bush path and through farms with the intention
of attacking the Ilorins on both sides at once. This after-thought
he never communicated to those before. Many of his war-
chiefs coming on after him went straight on along the road not
knowing that he had left it for a bush path straight for the Ilorin
camp.

The Ekitis were surprised to see the Ikiruns out against them
but the reason soon became evident, they had been reinforced.
Those who went early to the stream were driven back at the sight
Q



430 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

of the Ikiruns, and they reported to the camp the advance of the
enemy.

Fabumi and his colleagues attacked them vigorously and over-
powered them ; they were surprised at not seeing their chief
and no reinforcement coming up to their aid, so they were driven
back and dispersed. Fabumi pursued them till he came to the
spot where Ilori the Osi took to the bush path, and this was pointed
out to him. By that time Ilori had attacked the Ilorins and
had repelled those out against him, and was pressing hard to capture
the camp when he heard the sound of Akintola's drum coming
up behind him " Kiriniun Onibudo," " Kiriniun Onihudo." He
sent a mounted messenger to greet Akintola and to say "You are
rather late in coming, I had almost entered the Ilorin camp,
however, you are welcome."

But the messenger never returned, and Ilori 's men noticed that
the rolling of the drum was not perfect in style, they therefore
suspected treachery and communicated their fears to their master.
But he rephed "Who else can it be ? Is not that Akintola's war-
cry Ki-ri-ni-un Oni-budo ? " When too late, he discovered the
treachery. Fabumi of Oke Mesin it was who was counterfeiting
the war-cry of Akintola, who had been left behind.

It was at such a crisis like this that his guards would have stood
by him to a man and kept the enemy at bay until relief should
come from those he left behind ; but he had insulted those trusty
servants and this was their time of revenge. He was helped to his
horse, but at best he was not a good rider, and his head had
become muddled by drink. The horse soon got entangled in a yam
field and fell down, and the illustrious Ilori was taken alive and
conducted to the Ilorin camp ! At the camp he was stripped of
everything he had on, a rag being given him to wrap across himself
and was kept in a room under close supervision. One Koiditan
a renegade from Ibadan betrayed his personality to the Ilorins,
and they in ecstasies of joy at the capture of so illustrious a prisoner
gave themselves up to feasting and enjoyment for the day, appre-
hending no further trsuble. The Ikiruns sadly disappointed
at this turn of events were ready to stone the Ibadans, they insulted
them to their face saying to them " We could not drive them away
indeed, but we never suffered so ignominious a defeat as this,
and what is the good of you ? "

So the Osi's men were scattered, many of them fleeing back to
the town met those just coming out, and together they fled
back to Ikirun.

But some of them instead of retracing their steps to Ikirun went
across the mountain range to the other side and told the Balogun



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH 431

what had happened. They met him in the thick of the fight with
the Ijesas, company after company on both sides marching to the
fighting Hne, attacking each other furiously. As soon as the
escaped arrived and reported " The Osi has been captured aUve
and his army dispersed ! " The Balogun was startled ; but he
was a man full of resources, and endued with remarkable presence

of mind " Sh " said he to the men, " say nothing of this to

any one as you value your lives." He quickly called about half-a-
dozen of his slaves, and bade them roll themselves in the dust
—they did so. He then bade one of his servants " bind them hand
to neck as men captured in battle and take them to the Otun
tvith my compHments, and say Ilgri has entered the Ilorin camp,
here are captives that he sent us. What are we doing ? " He then
sent a message to Babalola his eldest son saying " I can see what
your younger brother is doing but goodness alone knows what
you are doing ; be careful, lest I disinherit you in favour of him."
Just then a company of Ijesas were coming to the attack, but
instead of another company of Ibadans meeting them in the
fighting Une, he threw his whole force suddenly upon them and
overwhelmed them. He ordered that everyone be put to the
sword, and they were all massacred. They had scarcely done this
when another company was coming gaily on to relieve these.
The Balogun ordered a feint retreat so as to allow the company
to advance further before firing, so his men hastily retreated, and
this retreat encouraged the Ijesas to advance forward. The Balogun
meanwhile had his eyes on them to see the effect of the massacre.
As soon as the Ijesa company came up suddenly on their
massacred comrades, finding them wallowing in their blood,
they stood stock still, panic stricken. The Balogun noting this
at once ordered a general charge " Omo Ibadan, e gba efi ti won."
(Ibadan boys, up and at them). " E ma je won o Ig — " (let not
one escape) at once rang throughout the whole army, and the
panic stricken Ijesas gave way, the panic spread throughout their
army, and the Balogun followed them up foot to foot into the town
of Iba where they were encamped, and Iba was retaken. The
bulk of the Ijesas fell into his hands. He then issued that heart-
rending, never to be forgotten order " Let no one stay for booty
or captive, all prisoners must be slain at once, both will hamper us,
the latter may prove treacherous." And so all the Ij§sas captured
were put to the sword. It was a heartrending sight, for many of
them were formerly slaves at Ibadan who ran away to enhst
under the flag of rebelUon or of Uberty (from whatever point we
view it). Old comrades, calUng each other by name craved for
mercy. But the Balogun's orders rang out " Whosoever will not



432 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

kill his captive, let him be killed with his captive." So all were
massacred ! And then the Balogun immediately turned his face
northwards towards the Ilorin camp without delay. As they
marched along a body of Ekitis about i.ooo strong appeared on
their right flank to attack them, but the Balogun neither noticed
nor regarded them, notwithstanding all their efforts at firing ;
they had to cease firing of their own accord, amazed at such a
spectacle. There was but one thought uppermost in the Balogun's
mind, and in that of every Ibadan soldier, viz., how to rescue
Ilori the Osi.

It was about 2 p.m., when the Ilorins heard the drum of the
Balogun coming. " And who is that again ? " they asked, and
were told " The Balogun." " Any other Balogun besides the one
we captured this morning ? " they asked. They went out to meet
the Ibadans, and within a short time, they were repulsed. The
fine river that flowed by the town of Iba, flowed also along the
foot of the hill where the Ekiti camp was situated, and from which
they obtained water. That river loses itself in a morass here below
the Ilorin camp, and the only spot where a ford was possible was
along a winding stream breast deep at this season. The Ilorins
having retreated to the other side held the Ibadans in check for a
while on the other side of the morass. There they stood face to
face, the attackers and the defenders.

Chief Akintola, who we may remember was attached to the Osi's
army, was left behind as we saw when that unfortunate chief
rushed on before daybreak to his own fate. By the time he
came up to his chief, the tragedy had taken place, and he was
met by the fugitives defeated by Fabumi. He therefore retraced his
steps back to Ikirun, and took the other route to join the Balogun.
By the time he reached Iba, the Balogun had finished with the
Ijesas and had cleared out of the place, and he had to follow in his
track to where the battle was now raging. The Ibadan boys all
but exhausted after the morning's fight and the day's march,
encouraged at the sight of fresh troops were exhilarated by the in-
spiriting air of Akintola's war cry, which the \yhole army took up
with a swing " Kiriniun Onibudo Kiriniun Onibudo." Thus
came up Akintola ; and stretching forth his hand across to the
enemy, half turned on his saddle to his men he said " Awon ta
nu ? Awon ta I'emba se ta nta ? " (and who are those ? Who are
they with whom you are exchanging shots?) Immediately the
Ibadan boys dashed into the morass, treading on one another
they struggled across the quagmire and hurled themselves upon
their foes. The Ilorins taken aback by this unexpected, this mad
rush became completely demoralized and gave way. The Ibadans



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH



433




434 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

entered the Ilorin camp, captured a large number, put some to the
sword and demolished the camp. All those who were captured
in the morning with the Osi, speedily rejoined their comrades and
made captives among their captors. The Osi's men were among
the foremost to seek out their master, but alas, the worst had
befallen him. When he heard the noise and tramp of the Ibadans
within the Ilorin camp, he tried to make his escape ; he
rushed out of his confinement and hid himself in a clump of
fignut trees not far from the tent. The Ilgrins in their hasty
flight did not forget the illustrious captive, but he could not be
found until betrayed by a woman who saw him in his hiding
place ; then a man with drawn sword rushed upon him and
put him to death before he made good his own escape. The same
fate befel several of the minor chiefs, Ilori's fighting men who
were caught with him that morning. Ijesas and Ekitis who had
lived at Ibadan and knew all these chiefs at sight easily pointed
them out to the Ilorins. Koiditan the renegade and betrayer of
the Osi was caught, and taken to Ikirun where he was subsequently
tried and publicly executed.

The Balogun then turned towards the Ekiti and Ila camp. It
was evident that they had no longer any spirit of resistance left in
them. By one assault that was taken also, and so the three camps
were smashed on one and the same day by Balogun Ajayi Ogborie-
fgn. The victory was decisive and complete, and Ikirun was
saved.

The Ofa people who had long been groaning under the yoke of
Ilorin took this opportunity to throw off their yoke. They cut
the bridge over the Otin river at the rear of the Ilorins, and when
these in their flight came to the river now swollen, with the
Ibadans at their heels, they rushed into it. Here thousands upon
thousands of men, women and horses perished. The river at one
point was said to be so choked with human bodies and carcases
of horses that some fugitives who came later were able to escape
upon corpses. Ajia the Ilorin commander-in-chief escaped
with great difficulty with one of his favourite wives, but
several Ilorin chiefs and well-to-do people were caught. Prince
Adeyala of Ila fell among the slain but Fabumi of Oke
Mesin managed to escape. The roads were said to be strewn
all along with loads which the Ilorins could not carry in their
hasty flight. The Ibadans pursued their victory right up to
Erin about 8 miles from Ofa ; the head chiefs however remained
at Ikirun.

This event gave the name to this expedition " Ogun Jalumi,"
i.e. the rush-into-the-river war.

Notable Events of the Day

1. Roti, Ilori's head slave and a very great favourite, with
whom he was as a most intimate friend, eating out of the same
dish and drinking out of the same cup, and from whom he was
never parted, was in another part of the field that fatal morning
when the disaster overtook his master. When he observed that
something was wrong, he rode up hastily asking " Ilori da ? Ilori
da ? " (And where is Ilori ?) The reply was " Ogun mu u lo "
(taken by the enemy). He uttered one deep groan " O — h "
He then bade his comrades farewell " Good-bye to you all, no home
for me again." He drew his sword, put spurs to his horse and
dashed into the midst of the Ilorins, slashing on the right and on the
left, kilHng many before he fell among the slain.

