₦airaland Forum

Lets keep to the subject. anytime someone purposely comes to derail a topic pay them no attention.just continue with the topic.u know what they are saying is untrue so no need to prove anything.

udezue:
Rubbish! when did Igbo gov say that GEJ could not be President because Yaradua was still sick or dead in Saudi Arabia. Ohanaeze has no right to condemn anyone for not wanting to run. There is no psychophancy whatsoever.GEJ is good enough as long Igbo politicians and ppl play their cards right and make all the necessary demands for GEJ to meet in order to get the support of the Igbo which will win him the Presidency. For all these years what have Ohanaeze done better in terms of getting the Igbo to Aso Rock? When the Igbo participated there were so many that by the end of the day our votes get so split we end up not having enough to move anyone forward. GEJ might not be the best but for now he is one of the few options we have. I might not like all his actions but I still lend him support. Igbo ppl don't have to run for every election. Sometimes its better to be the King maker and get your bargains than to be the one begging to be made the King. GEJ is from the East. A man of both Ijaw and Ekpeye-Igbo descent and if Ohanaeze is truly working uniting all Igbo groups politically which will the lead to unity btwn all ethnic nations in the East they will stand behind GEJ and commend the SE gov for doing what they did. SS which is part of the East now got a chance to produce a President so let's support it. GEJ is one of us regardless. I think our governors are better off implementing policies to improve SE than wasting their time and $ running for Presidency when we can with our large # get candidates of our choice into Asorock. As long as GEJ agrees to certain terms which honestly he has to coz SS and SE are in the same boat let's give him our support. Ohanaeze needs to show this level of passion when dealing with important issues affecting the Igbo. Its time we the younger generation of Igbo and Easterner use better strategies. If Donald Duke was to be in the same position now I think we should support him too coz he is one of us. Check the North. Not all of their leaders have been Fulani or Hausa majority. They've had more minorities represent the region.

100%. Couldn't have been said any better.

Exactly. It think the whole civil war thing was hypocrisy committed by the North actually being that they(the northerners) were seceding and found it plausible and had a right to leave Nigeria but when another part tries to do so then that part is trying to kill "One Nigeria". The whole of southerners look like rags used by the north in the story.

Pimpu:
Verse No. 2
Jesus said: "He who has seen me has seen the Father."
                                        (John 14:9).
Perceived by the "man of extraordinary faith": This verse proves Jesus was God.

Study No. 2
One day to prove a point, Jesus picked up a child and said to his disciples; "Whoever receives this child  in my name receives me; and whoever receives me receives Him who sent me;" (Luke 9:48).

This specific act of Christ Jesus and/or his explicit statement concerning this Child does not make; the Child and the Christ, co-equal or one in status.

The next plausible question would be did Jesus admit he too was sent by God just as he was sending the Child? The answer is found several verses. Here are two:

Jesus said: ", and that I do nothing on my own, but I speak these things as the Father instructed me."  John 8:28.

Jesus said: ", I have not spoken on my own, but the Father who sent me has himself given me a commandment about what to say and what to speak."  John 12:49.

Study Supportive Passage:
Jesus said; "Truly, truly, I say to you, a slave is not greater than his master; neither one who is sent greater than the one
who sent him." (John 13:16).

Your examples are only proving you wrong. I have no idea why you posted them to refute what i said. And he never says he's God. Show where he says in plain words "I AM GOD"

Jesus is not God. God cannot die or be killed. There is only one God. Saying he is the Son of God and God makes no sense whatsoever. People are really good at being poets. Those that says that God is three in one the father, God the son, and God the holy spirit no not what they speak. if u take one away from the other that one is 1/3 out of the three and cant be anything else. God is only 1 god.

Jesus never said he was God. and if you needed to believe he was God to reach salvation he would have made it bright and clear by saying "I AM GOD" many times. Also Jesus never said anywhere in the Bible, im not talking about the other stuff said by paul because paul was not of God, that he he came to die for the sins of the world. He said I solely came to save to lost tribe of Israel. The israelites went away from God's teachings so Jesus was sent to bring them back to the Word of God but the Jews rejected him and had him crucified. Even up till this day the Jews still reject Jesus. Jesus was the messiah to the Jews/The Jewish Messiah.

Go in the Bible And pull out the Verse( which is in red, jesus' words are in red) where Jesus says he came to die for the sins of the world and so that all will be forgiven no matter what as long as they confess Jesus. Show the verse that says trinity(God the father, God the son, and God the holy spirit) and dont give me the verse where it say baptize in the name of the father,son, and holy spirit. I said God THE father, God THE son, and God THE holy spirit.

chyz:
[size=18pt]Shiite, Sunni clash leaves 4 injured in Sokoto[/size]
Wednesday, 21 July 2010 00:00 Rakiya A.Muhammad, Sokoto




A clash between and Sunni religious sects in Sokoto have left four with various degrees of injury.

Daily Trust learnt that the clash occurred at about 10am yesterday while the Shiite group was on procession. A witness told Daily Trust that when the group got to the Diplomat area of the state capital, an argument arose between them and some Sunni youths. He added that a fight started and they used machetes on one another which led to some injuries but no life was lost.

Sokoto State Police Commissioner Alhaji Mohammed Abubakar, said the police had arrested 10 persons in connection with the unauthorized procession by some Shi’ite members. He said they were arrested around Diplomat and Rijiya areas of the metropolis.

Alhaji Abubakar said the suspects conducted an unauthorized procession leading to the clash, adding that some of them came from Gwandu, Goronyo and Kware to commemorate what happened to them last year. According to him, the police will conduct thorough investigations into the incident.
“We will conduct our further investigations , release the innocent ones while all those to be indicted will be charged to court for inciting disturbance , unlawful assembly and undertaking activities without police permission ,’’he said.


http://www.dailytrust.dailytrust.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=297:shiite-sunni-clash-leaves-4-injured-in-sokoto&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

I wonder why so much that goes on in sokoto is swept under the mat. What exactly happened to the shiites last year?

[size=18pt]Shiite, Sunni clash leaves 4 injured in Sokoto[/size]
Wednesday, 21 July 2010 00:00 Rakiya A.Muhammad, Sokoto




A clash between and Sunni religious sects in Sokoto have left four with various degrees of injury.

Daily Trust learnt that the clash occurred at about 10am yesterday while the Shiite group was on procession. A witness told Daily Trust that when the group got to the Diplomat area of the state capital, an argument arose between them and some Sunni youths. He added that a fight started and they used machetes on one another which led to some injuries but no life was lost.

Sokoto State Police Commissioner Alhaji Mohammed Abubakar, said the police had arrested 10 persons in connection with the unauthorized procession by some Shi’ite members. He said they were arrested around Diplomat and Rijiya areas of the metropolis.

Alhaji Abubakar said the suspects conducted an unauthorized procession leading to the clash, adding that some of them came from Gwandu, Goronyo and Kware to commemorate what happened to them last year. According to him, the police will conduct thorough investigations into the incident.
“We will conduct our further investigations , release the innocent ones while all those to be indicted will be charged to court for inciting disturbance , unlawful assembly and undertaking activities without police permission ,’’he said.


http://www.dailytrust.dailytrust.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=297:shiite-sunni-clash-leaves-4-injured-in-sokoto&catid=1:news&Itemid=2

What?! OK im convinced now. Nigeria is a failed state and can never be a real country. These people can never shy away from rigging just for one second.  So this amendment was only amendment change could go into effect till after 2011 elections took place. They knew there is no way corruption can be fixed by january. the best thing would have been is for Nigeria to work on its own pace. But this could only be achieve without corrupt officials of nigeria and those other countries who are influencing these decisions  because of their interest in the country through embassies and diplomats.

Go with the idea Fashola has been saying time after time, i dont know why these people are so reluctant to listen, it is so simple. STATE POLICE

Now this guy IBB is really looking like a drama queen, his credibility and respect is constantly plummeting.

I hope this election will have real competition.Its a shame that they dont have televised presidential debates so u can really see what the runners are about.

Great news and I wish the children a very fruitful life

Education is not really the problem in nigeria, what is needed is jobs. what good is all this emphasis on spending all kinds of money on "education", which i think is bull anyways, when after you go to school you can find a job and use what youve learned.even if u didnt go to school jobs should still be there.

I agree all the Igbos go back to israel, the yorubas back to saudi arabia, and the hausas back to yemen or something

funny.babies. ha ha hoo hoo

A lot of the problem i think a lot of muslims have is incorporating arab culture into islam, reading the hadiths(which is of man and not by God), and not sticking solely to the quran and recognizing it as The word of God and everything is in it.

LEAVE THE HADITH ALONE IT IS EVIL. THE QURAN IS THE ONLY BOOK NEEDED!

^^^ I think what a lot of muslims and christians get wrong about the quran is that when it says stuff like the above or says something such as " two fountains flowing, fruits and pairs" and so on, it is a simple way of saying the you will live a good life on earth or the hereafter if u do certain deeds. Its there no literal gardens with fountains beneath with silk brocades or whatever. If you read threw the quran you will be descriptions like that alot and begin to understand its meaning especially when its used in different circumstances.

boo hoo

Never knew these people were still fighting each other.What's their beef?

[size=18pt]Non-Submission Of Report, Cause Of Tiv/Fulani Crises - Tor Tiv [/size]
Written by Joseph Wantu, Makurdi   
Tuesday, 20 July 2010 21:47



The paramount ruler of Tiv nation, Dr. Alfred Akawe Torkula, has attributed the continued crisis between the Tivs and Fulani cattle rearers to the delay in the release of the report of a committee set up by the Sultan of Sokoto to investigate the source of the crisis.

The Tor Tiv disclosed this recently during a meeting convened by Governor Gabriel Suswam between the Sultan of Sokoto, Fulani leaders and Tiv traditional rulers in Government House, Makurdi.

He further expressed surprise at the way the Emir of Gombe threw back the report at the committee, even as he stated that as a member of the committee, they did a thorough job.

"The emir simply dismissed the report as not being a true reflection of what was discussed without thoroughly examining the conclusions arrived at," Dr. Torkula said.

He stressed that it had become absolutely necessary to present the report to the Sultan of Sokoto for his consideration, averring that  the crisis cannot be stopped until an appropraite conclusion is reached.

Governor Suswam contended that the Tivs and the Fulanis had always lived in harmony and resolved their differences amicably, and wondered at the sudden change in their relationship.

He explained that several efforts made by his government, including convening a stakeholders’ summit between the Tiv and Fulani community in the state to address the impasse had not yielded the needed results, as fracas had continued to arise from different parts of the state, leading to loss of lives and property.

Responding, the Sultan sued for peace between the two parties, stressing that the nation deserved peace at this crucial time of its development.

The Sultan called on the Emir of Gombe to make haste and submit the report to enable him and the governor resolve the crisis permanently. He also  advised the state government to, as an interim measure,  open up grazing lands for  Fulani herdsmen to feed their cows, just as a he warned the cattle rearers to always respect their host community's laws.



http://www.leadershipnigeria.com/news/headlines/17844-non-submission-of-report-cause-of-tivfulani-crises-tor-tiv

[size=18pt]Soyinka threatens to withdraw MEND membership[/size]
Wednesday, 21 July 2010 00:00 Nigerian Compass




NOBEL laureate, Prof. Wole Soyinka, yesterday threatened to withdraw his membership of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) if the organisation refuses to be focused and address salient national issues.