2. Akintola's drum played a most notable part in the day's
business ; it won and lost for the Ilorins, it lost and won for the
Ibadans. And here let us note a most remarkable instance of
retributive justice. The trick now played upon Ilori by Fabiimi
by which Ilori was captured was the same played by Ilori's father
the famous Ogunmola upon the Ijayes after the Iwawun war.
It will be remembered how on his return march he counterfeited
the war cry of KurQmi of Ijaye, and in that way all Ijayes who
had escaped into the mountains thinking their master was come to
their rescue came down from their hiding places and fell a prey
into his hands (vide Chap, xviii, page 349). The same trick was
now played by Fabiimi on his son with fatal results.

3. The Ife and Modakeke people who always joined the Ibadans
in every expedition of theirs came up late this time after every-
thing was over. The Ibadan boys taunted them to their face
and accused them of intentional delay because of the formidable
appearance of the war ; but said they " we have already shown
that we can do without you."

The If es never uttered a word of excuse, nor resented the remarks
but followed up the chase and took Ilofa. (The fact was that the
Ifes had secretly wished the issue to be otherwise in order to cast
off their own yoke also ; and the Modakekes having their eyes on
them would not leave them behind). They also joined in taking
Omu, Erinmope, Gogo, etc., and the conquest was pursued up to
Ekan. This was a small town but the men of that place were
mostly hunters and sharp-shooters. They manned their walls
so that the Ibadan boys failed to take it by assault. The Balogun
hearing this sent Ali Laluwoye the Otun to their help. He was
nearly a month in this small place and was content to reduce it by
famine. They negotiated peace, sending valuable presents by
Aturu who was sent to conclude a treaty with them. The Bale



436 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

andBalogun of the place were sent by Ali to Ikirun to theBalogun
of Ibadan to ratify the treaty. The Otun was thereupon recalled
from the siege, to the great disgust of the Ibadan warboys who
grumbled much against their unlucky and inefficient chief.

The victory and its cost were reported at Ibadan simul-
taneously on the 5th of November, so that the joy was greatly
tempered with the painful loss they had sustained by the death
of Ilori and his brave comrades.

The Balogun received orders not to waste time to retaliate on the
Ijesas or Ekitis as they would soon tender their submission. He
was not to go beyond Ila, but rather to turn his face against Ilorin
towns.

On the i8th November the Ilorins sent ambassadors to Ibadan
to sue for peace. The Are took occasion to remind them of the
parable of the whorish wife returning to her husband and what
he predicted would Hkely be the result. Knowing that their
overtures were only for the purpose of redeeming their chiefs who
were captured in the war, and kept as state prisoners, and still
smarting under the loss of Ilori the Osi and his brave comrades,
the Are and chiefs sent them back home without an answer.

Whilst the Ibadans were rejoicing and mourning at the same
time over the affairs in the north, the Egbas came to kidnap in
their farms on the 22nd of December, and some farmers were
carried off to Abeokuta.

The Balogun was at length recalled and the Ibadans returned
home on the 23rd December, 1878, with the Balogun in an in-
different state of health.

§ 2. The Results of the Jalumi War.
The results that followed this crushing defeat of the allies were
totally different from what the Are of Ibadan had expected.
In his opinion the disastrous results to the Ilorins were quite
sufficient to make them hold aloof from the rebel states, and these
he expected would tender unreserved submission, and that things
would henceforth move as smoothly as before ; but, as we shall
see matters took a totally different turn everywhere. The Are
now saw the necessity of being on friendly terms with at least one
of the neighbouring states. The Ijesas and Ekitis were subject
states, he could never treat with them on terms of equality. The
Ilorins lately defeated were characteristically untrustworthy,
Ibadan could have nothing to gain from that quarter. The Egbas
the Are was determined to subjugate so as to open a free route to
the coast to all Oyos through the river Ogun. There remained only
theljebus with whom Ibadans could possibly treat, and therefore



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH 437

the Are sent large presents with some slaves to the Awujaleof Ijebu
and craved for friendly relations, as there had never been any
cause of quarrel between them. But the Ijebus refused a
rapprochement and declined the presents. They openly declared
themselves alHes of the Egbas and Ekitis, surmising that all this
pretence of friendship was mainly for the purpose of procuring
war materials from the coast through the Ijebus themselves.

The Are resented this rebuff by sending another raiding expedi-
tion to the Egba farms. The Balogun who returned home from
Ikirun ill, was getting worse and worse every day, so he sent the
Otun and the Seriki, but they returned on the 4th of January,
without a single captive.

Meanwhile the storm was gathering thick in the north and
north-east. The effect of the late defeat was to exasperate rather
than dishearten the aUies, and they were determined more than
ever not only to wipe off the disgrace but also to crush the Ibadan
power if not destroy that town altogether.

Although the Ilgrin refugees were well treated at Ofa yet
they were determined to take vengeance by destroying that town
for their conduct in destroying the bridge over the river Otin
which occasioned such tremendous losses to them.

Karkrk the Hausa Balogun of Ilorin, who, on account of his
marked disloyalty to his King was denied the honour of conducting
the battle which ended so disastrously, came out to succour the
escaped. He came as far as Elehinjare, but when he heard of the
Ibadans pursuing as far as Erin, he retreated to Ganmo as he
was not then prepared to fight. Here he remained until he received
orders to destroy the town of Ofa. This he meant to do by strata-
gem, and to make quick work of it. He asked leave of the Olgfa
to allow him to pass through his town to Erin in order to punish
that small town for intrigue. But the Olof a was wide awake ; he
knew who the prime intriguer was, therefore, the reply he gave was
" Not until I am removed out of the way." Karkrk now threw
off the mask and openly declared war against Ofa ; leaving
Ganmo he went forward and pitched his first camp.

This expedition was not popular at Ilorin, because King Alihu
wished to be on good terms with the Ibadans, at least for the present,
in order to ransom all the Ilorin chiefs caught in the last war.
But Kar^ra it was said threatened to convert his camp into a town,
and set up M6m6 the heir apparent to be king over it, in opposition
to Ilorin, and so Alihu was obliged to let him have his own
way.

The Ofas sent to Ibadan for help on the 20th of February, 1879 ;
the Are sent Ali the Otun with all his forces, also Kanike one of



438 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

his own head slaves with some of his men, and the Otun, Osi,
and Ekerin of the Seriki ; later on he sent Akintola.

This on the whole was a very weak force, for, although there
were some very strong men in it, yet the leader of the expedition
was held to be both unlucky and incompetent.

But King Alihu did not despair ; in order to conciliate the
Ibadans he declared all the roads in his territory open for trade
so that all Oyos immured in Bida and in Hausa towns were able to
come down in safety. He then sent an embassy again to Ibadan
to negotiate for peace between them, and to arrange for the
ransom of the Ilgrins captured in war, but the Are declared he
could not entertain the idea unless the siege of Ofa was raised.

The Are now endeavoured to fill up the gaps made in the late
war by making some indispensable appointments. Akintaro
the heir of the late Balogun Akere he made the Osi Balogun in
place of the late Ilori. For the great house of Ogunmola there was
none but the youthful Kongi son of the late Osun, Ilori's elder
brother. He was now advanced to be the head of the house with
the title of Areagoro. These two were the most important.

Death of the Balogun of Ibadan. — In the midst of this crisis
the Ibadans suffered an irreparable loss by the death of their
Balogun. On the 7th of April, 1879, the firing of musketry, volleys
upon volleys announced to the public that Ajayi nick-named
Ogboriefon had passed away ! The town went into deep mourning,
as he was the last of those veteran generals of Ibadan, who had
seen great fights and made a name, with the sole exception of the
Are. Those who were now to the fore were not the old and experi-
enced but the young and untried heirs of great houses according
to the policy favoured by the Are. He was buried at about 10
p.m., with full pagan and military rites. An eye-witness thus de-
scribed the interment. The grave was dug in his bedroom, the large
coffin was first lowered, and the body wound up as usual was placed
in it, and then nailed up. Four flint-lock guns, a naked sword,
and strings of cowries were placed upon the cofifin, and a kid was
immolated, the blood being poured on the lid of the coffin, and
prayers offered to the gods for his soul.

Ajayi was a native of Ejigbo, he came to Ibadan for the love of
a military career. He was nick-named Ogboriefon from the follow-
ing circumstance : — At a battle in the Efon country, he noticed a
man who posted himself behind a large tree doing havoc to the
Ibadans. The man was using two guns giving an assistant the one
he had discharged to be reloaded for him while he took his deadly
aim with the loaded gun. Aja)^ then a common soldier quietly
crept into the bush behind him, going on all fours till he came near



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH 439

enough to this marksman, and then suddenly shot him down dead.
The assistant bolted clean away. Ajayi then cut off the Efon's
head held it by the ear between his teeth being besmeared all over
with blood, and with the man's guns on his shoulders came again
to his comrades who raised for him a shout of triumph and
acclaimed him " Ogboriefon " i.e. a carrier of the Efon's head.

He was always a poor man, for he spent too lavishly, but he
was a brave and hardy soldier. This characteristic cleaved to
him all through Ufe from a private to the post of commander-in-
chief and was the cause of many errors in his procedure which all
but marred his career. For a long time his favourite companions
were his only slave Jato, a man with a fair complexion, and his
horse ; then some friends associated together and made him their
leader, and thus by degrees he rose to a responsible position. His
first military appointment was when he was created an Abese
and sent to Ilora during the Ijaye war to reinforce the Oyo army
against Iran. He was marched off with Ogunmola to Iwawun
where he received a wound which nearly proved fatal to him.

The next period where he made a name was the Ilesa war, when
he and Latosisa were stationed at the Odo road where he had to
oppose Ogedemgbe and the army from the city, and Latosisa
that from the country ; and Ogedemgbe capitulated to him.

The blot on his character was serious. He intrigued to get rid
of Ajobo who had helped him to bear the expenses incidental to
his taking office on filling the post of Osi Balogun which was
bestowed upon him after the Ilesa war. Also his withdrawal
from the coaHtion in the insurrection against the Are and the
betrayal of lyapo. Added to these was the wholesale massacre
of the I jesa, captives in the taking of the camp at Iba, for which
however, he pleaded military necessity.

But there were pleasing traits in his character. His Uberality
and humility gained him the respect of the soldiers and made
his memory lasting. He will always be remembered as the hero of
the Jalumi war. His eldest son Babalola was his heir, and became
the head of his house.

§ 3. The Ekitiparapos

Instead of tendering their submission as the Are thought they
would do, the Ijesas, Ekitis, Efons and other tribes hitherto sub-
jected to the Ibadans formed an alUance which they termed Ekiti
parapo i.e. the Ekiti confederation. They raised a formidable
army and were determined not only to liberate themselves but
also to overrun the Oyo tribes right on to the Ibadan farms at the
river Oba.

contd...


They invited Ogedemgbe to come over to lead them ; but this
hardy warrior, having crossed swords more than once with the
Ibadans was loth to do so again, but rather tried to see what
might be done by entreaties and remonstrance in order to ameli-
orate the condition of his people. The arrogance of the Are
made him deaf to reason ; he simply snubbed Ogedemgbe for his
pains ; but this simple hearted soldier regarding his oaths to the
Ibadans kept to his promise and for a long time never moved
from his retreat. Meanwhile Fabumi of Oke Mesin headed the
confederates and was on the march again for Ikirun ; the news of
the death of the Balogun of Ibadan seemed to put more spirit
and courage into them.

When the news of this reached Ibadan the Are ordered the Seriki
to arrest their progress. The Seriki was very reluctant to go for
two reasons. Firstly, he wished to be present at the funeral
obsequies of the late Balogun his chief, but the urgency of the
affairs in the north-eastern frontier brooked no delay. Secondly,
he had been dipt of his wings as it were, for his Otun, Osi,
and Ekerin had been ordered to Ofa and he was left single-
handed.

But he must obey orders, and thus he started for Ikirun.
On reaching Iwo, he was detained by the venerable King of Iwo.

" What do you intend to do," asked he, " with such a small
handful of men ? The Are could never have had the slightest idea
-of the nature and strength of the confederacy." His Highness
thereupon sent to Ibadan and acquainted the Are with the formid-
able nature of the task before him.

The Are with enemies all around him was trying to behave
cautiously and with prudence : he did not know what the Egbas
and Ijebus might do if the town were denuded of men ; however,
he sent a small force to reinforce the Seriki at Iwo. The allies
at this time were using all their endeavours to isolate Ibadan
by cutting off all communications from it. At this crisis the Lisa
of Ode Ondo sent messengers to Ibadan to inform the Are how the
allies had offered him large presents to induce him to join the
alliance, and close against the Ibadans the only route by which they
could now communicate with the coast, viz, that by Oke Igbo,
but he wished to be neutral. He might send if he Hked to
verify his statements, and let his messengers see the presents
for themselves. The Are repUed by sending the Lisa large presents
and begged him to keep strictly neutral, and to keep that road open.

The Ijebu Remos in the So«th who are simple traders were
much annoyed by this closure of the roads, which put a dead
stop to their occupation. Ibadan is their only customer, but



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH 441

their Suzerain the Awujale of Ode having joined the alliance,
they were helpless. They however conceived an idea of sending
to their countryman resident at Ibadan, Chief Soderinde the
Balogun of the cavalry, to induce the Are to send another embassy
to the Awujale and that they would act as a go-between. The
Are was glad to comply with this request, but the Awujale took
the presents and the slaves sent, but rejected the Remos as inter-
mediaries.

The fact of his accepting the presents sent a ray of hope into
the Are to make one more effort. He therefore summoned to
him all the natives of Ijebu Ode resident at Ibadan with Abinu-
sawa, an Ijebu Prince, at their head, one who had some influence
at home and begged them to act as plenipotentiaries for him in
arranging terms of friendship with the Ijebus. These were glad
to be of some service to their hosts, and were confident of success.
But they were not even allowed to reach the town of Ode, they
were stopped at Aha by an Agurin and sent back with the following
message : —

"Why should the Ibadans now desire our friendship? Let
them remember the scant courtesy with which they have treated
us in the past. When they were going to the Ijaye war we
remonstrated with them but to no purpose. When we entreated
them to receive back Ajobo expelled, they utterly refused even
to take home his dead body. When they had differences with
Efu§etan, Aijenku, lyapo we interfered and offered our good
offices but were hot listened to. If they are tired of the war and
want peace, let them first arrange with the Egbas, recall their
troops from Of a and from Ikirun, and let the Are go to sleep."

This was the end of all negotiations with the Ijebus, but the
Ijebu residents still continued to make efforts to negotiate, but
the Are would not expose himself to another rebuff.

Once more the Lisa of Ondo sent messengers to Ibadan on
hearing of the Balogun's death ; they brought the Are some
presents and performed funeral obsequies for the late Balogun,
kiUing a ram and pouring its blood on his grave.

§ 4. The Beginning of the Actual Conflict

The Seriki's forces met the confederates near Ikirun, and once
more the clash of arms resounded between Oyos and Ekitis.
After several battles, the Ekitis began to retreat before the Ibadans
towards Mesin Ipole via Igbajo ;' this town was deserted at the
approach of the alUes. The Seriki drove them beyond Igbajo and
pitched his camp about a mile beyond, and from thence cleared



442 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

the undergrowth in the forest for miles in the direction of Mesin
Ipole. Another reinforcement from Ibadan met him here in the
person of Akintaro the newly-made Osi, and chief Aderibigbe.
Here was enough force now to crush those opposed to them. The
Are's young Chiefs could fight, but they lacked the wisdom gotten
by experience.

The Ibadans were surprised to see the allies advancing to attack
them in their camp through the openings they had made in
the forest, and concluded that they must have received
reinforcement from Ogedemgbe, the rumour of whose approach
then filled the country. They therefore took the precaution of
guarding the camp and the rear by the Osi whilst the Seriki
advanced to the attack. The Seriki had his father's veterans
about him who instructed him in all his movements, where he was
to sit, and when he was to charge. There was a dreadful carnage
that day on both sides. When at the right moment the Seriki
(through his advisers) ordered a general charge, they found the
Ekitis immovably firm as a rock ! From repeated conflicts, and
from their former slaves, the Ekitis had grown accustomed to the
methods of the Ibadans, and were prepared against them. There
was then no help for it but to maintain their ground vis a vis whilst
a desperate struggle ensued. At length, the Ibadans a little
while after made a sudden dash and secured a prisoner. From the
obstinate resistance offered, the Ibadans thought they were
opposing Ogedemgbe, but the prisoner told them it was Fabumi
of Oke M§sin. " Where is Ogedemgbe then ? " they asked, and
were told, " Not yet come." And further : " Who lay in ambush
at our rear? " "No one." " Where is the remnant of your
army ? " " This is all." With this assurance the Seriki now sent
to the camp for reinforcements. It was about 4 p.m. that the
drum of Akintaro the Osi was heard coming, and when the Ekitis
saw fresh troops coming they gave way and fled. But it was too
late to pursue them far. The Osi's men claimed the honour of
the victory as theirs, as the enemy did not dare to await their
approach. Those who bore the brunt of the fight since morning
were naturally hurt at this, and trifling as this circumstance
might appear, it altered the character of the whole campaign, and
the larger issues that depended upon it. Jealousy and rivalry now
take the place of judgment and discretion.

Disaster upon disaster followed on both sides in subsequent
battles ; the allies again and again sent repeated messages to call
Ogedemgbe to their help. " We will fight now," said they, " to the
best advantage, the Ibadan army is divided into three parts, one
part at home to guard the town against the Egbas and Ijebus,

one part at Ofa against the Ilorins, and it is but a third part we
have to oppose."

contd...


Ogedemgbe was a very straight-forward man, he was always true
to his word. Although a sworn enemy to the Ibadans, yet he
wished to be faithful to his covenant with them, for he had sworn
never to oppose them. On making Ita Ogbolu his headquarters for
excursion into the Igbo Ani country, he sent to Ibadan, and the
Are gave him a war standard, and also sent him a contingent
consisting of his slaves and volunteers among the restless and
warHke youths of Ibadan. Hence Ogedemgbe was reluctant to
enter upon this war rashly. But he received invitations from all
the aUies, as well as from the Egbas and Ijebus, Ibadan being con-
considered a formidable neighbour whose power they all dreaded
and were resolved to see it crushed this time.

Ogedemgbe at last issued from Ita Ogbolu his retreat, and took
the field at the head of the Ekiti parapos against the Ibadans.

On hearing this, the Ibadan war chiefs sent home again for more
reinforcements, and on the 3rd November, 1879, the Are sent the
following chiefs, viz.. Babalola the son and heir of the late Balogun
Ogboriefon, Ojo late Bale Opeagbe's son, and Ogundepo the uncle
of the Seriki.

It was the belief of the war chiefs that the Are deUberately
planned to weaken them all one by one, so as to make room for
his own son to be supreme over them, for instead of sending an
adequate force which could deal with the whole affair in one blow he
kept sending them by dribblets, promising each batch that which-
ever came out victorious would take the lead of the others, thus
creating a spirit of jealousy among them. Hence every newcomer
had to fight singlehanded, and never received support from those
already in the field.

Babalola had to oppose Ogedemgbe at Kiriji as his father opposed
him many years ago at Ilesa. The combatants met about three
miles from Mesin Ipole, and Babalola fresh from home and probably
in order to make a name, fought three successive battles which
established his fame as a worthy heir of the hero of the Jalumi
war. He bore the brunt of the battle with the Ekitis alone, the
Seriki and all he met before him just sat in the battlefield sur-
rounded by their men, all looking on, ready to retrieve a disaster
should any occur.

A custom initiated by the late Balogun Ibikunle and Ogunmola
at the time of the Ijaye war was still kept up for the war chiefs to
have about them pages in training called " Baba ni lima sa "
(the Master says I must not run away). They were all dressed in
red uniforms and were to sit around their master whatever may be



444 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

the condition of the fight : they may be beyond gunshot, or equally
exposed with their master in a close fight. Babalgla had about
400 of these ; at the first fight he lost 140 in killed and wounded.
At the second fight he lost more, at the third fight they were
wiped oat !

Thus the Are began by wasting their strength, and those in the
field, out of jealousy of each other, played his game until experience
brought about a better judgment when too late.