The literary icon spoke in Lagos at the 13th Professor Wole Soyinka Lecture organised by the National Association of Seadogs (NAS) to mark his 76th birthday. The venue was MUSON Centre, Onikan, Lagos.

Soyinka also announced the launch of a political party known as the Democratic Front for Peoples Federation (DFPF), a party he said would represent a vehicle of collaboration for progressive forces in the country.

He said that the former Chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Maurice Iwu, foiled earlier efforts to get the party registered.

Soyinka, who added that the party would have its first convention on September 25, said: “It is going to be a meeting ground for the young, especially for the progressives. It is an organ of collaboration for progressives fold, whether a direct member or indirect. It is strictly for those who have nowhere to lay their heads, those who have discovered that they are in the wrong political party, progressives in political parties including those in the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) who have the zest for positive service. Iwu, probably acting on the instructions of his employers, frustrated and denied the party recognition over the years, but today, it is a reality.”

He said when MEND was formed, it was focused with a direction but today, it is a different story, threatening to leave the group as an observer.

“I am going to announce publicly today that I am going to resign with a week notice from being an observer because the parties involved are quite insincere but there is some foot dragging one way or the other. I am a very impatient kind of person and I have seen some foot dragging.

“So, I am going to tell MEND that look, if within a week, you have not made up your minds, I am pulling out as an observer because I hate to see a wasted opportunity. If I don’t see discernable motions, my message to the people in the creeks, I am pulling out as an observer.”

Also, the former Chairman of the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (INEC), Malam Nuhu Ribadu, revealed how over $10 billion (N1.5 trillion) was moved out

of the country into foreign accounts in 2005 immediately after federal allocation was shared among states and councils.

He said the rot in the system has reached a frightening crescendo, saying the money recovered during his tenure was used to recapitalise banks in 2006 as well as boost the capital market.

In his lecture entitled: “Nigeria at 50: Crises of Nationhood”, Ribadu expressed his disgust at the speed with which the nation’s fortunes keep dwindling on a daily basis despite its rich mineral, human and natural resources. He, however, expressed optimism that the situation can be redeemed if Nigerians stand up for a change of attitude.

While describing 50 years of independence as a tragedy, Ribadu challenged youths to see the 50th anniversary as a time to rise and demand for true federalism and democracy, adding that the nation cannot afford to fail at this stage of her existence.

“At this proper beacon of a jubilee anniversary, I want to strongly challenge fellow compatriots, in this hall and outside it, to make a pledge of honour on how to give our federal experiment and our democracy a makeover that is mediated by equity, rule of law, and, a transparent sense of justice, and above all, a sincere commitment to build a modern multicultural Nigeria.

“A nation that produced the likes of Chinua Achebe, Oladele Awojobi, Chike Obi, Bala Usman, Fela Anikulapo Kuti, and Murtala Mohammed cannot agonise for lack of models. A nation at that also threw up the examples of Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, Oby Ezekwesili, Sefi Atta, and Adichi Chimamanda cannot be said to be deficient in super brands. Above all, however, the nation that produced the towering presence of Wole Soyinka will lose a rational argument if it pleads the absence of heroes as the basis of the failure of Africa’s largest state”.

By Emmanuel Ukudolo & Bimbo Ogunnaike


http://www.compassnewspaper.com/NG/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=63792:soyinka-threatens-to-withdraw-mend-membership-&catid=672:top-stories&Itemid=794

We must save our African languages

funny stuvs mehn

Funny stuvs mehn

[size=18pt]The Northern Counter-coup of 1966: The Full Story[/size]



By



Max Siollun

juj_uk@yahoo.com



Most essays and books on Nigeria’s military coups have focused on the aims of, and events during the "Igbo" coup of January 1966. While much has been written and speculated about that coup, almost nothing has been said about the counter-coup that occurred seven months later. The void of literary material on that second coup is one that I will attempt to fill. I believe that the coup which started on July 28th 1966, shaped Nigeria's political destiny like no other, and that Nigerians deserve to learn the truth regarding an event that has affected their lives till today. From articles, published interviews with eyewitnesses, and books over the last three decades from the principal actors, I have managed to piece together an account of the most influential, yet most mysterious coup, in Nigeria's history. In this article, I attempt to show that the consequences of that coup are still with us till today.  As a student of historical FACT, I have included citations, and anybody who doubts the veracity of anything I have written in this article should consult the numerous sources and eyewitness accounts I have cited below.



THE CAUSE



It is undeniable that the counter-coup by northern officers in 1966 was a reaction to the coup staged by mostly Igbo officers in January of the same year.  Northern soldiers had been enraged by the murder of their two most senior politicians (Prime Minister Tafewa Balewa, and northern regional premier, Ahmadu Bello), and four most senior soldiers (Brigadier Zakariya Maimalari, Colonel Kur Mohammed, Lt-Cols Abogo Largema and James Pam) by Igbo officers in January.



Despite the murders of the humble Balewa, and the avuncular Bello, northern soldiers were more angry at the death of their respected senior officers whom they had looked up to. Their anger increased when southerners jubilated when news of the coup spread. For months, they were subjected to incessant pressure to avenge the deaths of January by northern civilians, their wives, families, and junior officers. Additionally, there was a feeling that Igbos were getting too big for their boots.



By mid 1966, there was an unwritten consensus among northern soldiers that there would be a "July rematch" with their Igbo colleagues. With their overwhelming numerical presence in the infantry (up to 75% of the army's riflemen were northerners), it was clear that a revenge coup by northern soldiers would have drastic consequences. The (mainly northern) Ibadan based 4th battalion was particularly angry and hurt after losing its current (Lt-Col Abogo Largema) and former (Colonel Kur Mohammed) commanding officer during the January coup. Their anger increased when the Igbo Deputy Commander (Major Nzefili) took command of the battalion following Largema's death. The Head of State, Major-General Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, was forced to replace Nzefili with a northern (Tiv) officer (Major Joe Akahan) when the northern officers refused to take orders from Nzefili. The same scenario was played out in the Kano based 5th battalion, where the Kanuri Mohammed Shuwa was appointed to replace Major David Okafor. Despite these attempts by Ironsi to placate them, northern soldiers were not happy and many openly voiced their intention to gain revenge for the killings of their northern brothers-in-arms in January. Even the newly promoted Lt-Col Murtala Mohammed was not placated. In an unguarded outburst in the presence of Igbo officers, the volatile and newly appointed Inspector of Signals referred to Ironsi as a "fool" (see Madiebo: “The Nigerian Revolution and The Biafran War”).



For fear of increasing tension in the country, the Government had made no official announcement on the fate of the soldiers who had been killed in January. Thus rumours and conspiracy theories about their whereabouts, and miraculous manner of death/survival thrived. A riot almost broke out when an attempt was made to replace Brigadier Maimalari's commanding officer nameplate at the 2nd Brigade Headquarters in Lagos. Rumours were so rife that many northern NCOs believed that Maimalari had made a miraculous escape from the January Majors and was still alive. This had a tiny semblance of truth, Maimalari had managed to escape from the first attempt to arrest him by Major Don Okafor, but as he was escaping on foot, he came across the car of his Brigade Major: Emmanuel Ifeajuna. Recognising Ifeajuna, Maimalari waved down the car, and was promptly shot dead by Ifeajuna.



The de facto leader and co-coordinator of the north's revenge coup was the Inspector of Signals; Lt-Col Murtala Muhammed. Having finalised arrangements for their coup, northern officers twice postponed it because of last minute changes of heart and logistical problems. An opportunity arose when the Head of State, Maj-Gen Ironsi decided to undertake a nationwide tour. On the first leg of this tour, gunshots were heard while Ironsi was at Kaduna airport. Nothing further than this occurred on the northern lap of Ironsi's tour, thanks largely to the personal intervention of the Emir of Kano. Northern traditional rulers had cautioned against spilling Ironsi's blood on northern soil. Thus northern soldiers decided to deal with Ironsi when he arrived in Ibadan (where a large contingent of northern soldiers was based, and which had an indifferent local population) for the western leg of his nation-wide tour.



After addressing an assembly of western traditional rulers on July 28th, Ironsi decided to spend the night in the Ibadan State House with the members of his entourage. In an effort to prove that he was not heading an "Igbo regime", Ironsi had with great courage entrusted his personal security to northern soldiers (including Major Yakubu Danjuma, Lieutenants William Walbe, Titus Numan and Sani Bello). One of his ADCs was the younger brother of Lt-Col James Pam (who had been murdered during the January coup). By surrounding himself with northern soldiers, Ironsi sealed his own fate.



ABEOKUTA: THE CATALYST



On July 28th, the commanding officer of the Abeokuta Garrison; Lt-Col Gabriel Okonweze became concerned by reports he had received which indicated that another coup was imminent. Anxious to avoid a repeat of the killings that had occurred in January, Okonweze decided to call a meeting of, and addressed officers at the Garrison. Rather than calm tempers, the meeting further agitated junior northern troops, who assumed that the meeting was discussing plans to finish them off. While the meeting of officers was going on, northern NCOs led by Sergeant Sabo Kole and Corporal Maisamari Maje burst into the officers' mess, and shouted "hands up gentlemen" before shooting Lt-Col Okonweze and the commander of the Recce Squadron in Abeokuta: Major John Obienu.  Obienu had been billed to appear in the January Majors' coup but lost his nerve on the D-Day and failed to show up. Lt Orok was also shot dead after driving into the mess premises and stumbling on the commotion occurring. Shortly afterwards, Captain Domkat Bali (later General, Defence Secretary and Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in Babangida's regime) arrived at the mess and was shocked to discover the corpse of Lt Orok.



Lt Rowland Ogbonna telephoned Lagos to inform Army Headquarters of the killings. Unfortunately, Ogbonna's call was connected to Lt Nuhu Nathan (who unknown to Ogbonna was within the coup plot). Ogbonna's call merely served as the rallying call for other northern troops (who up till now were unaware that the coup had begun) to mobilise. In Lagos, Lieutenants Nathan and M.M.Nassarawa alerted the coup leaders: Lt-Col Murtala Muhammed and Major Martin Adamu. Lt Pam Nwadkom telephoned the Adjutant of the Ibadan battalion; Lt Garba Duba, and informed him of the killings at Abeokuta. Nwadkom advised Duba (who later rose to the rank of Major-General and became a prominent member of Babangida's government) to commence the coup in Ibadan. Now in control of the Abeokuta garrison, northern soldiers then conducted a door to door search of the garrison for Igbo soldiers. When found, Igbo soldiers were shot and their bodies dumped into a vehicle parked near one of the officers quarters (a full account of events in Abeokuta, and interviews with some of the principal actors such as Col D.S.Abubakar, Abduhalli Shelleng, and T.Y.Danjuma, is given in the Nigerian Army’s history of the civil war entitled “History and Reminiscences” – edited by Hafiz Momoh).