§ 5. The Are to the Front

Such was the state of affairs at the seat of war whilst the Are's
son and his slaves and household war-boys were enjoying them-
selves at home, till they became surfeit with pleasure and all
excesses, the report of which reached the war chiefs from time to
time at the seat of war. Whenever the Ijebus or Egbas were
descried kidnapping in Ibadan farms, the war chiefs at home would
be sent after these, but the Are's sons and slaves .would march out
leisurely after these in blazing costumes, and instead of pursuing
after the enemy would contentedly encamp in the Ibadan farms,
feeding on the crops and cutting down standing corn as fodder
for their horses !

The war chiefs in the field having wasted their strength in the
manner indicated above, and finding themselves as it were being
over-ridden by the Are's sons and slaves, were resolved to invite
himself to the war, to take command of the army in person, and
when there they were determined to take revenge on him and his
menials for all their insolent acts at home. By virtue of his title
as Kakanfo he was bound to respond to his people's call, and
consequently he sent to the King at Oyo to ask leave to
take the field, and to return home within 17 days. The King
granted his consent reluctantly, knowing that he was determined
to go.

The Ar§ at this time exhibited some of the worst phases of human
nature. At such a pitch of glory his word being law to all Ibadan
and its dependencies, he became the dupe of his flatterers ; he
considered himself a god and that nothing was impossible for him
to effect. He certainly thought he would make a short and easy
work of the task before him, but the chiefs who invited him to the
war had a different plan in their head. Their resolve was to humble
his pride, and to avenge the death of Aijenku and that of lyapo,
the late Seriki in particular, both of whom he ordered to "go to
sleep."

Sanusi, the Are's eldest son, further exasperated the war-chiefs



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH 445

by the impudent songs he permitted his bards to indulge in at

their expense ; thus :

The expedition that occupied Akere's son^ three years,
The war over which Awarun's son* has spent six months in

vain,
But one day will it take Alabi', son of lyanda Arc*,
With silver-studded hands he'll extricate and bring them home.

Again they sang :

A club is thrown at a lime.

Both hme and club got entangled.

And the stick and the lime,

lyanda's son will disentangle and bring home.

But there were those even among his followers at home who
dishked these proceedings. Many were the followers of Sumonu,
the Are's nephew, who was a more affable and good-natured fellow
and much preferred to Sanasi. The followers of the latter,
noticing this, permitted his drummer to beat :

" Sanusi jgba na a gbg ni Kanu,

Iro, irg, Aremo ko pe meji."
(That Sanusi is supreme is known up to Kanu,
Nay, nay, two heirs there cannot be.)

The retort to this came from the populace in theii; dances :

" To prostrate to father, and then to the son,
I cannot stoop to two at once.
And where is such a thing ever done ?
On the hilltop is such a thing done."

The Ar§'s house at Ibadan is on the top of a hill. All these
sayings and doings were duly reported in the camp, and the war
chiefs there were resolved to have these high-flown talkers in the
camp, where only valour counts.

The Are, in order to strike a blow with effect, recalled Ali the
Otun Balogun and Akintola the late lyapg's brother from Ofa
to join him at the camp. Akintgla preceded Ali to the camp
and, as a young Mggaji he also was allowed to fight a battle
singlehanded as each of his predecessors had done. He distin-
guished himself above them all ; by a flank movement he bore down
on Ogedemgbe suddenly with a vigorous onslaught, surprised and
captured him, but he was let off. It was not the intention of these

iThe Osi. ^ xhe Seriki. » His own attributive. * His
father's attributive and totem.



446 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

war-chiefs to defeat their enemy to the Are's advantage, but each
of them wished to show what he can do.

Ogedemgbe fell into the hands of one of Akintola's slaves who
said to him, " Ologun, yara, Oyo nbo " (Captain be quick, Oyos
are coming.) The hide on which he was sitting, the kegs of gun-
powder all about him, his charms and amulets were all taken, the
Ijesas were utterly discomfited, but Akintgla withdrew and
there was no further fighting that day.

But the result of this fight was to drive the allies to a vigorous
preparation for a more desperate resistance, especially as they
heard that the Are was coming. It was reported that Ogedemgbe,
on hearing the rumour of the Are's coming, sent a messenger to
ask him whether the report was true, and if so, in regard to the
oath he had taken, and for past favours he had received from him,
he was loth to meet in the field a chief who had given him the
war standard he was using. He would therefore retire with half
the Ekiti forces, leaving the rest for an easy conquest ; only he
prayed for his clemency towards his countrymen. So faithful and
honest was Ogedemgbe, But the Are, instead of returning
courtesy for courtesy, proudly dared him to remain if he would
share the fate of those he would soon crush under his heels !

But Ogedemgbe, out of deference to the Are, sent another private
messenger to meet him at Osogbo on the same errand. The Are's
answer was, " Is he still there and not gone away yet ? Well, he
will have himself to thank for the consequences." Ogedemgbe
and his countrymen were fighting for freedom ; courtesy and
generosity he was prepared to yield to, but threats and defiance
he was determined to meet with obstinate resistance.

The Are, on reaching Irehe went by Otan and intended to take
the Ekitiparapos in the rear, thus placing them between two fires.
But the Ibadan chiefs lest their plans should be defeated grew
excited, sent urgent messages after messages entreating him to
come to them to the camp and take no other course. Said they :
" The veterans and the flower of your army are here in the camp,
who are those about you with whom you would risk your safety
by taking another course ? They are but slaves who will desert
you at the sound of the first gun. Not so did Lakanle of old when
our fathers called him to their help at Iperu in olden days. As
he went straight to them so do you come to us now and lead us
to victory."

In the meantime the Ijesas, hearing the Are was contemplating
another route, were determined to checkmate him. Ogedemgbe
left the command with one Olubayode, a great war -chief, and took
with him his well-trained veterans to waylay the Are and if



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH 447

possible to take him alive. He was rather disappointed at the
Are's being dissuaded from carrying out his plan. He missed his
game.

The war-chiefs' estimate of the value and fighting quahties of
the Are's slaves and household officers was not from spite but from
actual fact ; they had learnt to appraise them at their true valua-
tion in the Ado and Aiyede wars and in the raids on Egba farms
especially before Osiele. They were no longer the hardy and trusty
veterans of the Ilesa and other wars when there was keen rivalry
between them and the late Ajayi Ogboriefon. A hfe of ease and
debauchery had since brought about degeneracy ; they were more
distinguished for displaying red and showy uniforms, sitting round
their master and boasting of past deeds.

The Ibadan war-chiefs entered into a secret compact before the
Are's arrival never to achieve a conquest or capture a town while
he was living, for, said they, "What is the use ? The lion's share of
our achievements will go to him, and we shall only help to increase
the number of his slaves who are now lording it over us."

The Are again on arriving at the camp did not call them all
together and harangue them or praise them for what they had done.
On the contrary his son Sanusi marched straight on through the
camp and pitched his tent in a field of standing corn which the
Ibadans had planted outside the camp. " Cut all down," said he
"we do not need it, how long are we going to stay here ? "
He had cause to regret this afterwards.

The Are led the host to the field the next day, the 4th of May,
1880. The war-chiefs fought with their accustomed bravery to
show him what they could do, but no more. At the first onslaught
the Ijesa chief Olubayode was caught and slain, the Ijesa army
became demoralized, and gave way ; the Ibadan warboys pursued
them right into the gates of Mesin Ipole. The Ibadan war-chiefs
seeing this passed the word round from mouth to mouth, " Afaro,
afaro," i.e., " Refrain, refrain " (or " halt, halt."

The Ajero saved the situation for the Ekitis that day, for seeing
all in full retreat he stood by the gate of the town, and the first
Ibadan boy that entered he shot down dead ; the others, seeing no
war-chief or leader of any kind behind them, retreated hastily.
The Ibadan war-chiefs sat in groups, each under a tree here and
there in the battlefield surrounded by their men as if resting for
a while, but the Are could not get them to do anything more than
skirmishing that day. He took in the situation at a glance, and
was determined to sleep on the battlefield that day, and offer
battle the next day, although it was pouring with rain, and there
was no shelter. Cold and wet he was advised to return to the camp.



448 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

but he at first refused to do so ; then the chiefs and elders of his
house approached him and remonstrated with him, sajdng, " It
is folly to remain on the battlefield ; we are all wet, and it is
still raining. Suppose the Ekitis were to fall upon us in the night,
it will be all to their advantage, because they will come from
home quite fresh, with ammunition dry," The Are was sore at
heart, recalling the achievements of his old rival and comrade the
hero of the Jalumi war. That he, the Kakanfo, should not be
able to achieve as much and a great deal more was a mixture of
shame, pain and grief to him. With great difficulty he was pre-
vailed upon to return to the camp for the night, and the fight was
resumed the next day.

The secret combination against the Are was divulged to him by
Chief Aderibigbe, probably with the hope of his making amends
to the war-chiefs, but the Arg, instead of calling these young men
together and pacifying them, answered with some asperity, " I
have fought in front of their fathers and it is now their turn to
fight for me and they will not ; as we are all equally concerned, let
us agree to remain indifferent."

The Ekitiparapos, on the other hand, fighting as they were for
their independence, went on strengthening their forces by drawing
recruits from the utmost bounds of the country behind them,
throughout the Ijesa, Ekiti, Efon, Yagba and Akoko countries
right on to Egbe. They further strengthened their alHance with
the Ilorins by an exchange of troops. One Ogunmodede with a
strong force of Ijesas, was sent to the Ilorin camp, and the Ilorins
sent one Lasebikan with his men to the Ekiti camp. This arrange-
ment, we should rather say, was an astute measure of the Ilorins
by which they retained a firm hold on the Ekitis, so that they could
not withdraw from the alliance even if they wished to do so, and
this proved to be the case many years afterwards as we shall see
in due course.

The allies had also the great advantage over the Ibadans, in
that they had free access to Benin for ammunition whilst nearly
all the roads were closed to the Ibadans. Long flintlock guns with
large muzzles were imported from Benin ; these, when fully loaded
and fired, gave a report which reverberating from hill to hill all
around sounded like Ki-ri-ji-i, from which this war was named
the Kiriji Campaign.

Famine soon broke out among the Ibadans, the provisions they
brought from home were exhausted, and the standing corn around
the camp had been cut down by Sanusi to make room for his
tents. The common soldiers had now to live on palm nuts, certain
edible roots, and whatever they could procure from the forests



CONFLICTS IN THE NORTH 449

to sustain life, whilst there was plenty in the town for the
alhes.

IlekeHD:



I agree with you both. When Nigeria divides, deportation in Odu'a will be legal.

I second this motion.

The Are, to emphasize his determination to see that this business
should at once come to a finish, removed the camp to the spot where
he sat at his first battle, called Elebolo, from the abundance of
the herb Ebolo in ^he place. The Ekitis, to show their determin-
ation to resist him, left the town of Mesin Ipole and encamped on
the spot where Babalola fought his three celebrated battles ; and
so both camps stood face to face to each other surrounded on all
sides by high mountains, deep ravines and craggy rocks. It seemed
Providence had brought both armies into this defile, to teach them
a lesson. In the day of battle there was no room for them to
deploy, the situation being worse for the Ibadans than for the
Ekiti mountaineers in their native mountains. The battles now
became more frequent and bloody, and at every fight the Ibadans
lost one or more distinguished war-cTiiefs.

At a battle on the i8th May Kupolu, the Commander of the
infantry of the Are's bodyguard, was killed, and Akintaro the Osi
Balogun was mortally wounded.

On the ist of June died Opehinde, one of the chiefs left in
charge of the town.

On the nth of June Ajenigbe the Ekerin was mortally
wounded. He died the next day.

Chief Oluferegbe, Kongi's stepfather, also fell in battle.

On the 31st August a sanguinary battle was fought at Kiriji
with heavy losses on both sides.

Thus for a long period of time a serious battle or a skirmish
took place nearly every other day with heavy losses on both sides.



Chapter XXV

IBADAN AT ITS EXTREMITY— BLOODY STRIFES.

§ I. Home Defences

The preceding section has given us an idea of how matters were
for the Ibadans at Kiriji. Now, whilst all this was going on at the
seat of war, the Ijebu and Egba kidnappers were not inactive at
home, raiding the Ibadan farms, sometimes successfully, but some-
times repulsed, but making farming risky and unsafe until a
scheme was evolved of a complete organization for home defence.
There are three main points from which the attacks may be
expected (a) the farms contiguous to those of the Egbas ; (b) the
route leading to Ijebu Igbo ; and (c) that leading to Ijebu Ode.
Arrangements were perfected by building forts in a central point
in each of these main routes, for the better protection of the
farmers. Whilst the hunters were in the forests, hunting for game
and on the look-out for kidnappers, the farmers could work in their
farms with composure and confidence. They were instructed to
hasten to the forts with their women and children at a given
signal by the hunters. The men went to their farms well armed,
and were ready for any emergency.

The fort in the direction of the Egbas was left in charge of some
hunters, and a few old warriors left at home. But the Egbas
once surprised the fort at Itosi and carried away much people ;
some of them, however, were rescued by the hunters who pursued
after the kidnappers.

In the direction of Ijebu Igbo, where the forest was thickest,
the forts were in charge of the principal hunters, the chief of these
were Ajiya, Obisesan, Odeyale. These kept the fort while the
younger hunters were dispersed about in the forests. The fort
was the rendezvous of the women and children. By this arrange-
ment the defeat of the Ijebus became such a constant and regular
thing that the vulgar people put it into a song :

Are de, are de. For the flight, for the flight,

Igbayi Tare ma de o. Now is the time to flee,

Oni yoyo-gb. Ye clothed in Yoygg5.

Yoyggb is a coarse and loosely woven sort of cloth which the
Ijebus were accustomed to wear at this period.

The fort in the direction of Ijebu Ode was built at the point of

450



IBADAN AT ITS EXTREMITY — BLOODY STRIFES 45 1

divergence of the roads leading to Ijebu Ode and Ijebu Remo, the
convergence of the roads being at the middle of the fort, enclosed
with a wall all round. This was in charge of certain cavalrymen
left in town, there being no scope for their services among the
crags of Kiriji, Associated with these were the Sango chief priest
and one Ogungbesan.

The only fight which took place in this direction was on Palm
Sunday, the loth of April, i88r, and was far-reaching in its results.
When the alarm was given, a mounted messenger was sent post
haste to the town to call up those in charge of this direction.
Solaja and Sonik^n, sons of Soderinde theBalogun of the Cavalry,
performed feats of valour that day, and distinguished themselves.
In the thick of the fight, Solaja with his horse dashed into the
Ijebus, knocking down two or three, and returned with a captive
on his horse. Seeing this, Sonikan the elder brother, not to be
outdone by his younger brother, performed the like feat, and also
returned with a captive. This was a signal for a general rout.
The Ijebus, who scarcely ever saw a horse in their country and
could not face a cavalry charge, gave way and were pursued as far
as Odo Ona kekere in the Ijebu Ode route, and about 20 captives
were taken among them. At Odo Ona kekere, the Ijebus met
reinforcements and there they made a stand. The struggle here
was fierce and obstinate, and the brave captain of the Ijebus,
whilst leading and encouraging his men, was shot down dead :
a general rout was the consequence, and in the pursuit, among other
captives made, was Omitogun, the brother of the old Balogun of
the Ijebus.

This distinguished captive was well treated at Ibadan. When
the report of what had taken place reached the camp, the war
chiefs sent back to say that Omitogun was to be allowed to go
back home to arrange for his own ransom and on his own terms ;
but that he was to exert his influence at home with the authorities
there so that the roads may be opened for trade, remembering
that they never had any quarrel with the Ijebus, and never attacked
their farms, and that the Egbas, whose cause they said they were
espousing, had slyly opened a roundabout road for themselves
via Eruwa to trade with the interior Yorubas.

Omitogun himself had another tale to tell. He bought and
took home with him some corn, beans, etc., to show his people
at home. Ibadan, which was reported to be on its last leg and
on the verge of starvation, was actually revelling in plenty
such as they never enjoyed at home ! The farmers had no outlet
for their produce whilst the Ijebus, who are nearly all traders
were sorely in need of foodstuffs.



452 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

This circumstance made a deep impression on the Ijebus,
there was no more raiding in this direction. Its further development
had a far-reaching effect which, bore fruit in the following year,
as we shall see.

§ 2. Closure of Roads and the Results

The greatest needs of the Ibadans now were ammunition and salt,
and the only route by which they could obtain them even in
small quantities was- the roundabout way via Oke Igbo to Ondo
and thus to the coast. Hence they endeavoured to keep on friendly
terms with Derin Ologbenla, the Bale of Oke Igbo, and humoured
him every now and then by sending him presents of slaves.

Derin was an Ife prince, and as to the Ifes themselves, although
their army was in the Ibadan camp, yet their sympathies were all
on the other side.

But it happened in March, 1881, that the Ibadans suspecting
treachery in a town named Ogu, situated between He Ife and Ilesa,
sent a small force secretly by Awo, son of the late Labosinde,
against the place, to capture it by surprise in order to keep their
rear clear of any trouble But all the towns in the neighbourhood
were in the secret of the expedition and in sympathy with the
Ekitis as men striking for freedom, therefore it leaked out. Osu
was prepared and reinforced against a surprise, and hence the
expedition failed.

The town of Osu not being far from the city of Ifg, to suspect
Osu is to suspect Ife itself, and Derin of Oke Igbo, taking this as
a cause of offence, openly declared tor the Ekitis and endeavoured
to close even this road to all Oyos by allowing the Ijesas to kidnap
caravans on the road. But the Ogunsua or Bale of Modakeke,
knowing that the safety of his town is linked with that of Ibadan,
by protecting caravans arid attacking kidnappers did not allow
the road to be altogether closed. In vain the Ifes tried to win the
Ogunsua over : the position of Modakeke to Ife is analogous
to that of Belfast to the south of Ireland ; the. Modakekes are
Oyos and of the same tribal affinity with Ibadan with which their
own safety is linked.

The price of salt rose so high that a pound of salt could not be
had for less than ten shillings when it could be obtained at all.
Poor people therefore could not even think of preparing their
meals with salt ; those who could obtain a few grains of it, ate
their meals insipid, and then qualified the tastelessness in their
mouths with the few grains of salt afterwards !

But the distress in the country was not all on one side. The
Egbas also were indirectly affected by this closure of the roads



IBADAN AT ITS EXTREMITY— BLOODY STRIFES 453

against the interior tribes. They were free to trade wdth Lagos
indeed, but they wanted produce from the interior and slaves to
work their farms. They therefore managed to open a circuitous
route to Ketu and Ejio, where they and the Porto Novians
estabhshed a market to trade with all Oyos from different parts of
the country, but they still rigidly excluded the sale of ammunition,
only cloth and salt were the articles of merchandise, and even
this was considered a godsend by the interior folks, for their
distress from want of salt was by this greatly aJleviated.

An anecdote from an actual occurrence will forcibly illustrate
the point of desperation to which these people were driven at
this time :

A man with his wife and daughter — a marriageable young
woman — went to Ejio to trade. At the close of the fair, the
woman was being taken away by an Egba man ; a hue and cry
was immediately raised, and the Egba was arrested as a man-
stealer. He denied the charge and told his tale. The woman had
been bartered to him for salt and cloth, he only claimed what was
his by right. Upon investigation it was found that he was quite
right, the seller was the woman's own daughter ! She had
bartered away her own mother for salt ! But the man could not
allow his wife to be taken away, a compromise must be made. So
after he and the woman had consulted together they agreed that
this undutiful daughter was to be given to the Egba in ex-
change : they showed him that the mother was old and would
be of little service to him, whereas the young woman might be taken
by him for a wife and that they, the parents, would regard the
cloths and salt as an adequate dowry given by him. The Egba
man was highly pleased with the offer and went home delighted
with having had the best of the bargain, and the parents on the
other hand were satisfied that to all intents and purposes their
daughter had been comfortably settled. This was by no means a
solitary instance of desperate acts such as this.