IBADAN



In Ibadan, troops under the command of Major T.Y. Danjuma (whom Ironsi had recently promoted) surrounded the State House where Ironsi, the military governor of the Western region, Lt-Col Francis Fajuyi, and 2nd Brigade commander Lt-Col Hilary Njoku were located. Danjuma received a telephone call from Lt-Col Gowon in Lagos and informed the latter of his plan to capture Ironsi. Gowon asked Danjuma "can you do it?" (see Barrett, "Danjuma: The Making Of A General", and cautioned Danjuma to "make sure there is no bloodshed". Biafran propaganda claims that Gowon was part and parcel of the coup. This is not entirely accurate. Whilst Gowon doubtless knew that a counter-coup was on the way, he was not physically involved in it.



By this time, Ironsi had already been informed that a counter-coup was underway and that he was the next target. Unaware that they were surrounded by conspirators, Ironsi and Fajuyi sent out various aides from the State House to appraise what was going on outside. Being privy to the coup plot, these men did not alert Fajuyi and Ironsi of the danger they were in. Fajuyi's ADC, Lt Umar went out, conferred with Danjuma's troops and returned to falsely inform Ironsi and Fajuyi that all was well.



Next to venture outside was Lt-Col Hilary Njoku. Njoku was recognised by the northern troops outside the State House who opened fire on him. Njoku was wounded in the thigh but managed to escape. Eventually, Danjuma and his troops gained access to the State House from where they abducted Ironsi, and his Air Force ADC, Captain Andrew Nwankwo. Also kidnapped were Lt-Col Fajuyi, and another member of Ironsi's entourage; Lt Sani Bello. The four men were led out with their hands tied behind their backs.



The captives were stripped unclothed, and beaten by their captors. Ironsi and Fajuyi took the brunt of the beatings. As the beatings continued, the captors "interrogated" Ironsi about his knowledge of the January coup and the whereabouts of the men who had been killed in January. After denying any involvement in the January coup, Ironsi switched off and endured the blows that were being rained down on him. The captives were loaded into a land rover, and driven off in a convoy that included two other vehicles. Major Danjuma did not accompany the convoy, but instead departed for Lagos. Present in the convoy were Lieutenants William Walbe, Garba Duba, Titus Numan, Abdullahi Shelleng, Warrant Officer I.Baka, Sergeant Tijiani and Regimental Sergeant Major Useni Fegge. Ironsi and Fajuyi were so badly beaten and wounded that they could hardly stand. They were led out into the bush where they were killed by a few rounds of machine gun fire. Capt Nwankwo managed to escape as his captors' attention was focused on Ironsi and Fajuyi. It is from he, and Lt Bello that the most reliable eyewitness accounts of Ironsi and Fajuyi's last hours emerge (for which see “Ironside” by Chuks Iloegbunam).



Ironsi and Fajuyi's deaths were not officially announced for six months, and during the tense days of August 1966, the military governor of the eastern region; Lt-Col Ojukwu, repeatedly asked Gowon "where is the Supreme Commander?".



LAGOS



The coup in Lagos was initiated by Lts Nathan and Nasarawa who managed affairs until their superiors; Lt-Col Murtala Muhammed, Major Martin Adamu, Shittu Alao, and Baba Usman arrived.



At the Ikeja airport in Lagos, northern troops commanded by Murtala Mohammed took over the airport and hijacked a British plane which they intended to use to ferry their families back to northern Nigeria after the northern region’s secession. Captain Okoye who was passing through Ikeja airport, was captured, tied to an iron cross, beaten and left to die an agonising death in the guardroom. A detachment of troops sent to try to recapture the airport was ambushed and routed by northern soldiers. In an irony of fate, ten years later, the international airport at Ikeja was renamed after the man who had captured it by force.



Some Igbo soldiers were able to escape from Lagos due to the clemency of Captain Mumadu of the 1st Brigade signals troops who allowed them to flee.



KADUNA



The theory that the counter-coup was prematurely triggered by events in Abeokuta is lent credence by the fact that nothing happened in the north until 24 hours after the murders of Okonweze, Obienu, and Orok at Abeokuta. After hearing what had happened in the south, the Igbo commander of the Kaduna based 3rd battalion; Lt-Colonel Israel Okoro addressed his troops and asked them to remain loyal despite events that had just taken place.



Okoro's plea was ignored. His northern Regimental Sergeant Major informed him that he was required in the guardroom. When Okoro arrived for the non-existent assignment in the guardroom, he was questioned, then shot by two of his northern troops. The whole guardroom episode had been a ploy to lure Okoro into being murdered.  Deception played a large part in the murders of Igbo soldiers. A consistent pattern emerged whereby northern officers would disarm their southern counterparts, sound an alarm, and then segregate and murder Igbo soldiers when they came to answer the alarm.



Also in Kaduna, the commander of the 2nd Recce Squadron; Major Isong (an Eastern officer of non-Igbo origin) was killed.  Among the officers stationed in Isong’s squadron in Kaduna was a young Lieutenant named Ibrahim Babangida.



KANO



The 5th battalion in Kano was commanded by Lt-Colonel Mohammed Shuwa. Thus northern officers did not have to forcibly take control there. However, in October 1966, Shuwa lost control of his own troops who mutinied and joined civilian mobs in murdering and terrorising Igbo civilians. Such was the mayhem that Shuwa was forced to flee for his own safety.



ENUGU



A coup in the Eastern region (and the elimination of the Eastern region's military governor, Lt-Col Emeka Ojukwu) was also planned. However, this plan was forestalled by the responsible acts of the commander of the Enugu based 1st battalion, Lt-Col David Ogunewe. On learning of the mass murder taking place in other military formations in the country, Lt-Col Ogunewe locked his battalion's armoury and placed it under the joint guard of northern and southern officers. He also encouraged northern and southern soldiers to live together in the mess and grounds of the battalion. Among those who were to have staged the Enugu coup were Lt Shehu Musa Yar'Adua and Captain Gibson Jalo (who later rose to the rank of Lt-General and became President Shagari's Chief of Defence Staff).



As in January, the coup did not take off in the east or mid-west (where no troops were stationed). However, Lt-Col Murtala Muhammed repeatedly sent signals for northern soldiers in Enugu to complete the coup in the Eastern region. Some northern officers attempted to break into the Enugu armoury but were overpowered. The failure of the coup in the east created a stalemate similar to the one that existed in January 1966 when Nzeogwu was in control of the north, while Ironsi had the south. This time, the counter-coup had succeeded in every region other than the east. The desire of the northern officers to extend the coup to the east led to the civil war, and the war itself may be regarded as a continuation of that coup. Only in January 1970 did northern troops gain control of the east (and by extension the whole of Nigeria) and finish the counter-coup after a four year stalemate.







OGUNDIPE IN DISTRESS



Following the murders of 200-300 Igbo soldiers (names, ranks, units and numbers are listed in Hilary Njoku’s: "A Tragedy Without Heroes" and the Eastern Ministry of Information’s "January 15th: before and after", Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe (a mild mannered Yoruba officer with no political ambition) was now the most senior surviving officer. When the British handed over command of the Nigerian army to indigenous soldiers in 1965, the outgoing General Officer Commanding, Major-General Welby-Everard had recommended Ogundipe as his replacement without success.  However, as mayhem ensued following the mutinies across the country, Ogundipe could not assert his authority over the northern troops.



Via telephone, Ogundipe informed the military governor of the Eastern region; Lt-Col Ojukwu, that northern troops had stated their conditions for a “ceasefire”: the killings of Igbos would continue until the northern region seceded from the federation, and northerners and southerners were repatriated to their respective regions of origin. Ojukwu replied "if that is what they want, let them go" and replaced the receiver (see N U Akpan - "The Struggle For Secession".



The Ikeja cantonment became the undeclared Headquarters of the mutineers. Ogundipe dispatched a platoon from the Federal Guard to Ikeja cantonment.  However the northern troops refused to accept their orders and turned them away.  Ogundipe’s own orders received a similar response.  The “limit" came for the Brigadier when a northern Sergeant quipped to him: "I do not take orders from you until my (northern) captain comes". To a seasoned professional soldier like Ogundipe (accustomed to unquestioning obedience of his orders during a military career spanning over 20 years), such disobedience was beyond comprehension.  A northern private similarly refused to obey orders from the Military Governor of Lagos State; Major Mobolaji Johnson.



The exasperated Ogundipe sent the Chief of Staff (Army), Lt-Col Yakubu Gowon to bargain with the mutineers. Gowon like other senior northern officers Lt-Col Hassan Katsina, and Lt-Col Mohammed Shuwa was not personally involved in the mutiny.   However, when the smoke temporarily cleared, they gave their assent to the fait accompli and were brought in to participate in the Ikeja negotiations. When Gowon arrived, it appears that he was not a free agent and was held in circumstances amounting to arrest (see Ruth First: “The Barrel Of A Gun”).  The northern officers were joined by a number of federal secretaries, two Judges, prominent northern civil servants and by British and American diplomats who asked the northern soldiers to drop their plan to secede from the federation. As negotiations continued in Ikeja, the explosive Lt-Col Murtala Muhammed was the most vociferous and uncompromising advocate of northern secession. The civilian participants managed to persuade the northern soldiers to drop their secessionist plan, and their most senior member; Lt-Col Gowon was appointed Head of State.



Convinced that he was to be the next target of the northern soldiers, Brigadier Ogundipe departed with his pistol, to emerge in London as Nigeria's High Commissioner in the United Kingdom.



MURTALA MUHAMMED



As the leader of the counter-coup, Murtala Muhammed commanded almost mythical loyalty from northern soldiers. He was from an influential northern family with close links to the NPC, and his uncle Inuwa Wada, was the former Defence Minister. Even when Gowon became the Head of State, he remained the power behind the throne. If anyone was going to rebel against a perceived anti-northern regime - it was Murtala. He would not tolerate disobedience from his subordinates, despite himself having "very little respect for constituted authority" (see Oluleye: "Military Leadership In Nigeria".



COLLAPSE OF DISCIPLINE



[b]The deaths of hundreds of Igbo soldiers, and the sight of one of their number as Head of State did not mollify some northern soldiers. Discipline among them got so bad that some northern officers had to on occasions, threaten to shoot their own wayward troops.   This threat was hardly ever carried out, although Lt-Cols Hassan Katsina and Mohammed Shuwa had at great risk to themselves put down an army mutiny in Kano. Even northern officers became cautious around their own troops, some of whom were behaving in bizarre manner. Lt-Col Akahan was kept away from his barracks by his own men. Tied in to the furious violence of the coup were strange attempts by junior northern officers to militarily legitimize their actions by asking their superior officers for "orders" to kill Igbo soldiers, or to turn a blind eye when they did so. For example, the junior officers who killed Ironsi asked their superiors for permission to deal with him. This pattern of behaviour was repeated in 1975 when the officers who were planning to overthrow the Head of State: General Gowon (Babangida, Yar'Adua, Buhari, Ibrahim Taiwo, Abdullahi Mohammed) asked their superior officers; (Danjuma, Murtala Muhammed, Martin Adamu) to turn a blind eye while they got on with the job of removing Gowon.
[/b]