The distress at the seat of war at this time was indescribable :
the Oke Igbo road being closed there was a great dearth of
ammunition. The Ekitis knowing this from escaped slaves often
came as near as possible to the gate of the camp and assaulted them.
The Ibadan army would be drawn up but they could not return
the fire of the enemy. They could hardly muster 100 kegs of
powder throughout the whole army, and this they reserved for
an extreme case of emergency. The writer was present in the
camp on one such occasion, when Chief Babalola sent a slave wife
of his round to all the traders present in the camp for even a
handful of powder if possible. From private soldiers who had not



454 THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

exhausted their allowance, and others who did not use theirs in
previous fights she collected a small quantity in exchange for
food ! The writer being a friend of the Seriki's brother, asked him
confidentially on that occasion, " Supposing the Ijesas and Ekitis
were to come upon you suddenly one day to rush the camp, what
will you do ? " He replied, " 'Tis true we have no ammunition,
but there are not wanting among us about 5,000 accomplished
swordsmen who will be more than a match for the Ekitis with
their guns at close quarters, and they know it or they would have
attempted to do so."

IlekeHD:



I agree with you both. When Nigeria divides, deportation in Odu'a will be legal.

I second this motion. Those oloripelebe with next to nothing economic value added to Lagos state, will still open their ofe aku mouth to insult us join ni ile wa.

Further, the Ekitis often taunted them by appearing on tbp of a
rock where they could well be seen by the Ibadans, and tantalized
them by emptying kegs of gunpowder on the rock, throwing a
lighted torch on the pile, and blazing all away.

The muster for battle at this time took place almost every day.
The Ekitis came as near as possible to the camp, firing into it.
The method adopted by the Ibadans to meet the present crisis
was to assemble near the gate of the camp, and thence make a
sudden and vigorous dash on the Ekitis driving them back to the
battlefield : then the swordsmen would spread thernselves in
the valley and trenches awaiting those who would venture near ;
the Ekitis being on higher ground could be seen by them much
sooner. Now and then as opportunity offered they would pounce
upon them sword in hand, and often come back with captives.
Thus they would hold out till about five or six in the evening
before the main Ibadan army marched out, when they could not
all fire more than one round before nightfall.

For months and months affairs dragged on in this way, each
party being afraid of the other. The sentries at the camp gate
were doubled for fear of a night attack.

On one occasion a few kegs of powder were obtained at Ejio
at a very high price ; when these reached the camp such a shout of
joy was raised as if they had won a victory ; a Feu de joie was
fired that evening. The shout was heard at the Ekiti camp.
But this joy was short lived, for a grave danger threatened the
Yoruba country from another direction.

§ 3. Distressing Episodes

A. Dahomian Invasion. — The Dahomians, who had hitherto
confined their depredations to the Egba and Egbado districts,
now for the first time advanced into the western districts of
Yoruba proper. The Ibadans, since the destruction of Ijaye, on
whom it would have devolved to meet this threatened danger,
heard this news with chagrin ; they could only chafe but could



IBADAN AT ITS EXTREMITY — BLOODY STRIFES 455

render no help in that quarter. In fact it was their pre-occupation
that rendered such unprovoked invasion possible. It was said
that the Dahomian guide and counsellor in this enterprise was
Afin the Chief of Ketu, and in May, 1881, the following towns were
taken : Ejio, Obaniiisunwa, Ilaji, Atasa, Oke'le, Iwere, Aiyetor6
and Igana.

Lawore the Asejdn marched out in defence of the district but
he narrowly escaped with his life ; at Igana a young man who,
kneeling before him, was shooting arrows on the enemy was
suddenly approached by the Dahomians and his head taken off !
The Aseyin himself had to escape on horseback.

This conduct of Afin in introducing the Dahomians into this
part of the country gave pain to all, but retributive justice soon
overtook him, for at the next campaign of the Dahomians, his
own town Ketu was taken and himself slain. The other towns
taken with Ketu were Idikumo, Iselu, Dain, etc.

Ketu is an ancient town bordering on the Sabe and Oyo
countries. It is a place badly watered, their drinking water being
miles away from the town. They used deep underground tanks
for storing rain water. The scarcity of water in Ketu has passed
into a proverb. " Omi d'oyin ni Ketu " (" Water becomes honey
in Ketu ". The destruction of Ketu was about the 17th of July,
1886.

In order to record all the ravages of the Dahomians together we
shall have to anticipate the dates of events in the history.

Their third campaign was again in the western districts of
Yoruba Proper — Ilesan, Ibise, Oke Amu, Ago, Iluku, Gbagba,
Ago Sabe, Irawo, Owg, and for the second time Ilaji, were all
destroyed. This was in 1887,

Their fourth campaign was against the towns bordering on
Egba districts, and also on the western districts. Berekodo,
Oke Tapa, Aiyete, Bako, Gangan, Igbo Osa, Idgfin, Idire, Papa,
Gbunginu were all taken. Eruwa was deserted. This was about
the year 1890.

Thus far they went, when a higher Power decreed their fall ;
they were themselves subjugated by the French.

posting history is killing this thread

LET US HAVE A GLIMPSE AT THIS GRAMMY AWARD NOMINEE...

Fela Kuti (born Olufela Olusegun Oludotun Ransome-Kuti;[1] 15 October 1938 – 2 August 1997), also known as Fela Anikulapo Kuti or simply Fela, was a Nigerian multi-instrumentalist, musician, composer, pioneer of the Afrobeat music genre, human rights activist, and political maverick.


Early life and career

Fela was born Olufela Olusegun Oludotun Ransome-Kuti on 15 October 1938 in Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria[3] into an upper-middle-class family. His mother, Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, was a feminist activist in the anti-colonial movement; his father, Reverend Israel Oludotun Ransome-Kuti, a Protestant minister and school principal, was the first president of the Nigeria Union of Teachers.[4] His brothers, Beko Ransome-Kuti and Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, both medical doctors, are well known in Nigeria.[5] Fela was a first cousin to the Nigerian writer and Nobel laureate Wole Soyinka, the first African to win the Nobel Prize for Literature.

He attended the Abeokuta Grammar School in Abeokuta and later he was sent to London in 1958 to study medicine but decided to study music instead at the Trinity College of Music, the trumpet being his preferred instrument.[5] While there, he formed the band Koola Lobitos, playing a fusion of jazz and highlife.[6] In 1960, Fela married his first wife, Remilekun (Remi) Taylor, with whom he would have three children (Femi, Yeni, and Sola). In 1963, Fela moved back to Nigeria, re-formed Koola Lobitos and trained as a radio producer for the Nigerian Broadcasting Corporation. He played for some time with Victor Olaiya and his All Stars.[7]

In 1967, he went to Ghana to think up a new musical direction.[4] That was when Kuti first called his music Afrobeat.[4] In 1969, Fela took the band to the United States where they spent 10 months in Los Angeles. While there, Fela discovered the Black Power movement through Sandra Smith (now Sandra Izsadore), a partisan of the Black Panther Party. The experience would heavily influence his music and political views. He renamed the band Nigeria '70. Soon afterwards, the Immigration and Naturalization Service was tipped off by a promoter that Fela and his band were in the US without work permits. The band immediately performed a quick recording session in Los Angeles that would later be released as The '69 Los Angeles Sessions.
1970s

After Fela and his band returned to Nigeria, the group was renamed The Afrika '70, as lyrical themes changed from love to social issues.[6] He then formed the Kalakuta Republic, a commune, a recording studio, and a home for the many people connected to the band that he later declared independent from the Nigerian state. (According to Lindsay Barrett, the name "Kalakuta" derived from the infamous Black Hole of Calcutta dungeon in India.)[5] Fela set up a nightclub in the Empire Hotel, first named the Afro-Spot and then the Afrika Shrine, where he both performed regularly and officiated at personalized Yoruba traditional ceremonies in honour of his nation's ancestral faith. He also changed his middle name to Anikulapo (meaning "He who carries death in his pouch", with the interpretation: "I will be the master of my own destiny and will decide when it is time for death to take me",stating that his original middle name of Ransome was a slave name.

Fela's music was popular among the Nigerian public and Africans in general.[9] In fact, he made the decision to sing in Pidgin English so that his music could be enjoyed by individuals all over Africa, where the local languages spoken are very diverse and numerous. As popular as Fela's music had become in Nigeria and elsewhere, it was also very unpopular with the ruling government, and raids on the Kalakuta Republic were frequent. During 1972, Ginger Baker recorded Stratavarious with Fela appearing alongside Bobby Tench.[10] Around this time, Kuti became even more involved in the Yoruba religion.

In 1977, Fela and the Afrika '70 released the album Zombie, a scathing attack on Nigerian soldiers using the zombie metaphor to describe the methods of the Nigerian military. The album was a smash hit and infuriated the government, setting off a vicious attack against the Kalakuta Republic, during which one thousand soldiers attacked the commune. Fela was severely beaten, and his elderly mother (whose house was located opposite the commune)[5] was thrown from a window, causing fatal injuries. The Kalakuta Republic was burned, and Fela's studio, instruments, and master tapes were destroyed. Fela claimed that he would have been killed had it not been for the intervention of a commanding officer as he was being beaten. Fela's response to the attack was to deliver his mother's coffin to the Dodan Barracks in Lagos, General Olusegun Obasanjo's residence, and to write two songs, "Coffin for Head of State" and "Unknown Soldier", referencing the official inquiry that claimed the commune had been destroyed by an unknown soldier.

Fela and his band then took residence in Crossroads Hotel, as the Shrine had been destroyed along with his commune. In 1978, Fela married 27 women, many of whom were his dancers, composers, and singers to mark the anniversary of the attack on the Kalakuta Republic. Later, he was to adopt a rotation system of keeping only 12 simultaneous wives.The year was also marked by two notorious concerts, the first in Accra in which riots broke out during the song "Zombie", which led to Fela being banned from entering Ghana. The second was at the Berlin Jazz Festival after which most of Fela's musicians deserted him, due to rumours that Fela was planning to use the entire proceeds to fund his presidential campaign.

Despite the massive setbacks, Fela was determined to come back. He formed his own political party, which he called Movement of the People (MOP), in order to "clean up society like a mop".[5] In 1979, he put himself forward for President in Nigeria's first elections for more than a decade, but his candidature was refused. At this time, Fela created a new band called Egypt '80 (reflecting his reading of pan-African literature)[5] and continued to record albums and tour the country. He further infuriated the political establishment by dropping the names of ITT Corporation vice-president Moshood Abiola and then General Olusegun Obasanjo at the end of a hot-selling 25-minute political screed entitled "I.T.T. (International Thief-Thief)".
1980s and beyond

In 1984, Muhammadu Buhari's government, of which Kuti was a vocal opponent, jailed him on a charge of currency smuggling which Amnesty International and others denounced as politically motivated.[14] Amnesty designated him a prisoner of conscience,[15] and his case was also taken up by other human rights groups. After 20 months, he was released from prison by General Ibrahim Babangida. On his release he divorced his 12 remaining wives, saying that "marriage brings jealousy and selfishness".