In the early stages of the counter-coup, Igbo soldiers were killed if they were suspected of complicity in, or supporting the coup of the “Five Majors” in January 1966. Later on, simply being Igbo became reason enough to be killed. As Gowon struggled to stabilise himself in power, random murders of Eastern Region soldiers continued to occur. The army's Provost Marshal, Major Ekanem, was shot dead on Carter Bridge by Sergeant Lapdam while en route to an errand for Gowon. Senior northern officers could no longer control the violence they had unleashed. Some northern NCOs became prone to strange superstitious behaviour bordering on mysticism. Such acts included mutilation of the bodies of murdered Igbo soldiers, and addressing themselves by the rank and names of the men they had killed (see Luckham: "The Nigerian Military". It is likely that some of the NCOs were psychologically affected by the murders they had carried out. Such an outcome would not be surprising. After murdering the Sardauna of Sokoto in January, the normally fluent Major Nzeogwu became nervy and uncomfortable when asked by journalists about the night he killed the Sardauna.



Some of the officers involved in the January coup were subjected to grisly treatment by northern soldiers.  In August 1966, northern soldiers raided the Benin prison and released the northern troops who were detained there for their part in the coup of January. Igbo officers also held for the same offence were not spared. Five of them (including Majors Chris Anuforo and Don Okafor) were tortured to death.  Anuforo was shot dead, and Okafor was buried alive (see Ruth First, Forsyth: "The Biafra Story", and Madiebo).



BROTHERS-IN-ARMS?



Amidst the murders, tension, and mutual suspicion, there was a remarkable display of military camaraderie in the 1st battalion at Enugu. Northern and Igbo officers toasted each other with drinks, and posed together for a final photograph before northern soldiers departed the battalion following the agreement to return all soldiers to their respective regions of origin. Such comradeship in the midst of bitterness was not isolated.   Ironsi’s ADC Captain Nwankwo managed to escape due to a pre-existing agreement he had with one of his northern captors.  The two men had previously agreed that whomever of them came out on top during the counter-coup should save the life of the other.  Despite the murders of Ironsi and Fajuyi, the northern officer honoured the “gentleman’s agreement” (see Madiebo).  Such honour and camaraderie was again evident the following year, when members of the Supreme Military Council met and deliberated at Aburi, Ghana, in the most cordial manner despite months of mutual suspicion, accusations, and murder. The smooth procession of the debate stunned civilians who were present.





THE ROLE OF SOUTHERN OFFICERS



The counter-coup was carried out almost exclusively by northern officers.  However, consternation at Igbos was so great that a few southern officers also participated.  Six Yorubas are known to have taken part. Of these, four were northern Yorubas from the Ilorin and Kabba provinces of the northern region. One of them (Major Shittu Alao) later became the head of the Air Force. One mid-western officer also took part (see Luckham).



Southern officers of non-eastern origin were largely left alone during the counter-coup unless they obstructed the work of the mutineers.  In the early stages of the coup, some Yoruba soldiers were detained, but then later released.



Then Major Benjamin Adekunle (the famed “Black Scorpion”) drew the ire of some northern soldiers for promising safe passage to a group of Igbo officers.  Unbeknown to Adekunle, an ambush had been laid for these soldiers by northern troops. Several of the Igbo soldiers were killed, and Adekunle himself was only saved by the intervention of Captain Gibson Jalo.



THE COUNTER-COUP'S CONSEQUENCES



After eliminating Igbos from every position of influence in the army, northern soldiers now held sway at all levels in the army. With Igbo officers either murdered during the "July rematch" or dismissed after the Civil War, the northern soldiers could dictate the direction which the army, and by extension, Nigeria, would take. Some northern soldiers now began to see the army as their personal property. Retired Major-General David Ejoor claimed that northern soldiers were unhappy with Gowon's choice of him as Chief of Staff (Army). They instead preferred a northern soldier to occupy the post rather than Ejoor, even if such a soldier was more junior than Ejoor.



Now firmly in control of the army, northern officers distributed senior military postings among themselves and created a northern military dynasty. Since the counter-coup, 17 officers have occupied the post of Chief of Army Staff. Of these 17, 15 have been northerners (the only two southerners to occupy the post during that time; Lt-Generals Alani Akinrinade and Alexander Ogomudia, were appointed by General Obasanjo in 1979, and 2001 respectively). The northern soldiers who carried out the counter-coup have constituted themselves into Nigeria's de facto ruling class. Of the soldiers who took part in the counter-coup, four (Murtala, Buhari, Babangida, Abacha) became Head of State. Several of them held prominent government and security positions throughout the last three decades. For example, Lieutenants Walbe, Duba, and Shelleng were among the party that murdered Maj-Gen Ironsi and Lt-Col Fajuyi. Walbe was rewarded by being appointed as Gowon's personal bodyguard, and today Duba and Shelleng are members of the millionaire Generals club, sitting atop massive fortunes and business empires acquired after years of participation in military regimes. Mamman Vatsa was the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory until he tried one coup too many.  Abba Kyari and Baba Usman served as military governors under Gowon for eight years. Gado Nasko became a Major-General and was the Minister of the Federal Capital territory during the regime of Ibrahim Babangida. Some of the mutineers occupy prominent government positions till today; Lt-Gen Danjuma (who led the arrest party that abducted Ironsi and Fajuyi) is the current Defence Secretary, and Maj-Gen Abdullahi Mohammed is the current Chief of Staff at the presidency).



The succession of military regimes in Nigeria were inevitably led by the northern soldiers who carried out the counter-coup. Their proficiency at, and knowledge of coup plots is demonstrated by the fact that they managed to put down violent coup plots against them in 1975 and 1990.