Once again, Fela continued to release albums with Egypt '80, made a number of successful tours of the United States and Europe and also continued to be politically active. In 1986, Fela performed in Giants Stadium in New Jersey as part of the Amnesty International A Conspiracy of Hope concert, sharing the bill with Bono, Carlos Santana, and The Neville Brothers. In 1989, Fela and Egypt '80 released the anti-apartheid Beasts of No Nation that depicts on its cover U.S. President Ronald Reagan, UK Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and South African State President Pieter Willem Botha, that title of the composition, as Barrett notes, having evolved out of a statement by Botha: "This uprising [against the apartheid system] will bring out the beast in us.

Fela's album output slowed in the 1990s, and eventually he stopped releasing albums altogether. In 1993, he and four members of the Afrika '70 organization were arrested for murder. The battle against military corruption in Nigeria was taking its toll, especially during the rise of dictator Sani Abacha. Rumours were also spreading that he was suffering from an illness for which he was refusing treatment.
Death

On 3 August 1997, Olikoye Ransome-Kuti, already a prominent AIDS activist and former Minister of Health, stunned the nation by announcing his younger brother's death a day earlier from Kaposi's sarcoma which was brought on by AIDS. More than a million people attended Fela's funeral at the site of the old Shrine compound. A new Africa Shrine has opened since Fela's death in a different section of Lagos under the supervision of his son Femi Kuti.

FELA'S Music.


The musical style of Felá is called afrobeat, a style he largely created, which is a complex fusion of Jazz, Funk, Ghanaian/Nigerian High-life, psychedelic rock, and traditional West African chants and rhythms. Afrobeat also borrows heavily from the native "tinker pan" African-style percussion that Kuti acquired while studying in Ghana with Hugh Masekela, under the uncanny Hedzoleh Soundz.[16] The importance of the input of Tony Allen (Fela's drummer of twenty years) in the creation of Afrobeat cannot be overstated. Fela once famously stated that "without Tony Allen, there would be no Afrobeat".

Afrobeat is characterized by a fairly large band with many instruments, vocals, and a musical structure featuring jazzy, funky horn sections. A riff-based "endless groove" is used, in which a base rhythm of drums, shekere, muted West African-style guitar, and melodic bass guitar riffs are repeated throughout the song. Commonly, interlocking melodic riffs and rhythms are introduced one by one, building the groove bit-by-bit and layer-by-layer. The horn section then becomes prominent, introducing other riffs and main melodic themes.

Fela's band was notable for featuring two baritone saxophones, whereas most groups were using only one of this instrument. This is a common technique in African and African-influenced musical styles, and can be seen in Funk and Hip hop. Fela's bands at times even performed with two bassists at the same time both playing interlocking melodies and rhythms. There were always two or more guitarists. The electric West African style guitar in Afrobeat bands are paramount, but are used to give basic structure, playing a repeating chordal/melodic statement, riff, or groove.

Some elements often present in Fela's music are the call-and-response within the chorus and figurative but simple lyrics. Fela's songs were also very long, at least 10–15 minutes in length, and many reaching the 20 or even 30 minutes, while some unreleased tracks would last up to 45 minutes when performed live. This was one of many reasons that his music never reached a substantial degree of popularity outside Africa. His LP records frequently had one 30-minute track per side. Typically there is an instrumental "introduction" jam part of the song, perhaps 10–15 minutes long, before Fela starts singing the "main" part of the song, featuring his lyrics and singing, in which the song continues for another 10–15 minutes. Therefore, on some recordings one may see his songs divided into two parts, Part 1 (instrumental) followed by the rest, Part 2.

His songs were mostly sung in Nigerian pidgin English, although he also performed a few songs in the Yoruba language. Fela's main instruments were the saxophone and the keyboards, but he also played the trumpet, electric guitar, and took the occasional drum solo. Fela refused to perform songs again after he had already recorded them, which also hindered his popularity outside Africa.

Fela was known for his showmanship, and his concerts were often quite outlandish and wild. He referred to his stage act as the "Underground" Spiritual Game. Fela attempted making a movie but lost all the materials to the fire that was set to his house by the military government in power. Kuti thought that art, and thus his own music, should have political meaning.

It is of note that as Fela's musical career developed, so too did his political influence, not only in his home country of Nigeria, not just throughout Africa, but throughout the world. As his political influence grew, the religious aspect of his musical approach grew. Fela was a part of an Afro-Centric consciousness movement that was founded on and delivered through his music. Fela, in an interview found in Hank Bordowitz's "Noise of the World", states, "Music is supposed to have an effect. If you're playing music and people don't feel something, you're not doing shit. That's what African music is about. When you hear something, you must move. I want to move people to dance, but also to think. Music wants to dictate a better life, against a bad life. When you're listening to something that depicts having a better life, and you're not having a better life, it must have an effect on you."

West Africa has been a cultural crossroad for musical development. The most widespread and influential music was guitar-based genres including "palmwine" music, which swept the region during the 1920s and 1930s. Palmwine was most often heard at informal gatherings among the urban lower classes. The musicians would accompany themselves with guitars, beer bottles for percussion or kersosene cans. The singers were often fairly political and touched on contemporary issues. The other popular genre was "highlife," which was more associated with the upper classes and social elite. Performed at important events such as weddings, funerals, and holidays, highlife ensembles combined European band instruments and harmonic structures with distinctly African practices such as praise singing. Highlife’s appeal was broadened by its origins in Ghana, the first African nation to gain independence in 1957. Under the leadership of the prime minister, Kwame Nkrumah, Ghana’s political and cultural influence was strong throughout the region during the postcolonial period.

With a population of 150 million people, Nigeria was the most populous country in sub-Saharan Africa, gaining its independence in 1960. Nigeria’s largest city, Lagos, while dominated by the Yoruba, is in many ways a postmodern collage of different ethnicities, nationalities, and cultures. The city’s origins lie in the illicit slave trade. Built on a sandy island, its many creeks afforded hiding places for slave traders after the French (1791) and British (1807) outlawed the slave trade. Lagos became an important incubator for urban popular musics as the Kru mariners, as well as Ghanaians, Cameroo- nians, and others brought palm wine and highlife, which blended with Yoruba traditions, especially jújù.

As in highlife, jújù groups typically play for important social functions, often hired by the social and economic elite. Here they are expected to perform the traditional role of offering praises to their hosts both vocally and articulated by the sonically prominent talking drum or dundun. The social status of musi- cians as beggars is reinforced by the practice of "spraying" in which the hosts and their guests reward the musicians by pressing money to their foreheads. In the 1930s, as the "rhumba" craze (actually Cuban son montuno)1 swept much of the United States and Europe, highlife, palmwine, and jújù began to assimilate Caribbean rhythms, percussion instruments, and harmonic and formal struc- tures. Calypso and other genres from English-speaking islands also became part of the mix. Latin and Caribbean influence in West Africa came not only through the African colonies’ and Caribbean colonies’ common tether to the European powers (particularly London), but through the important communities of repa- triated former slaves and their descendants.

Lagos’s importance as a center for music grew as Decca, EMI, and other record companies established recording studios in the city as they expanded their operations in Africa (Veal, 2000, 79). In the years after World War II the modern sound of jújù featuring electric instruments, especially guitars, was popularized by such artists as Tunde Nightengale, I. K. Dairo, Ebenzer Obey, and King Sunny Adé. The 1960s brought an influx of American soul music such as Otis Redding, Wilson Pickett, James Brown, and others. The postcolonial market was ripe for a new broadly popular music, one that appealed to different ethnicities and social classes, that internally was emblematic of Africaness but presented a modern face to the world. As an ambitious young musician, Fela Anikulapo (Ransome) Kuti was determined to create a genre to satisfy this demand. But his route to this innovation first led him to two important interna- tional black Atlantic destinations: London and the United States.

Political views

"Imagine Che Guevara and Bob Marley rolled into one person and you get a sense of Nigerian musician and activist Fela Kuti."
—Herald Sun, February 2011

Kuti thought the most important way for Africans to fight European cultural imperialism was to support traditional African religions and lifestyles.[11] The American Black Power movement also influenced Fela's political views; he was a supporter of Pan-Africanism and socialism, and called for a united, democratic African republic. He was a candid supporter of human rights, and many of his songs are direct attacks against dictatorships, specifically the militaristic governments of Nigeria in the 1970s and 1980s. He was also a social commentator, and he criticized his fellow Africans (especially the upper class) for betraying traditional African culture. The African culture he believed in also included having many wives (polygyny) and the Kalakuta Republic was formed in part as a polygamist colony. He defended his stance on polygyny with the words: "A man goes for many women in the first place. Like in Europe, when a man is married, when the wife is sleeping, he goes out and f***s around. He should bring the women in the house, man, to live with him, and stop running around the streets!"[19] His views towards women are characterized by some as misogynist, with songs like "Mattress" typically cited as evidence[20] In a more complex example, he mocks the aspiration of African women to European standards of ladyhood while extolling the values of the market woman in his song "Lady"[citation needed].

In the 1970s, Kuti began buying advertising space in daily and weekly newspapers such as The Daily Times and The Punch in order to run outspoken political columns, bypassing editorial censorship in Nigeria's predominantly state controlled media.[21] Published throughout the 1970s and early 1980s under the title "Chief Priest Say", these columns were essentially extensions of Kuti's famous Yabi Sessions—consciousness-raising word-sound rituals, with himself as chief priest, conducted at his Lagos nightclub. Organized around a militantly Afrocentric rendering of history and the essence of black beauty, "Chief Priest Say" focused on the role of cultural hegemony in the continuing subjugation of Africans. Kuti addressed a number of topics, from explosive denunciations of the Nigerian Government's criminal behaviour; Islam and Christianity's exploitative nature, and evil multinational corporations; to deconstructions of Western medicine, Black Muslims, sex, pollution, and poverty. "Chief Priest Say" was cancelled, first by Daily Times then by Punch, ostensibly due to non-payment, but many commentators[who?] have speculated that the paper's respective editors were placed under increasingly violent pressure to stop publication.

The Fela revival

Since the 1990s, there has been a revitalization of Fela's influence on music and popular culture, culminating in another re-release of his catalog controlled by Universal Music, Broadway and off-Broadway biographically based shows, and new bands, such as Antibalas, who carry the Afrobeat banner to a new generation of listeners.

In 1999, Universal Music France, under the aegis of Francis Kertekian, remastered the 45 albums that it controlled and released them on 26 compact discs. These titles were licensed to other territories of the world with the exception of Nigeria and Japan, where Fela's music was controlled by other companies. In 2005, Universal Music USA licensed all of its world-music titles to the UK-based label Wrasse Records, which repackaged the same 26 CDs for distribution in the USA (replacing the MCA-issued titles there) and the UK. In 2009, Universal created a new deal for the USA with Knitting Factory Records and for Europe with PIAS, which included the release of the Fela! Broadway cast album. In 2013, FKO Ltd, the entity that owned the rights of all of Fela's compositions, was acquired by BMG Rights Management.

Thomas McCarthy's 2008 film The Visitor depicted a disconnected professor (Oscar nominee Richard Jenkins) who wanted to play the djembe. He learns from a young Syrian (Haaz Sleiman) who tells the professor he will never truly understand African music unless he listens to Fela. The film features clips of Fela's "Open and Close" and "Je'nwi Temi (Don't Gag Me)"

In 2008, an off-Broadway production of Fela Kuti's life entitled Fela!, inspired by Carlos Moore's 1982 book Fela, Fela! This Bitch of a Life,[22][23] began with a collaborative workshop between the Afrobeat band Antibalas and Tony award-winner Bill T. Jones. The show was a massive success, selling out shows during its run, and garnering much critical acclaim. On 22 November 2009, Fela! began a run on Broadway at the Eugene O'Neill Theatre. Jim Lewis helped co-write the play (along with Bill T. Jones), and obtained producer backing from Jay-Z and Will Smith, among others. On 4 May 2010, Fela! was nominated for 11 Tony Awards, including Best Musical, Best Book of a Musical, Best Direction of a Musical for Bill T. Jones, Best Leading Actor in a Musical for Sahr Ngaujah, and Best Featured Actress in a Musical for Lillias White.[24] On 11 June 2012, it was announced that FELA! would return to Broadway for 32 performances

On 18 August 2009, award-winning DJ J.Period released a free mixtape to the general public via his website that was a collaboration with Somali-born hip-hop artist K'naan paying tribute to Fela, Bob Marley and Bob Dylan, entitled The Messengers.

In October 2009, Knitting Factory Records began the process of re-releasing the 45 titles that Universal Music controls, starting with yet another re-release of the compilation The Best of the Black President in the USA. The rest were expected to be released in 2010.

The full-length documentary film Finding Fela, directed by Alex Gibney, received its premiere at the 2014 Sundance Film Festival.

In addition, a movie by Focus Features, directed by Steve McQueen and written by Biyi Bandele about the life of Fela Kuti was rumoured to be in production 2010, with Chiwetel Ejiofor in the lead role, but has not eventuated.

Fela Kuti discography

Fela's London Scene (1971)
Why Black Man Dey Suffer (1971)
Live! (1971)
Shakara (1972)
Afrodisiac (1973)
Gentleman (1973)
Confusion (1975)
Expensive Shit (1975)
He Miss Road (1975)
Zombie (1977)
Stalemate (1977)
No Agreement (1977)
Sorrow Tears and Blood (1977)
Shuffering and Shmiling (1978)
Black President (1981)
Original Sufferhead (1981)
Unknown Soldier (1981)
Army Arrangement (1985)
"Teacher Don't Teach Me Nonsense"(1987)
Beasts of No Nation (1989)
Confusion Break Bones (1990)
The Best Best of Fela Kuti (1999)
The '69 Los Angeles Sessions (1969/2010)

Fela Kuti Filmography

Finding Fela, 2014 Alex Gibney and Jack Gulick Jigsaw Productions
Fela in Concert, 1981 (VIEW)
Music is the Weapon, 1982, Stéphane Tchal-Gadjieff and Jean Jacques Flori (Universal Music)
Fela Live! Fela Anikulapo-Kuti and the Egypt '80 Band, 1984, recorded live at Glastonbury, England (Yazoo)
Fela Kuti: Teacher Don't Teach Me Nonsense & Berliner Jazztage '78 (Double Feature), 1984 (Lorber Films)
Femi Kuti — Live at the Shrine, 2005, recorded live in Lagos, Nigeria (Palm Pictures)

Aareonakakanfo:
Egbon zimoni.Abeg help us take down those worwor pictures you posted yesterday

Okay Sir.

5 YORUBA PEOPLE WHO WON GRAMMY AWARDS

1. Chamillionaire:
Also known as Hakeem Seriki, is an American rapper and entrepreneur from Houston, Texas. He is the CEO of Chamillitary Entertainment. Chamillionaire was also the founder and an original member of The Color Changin’ Click until the group split in 2005. He began his career independently with local releases in 2002, including collaboration album Get Ya Mind Correct
with fellow Houston rapper and childhood friend Paul Wall.

He signed to Universal Records in 2005 and released The Sound of Revenge under Universal. It included hit singles “Turn It Up” featuring Lil’ Flip and the number-one, Grammy-winning hit “Ridin’” featuring Krayzie Bone of Bone Thugs-n-
Harmony.

2. Sikiru Adepoju – 1991 (Planet Drum) and 2009 (Global Drum Project):
Sikiru Adepoju (pronounced Seek-ee-roo Ah-deh-po-joo) is a master of the talking drum and many other Yoruba percussion instruments. Born in Eruwa, Nigeria, Sikiru hails from the traditional lineage of Yoruba talking drummers culturally referred to as Ayan which means “one who has
descended from drummers lineage,” and began playing under the tutelage of his father Chief Ayanleke Adepoju at the age of six. Along with his brothers Saminu and Lasisi, Sikiru accompanied the family’s talking drum ensemble for several years.

After moving to the San Fransico Bay Area in 1985, Sikiru joined the influential and pioneering Nigerian percussionist Babatunde Olantunji and his Drums of Passion. This marked a lengthy period of high productivity from Sikiru which saw
him recording and performing throughout the world until a year before Olantunji’s death in 2003. During this period he was introduced to Grateful Dead drummer, Mickey Hart, who has called Sikiru “The Mozart of the talking drum,” and employed him on many of his personal projects including the Grammy award winning albumsPlanet Drum (1991) and Global Drum Project (2008). He is currently performing with the Mickey Hart Band in support of their album "Mysterium Tremendum" which features Sikiru’s vocals on the track “Who Stole The Show.”

3. Sade Adu:
Musician, singer. Born Helen Folasade Adu on January 16, 1959 in Ibadan, Nigeria. Raised in London by her English mother, Sade developed several interests as a teen, including singing, fashion design and modeling. She sang with a few local bands before signing with Epic Records and
recording her first album, Diamond Life, in 1984. A huge hit in her native England, the album also had mass appeal across the pond thanks to such singles as “Smooth Operator.” In 1986, she won a Grammy Award for Best New Artist.

Sade’s subsequent multi-platinum albums, Promise, Stronger Than Pride andLove Deluxe, established her as a top-selling soul and pop artist. She took
a new route with her 2000 album, Lovers Rock, which was released eight years after Love Deluxe and incorporated a more mainstream sound. The record, and particularly the chart-topping single, “By Your Side,” helped her win over new audiences. Two years later, the album and ensuing tour inspired her first live recording, Lovers Live. Sade returned to the studio and released her sixth album In February 2010, Soldier of Love.

4. Seal:
Sealhenry Olusegun Olumide Adeola Samuel was born in London, England, on February 19, 1963, of Nigerian heritage. Seal went on to score a major U.K. hit, “Killer,” before releasing his 1991 debut album. He’s become an internationally renowned singer/songwriter with albums like Human Beingand hits like “Crazy,” “Prayer for the Dying”
and “Kiss From a Rose,” which won multiple Grammy Awards. He was married to supermodel and TV host Heidi Klum for several years.

5. Kelvin Olusola:
Nigerian, Kelvin Olusola, went home with the award for Best Arrangement, Instrumental Or Acapella. at the 57th edition of the Grammys award. Kelvin picked up an award alongside his acapella band, Pentatonix taking home the award in the ‘Arrangement, Instrumental or acappella’ category for their medley ‘Daft Punk’, a remake of Daft Punk’s “Get Lucky.

THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS...CONTD.

Travellers in the western districts will find all the towns enclosed
in double walls. The city of Oyo was connected with the village
of Awe by a wall. This outer wall was called " Odi Amol^," or
by some, " Odi Amonu." The former term indicates " The Wall
of Safety," used by those to whom it has proved a source of safety
and the latter term, " The Wall of Loss," used by those to whom
it has proved unavailing for security.

B. Destruction of He Bioku. — He Bioku was one of the Yoruba



THE HISTORY OF THE YORUBAS

towns in the Oke Ogun district between Eruwa and Is§yin, and
consequently under the protection of the Ibadans.

The following is a short history of its foundation and destruction.

He Bioku was quite a modern town built by two friends, Bioku
and Lebebi, Bioku being the Chief. It was one of the towns
beautifully situated on a hill and easily defended against a hostile
attack, and consequently, for the safety it afforded, it got peopled
rapidly and soon became a prosperous town.

There were several men of note in this town besides the founders,
e.g., Oguntaiye the Areagoro, Odunmbaku the Ikolaba, Ar§mu
the Jagun, Alawo and his son Ladipo (both being men of note),
also Oje, Adebawonpe, and Maborisaj§.

Bioku lived to a good old age, and the town prospered under him.
At his death he was succeeded by Lebebi the co-founder. Oye-
dokun, son of Bioku, was the head of his house. But Lebebi
did not outhve Bioku long, he also died and was succeeded by
Ajadi as the head of his house. Oyedokun, son of Bioku, now
became the head chief of the town, and so the succession would
have continued in the two famihes alternately had all continued
well.