Even southerners have learnt, and accepted, that they cannot govern Nigeria without the co-operation of the north and its soldiers. The late Moshood Abiola first sought the blessing of senior northern officers, and the Sultan of Sokoto before contesting for, and declaring himself, President of Nigeria respectively. Quite why a man who won an election should seek another's blessing before asserting himself the winner of that election, is mystifying. Did President Shehu Shagari ask for the blessing of Lt-Gen Alani Akinrinade or the Oba of Benin before contesting for, or declaring himself President following his electoral victory in 1979?



The failure to bring any of the mutineers and murderers of late 1966 to book gave a platform for the numerous military coups of the following years.   That coup established that a “successful” coup plotter would never be called to account for his actions.  We have paid the price for our failure to enforce discipline, and for our acceptance of the law of the gun.  The fact that men who murdered a Head of State, and their professional colleagues can occupy government positions, is itself symbolic of the indiscipline in Nigerian society till today.




http://www.dawodu.com/coup2.htm

[size=18pt]`We want an Arewa commissioner in Lagos’[/size]
EMMANUEL OLADESU 14/07/2010 00:00:00




Why is Arewa United Group (AUG) backing the Action Congress (AC) in Lagos State?

Arewa has to back AC in Lagos State because of the programmes of the party for the poor and the AC governments of Senator Bola Tinubu from 1999 to 2007 and Babatunde Fashola (SAN) have not discriminated against the members of Arewa in this state. They see us as partners in progress. Many of us are traders and we dominate some markets in the state, especially in Mile 12, Alaba International Market, Iddo. We are protected in those markets and abattoirs. Our group, Arewa United Group, is the AC part of the Arewa Community in Lagos. We are proud of the achievements of the party in the state and the programmes of the party aimed at alleviating poverty. We live in the state, in Idi Araba, Ebute Meta, Agege, Obalende, Hausa Line. AC allows us to do our business without hindrance in the state.What is responsible for the leadership crisis rocking the Arewa United Group in Lagos State?

The crisis came as a result of the death of our leader, Hon Sidi Ali. He was the Chairman of the group. After his death, we said that the Deputy Chairman, Alhaji Dandama, should be the chairman. But the General Manager of LASPEMA, Alhaji Ahmed Kabir Abdullahi , an architect, refused. When the former chairman was alive, Ahmed was the Secretary. After his death, the executive dissolved. There is no executive up to now. He has hijacked the group more than two years now and prevented the emergence of a new executive. He is the chairman, secretary and everything in the group.How is the crisis being resolved?

When the crisis broke out, we wrote a letter to the party chairman, Chief Henry Ajomale, to tell him our problem, but there was no response. We wrote a letter since March this year. Also, we had that some leaders in the group were threatening to deal with those of us demanding for due process. As a result of that, I wrote a petition to the governor and the governor minuted it to SSS, Shangisa, for investigation. A copy was sent to the Police Commissioner. I copied the party chairman. Since all of us are children of Ajomale, I thought that he would call us, but he did not call us. I had to run to the police for my dear life. Later, Ajomale called the three factions for a meeting; five persons from each faction.

I am happy that the governor has set up a committee to look into the crisis. The committee is headed by Mrs Ogunbanke, the Director of Project Implementation and Monitoring Unit, Governor’s Office.What is the relationship of your group with the Lagos State government?

Arewa United Group consists of Arewa members of AC in Lagos State. The relationship between the group and government is cordial. The sad thing is that a particular chieftain of the group is monopolizing all the opportunities extended to the group. Government used to give pilgrim slots to the group. We have benefited from various poverty alleviation programmes of the government. Government usually carries the group along. The group is usually invited to its functions.Why can’t you leaders of the group put your house in order, instead of allowing outsiders to solve your problem for you?

We have Serikis. They called us. But the factional leader refused to come. He feels that he is powerful and he is a government functionary in Alausa. He has money and he feels arrogant. So, we had no option than to inform those leaders to come to our rescue. They are in government on the platform of Arewa United Group. But they are using their Bureau de change money to cause problem. The government is serious. So, we want our members in government to be serious like the governor. We want members of Arewa in government to conduct themselves well so that EFCC will not be after them. It is good to avoid embarrassment.Why are the leaders of Arewa in Lagos not mobilising their people to send their children to schools in order to enjoy free and qualitative education in the state?

It is one of the problems. Government has talked to us, not only about the children, but also the beggars. The governor called our leaders to attend a meeting at the Ministry of Youths, Sports and Social Development. They said there should be a stop to wandering by children on the streets, begging and hawking. We are doing something to eradicate this.Why is Arewa community coveting political positions in Lagos State?

Lagos is for everybody. In Alausa, there are many commissioners and Special Advisers who are not Lagosians. What Lagos needs is merit and what you can offer. If you can add value to the state, you can be appointed. The commissioner-ship we are clamouring for was promised to us. I am a member of BRF Organisation. Fashola promised us the position. They promised Igbo too. They gave Igbo a slot. In Lagos State, Arewa community has two elected councilors. We have about nine Special Advisers and Assistants to local government chairmen. We have 11 appointments in the state. We believe that we can perform.

In some states in the North, Sokoto, Kaduna, Kano there are Yoruba in similar positions. A Yoruba is a Permanent Secretary in Kano. We have some Directors. For more than 300 years, Yoruba have been living in Kano. The Assistant Liason Officer of Kano State Government House in Lagos is a Yoruba. We are in a civilised world. We want to erase tribalism.



http://thenationonlineng.net/web3/politics/5616.html

Good work in progress