Comos's Posts
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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ... 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 (of 80 pages)
meanwhile fulani herdsmen is kidnapping, raping and killing his people. mtchewww. COWARD! |
sameer1212:The picture shows that Tinubu has been used and dumped |
Bobnotrouble:It must be Niger Delta refined fuel. It is cheaper than imported one. |
I am disappointed in yoruba youth. instead of them to confront these fulani herdsmen, they are on social media blaming GEJ, Igbos and PDP Lest I forget, was it not the same ondo state that an Oba was kidnapped by Niger Delta militant |
ANBAKO:go to nassarawa, abuja, kogi, kwara, ebonyi, gombe, et.c and see for yourself. instead of sitting down in lagos and typing rubbish |
Freegift75:... will always have his brain functioning black |
Naijiant:he is a serial loser, he will beaten blue black |
gudrated:Stand your ground man! these are the exact reason that push me to marry when actually I wasn't ready Today I know the hell I am passing through all in the name of marriage, but non of those people are there to be found, instead it is blame and accusation from them. I will advice you to find true love and choose your right time to marry. It is your life not theirs. |
koboko69:Whereas the “Lukman’s version” provided 10% equity to oil “host communities”, this was reduced to 7.5% in “Diezani’s version” passed by the house of representatives. The definition of “host” was also expanded to cover all communities that pipelines pass through, not just where exploration is being made. |
Generalkorex:mention the area |
yes. GOD bless GEJ |
The All Progressives Congress (APC) and its flag bearer, Muhammadu Buhari, are finally in charge of the nation’s government. Desirous of change, Nigerians have voted for the APC, whose mantra was anchored on the promise of “Change” in several aspects of the nation’s life. During the electioneering campaign, President Muhammadu Buhari; his vice president, Yemi Osinbajo; and other top members of the party, made lots of promises to Nigerians. TheCable, an online publication has compiled a list of Buhari’s and APC’s promises to Nigerians, drawn from APC manifesto, documents and promises made at campaign rallies. They will undoubtedly form the standard against which the APC government would be assessed when this new tenure ends in 2019. Some of the promises , in no particular order include: 1. Public declaration of assets and liabilities 2. State and community policing 3. Ban on all government officials from seeking medical care abroad 4. Implementation of the National Gender Policy, including 35% of appointive positions for women 5. Revival of Ajaokuta steel company 6. Generation, transmission and distribution of at least 20,000 MW of electricity within four years and increasing to 50,000 MW with a view to achieving 24/7 uninterrupted power supply within 10 years. 7. Empowerment scheme to employ 740,000 graduates across the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory. 8. Establishment of a free-tuition and scholarship scheme for pupils who have shown exceptional aptitude in science subjects at O/Levels to study ICT-related courses 9. 720,000 jobs by the 36 states in the federation per annum (20,000 per state) 10. Three million Jobs per year 11. [In another policy document by the APC] We will embark on vocational training, entrepreneurial and skills acquisition schemes for graduates along with the creation of a Small Business Loan Guarantee Scheme to create at least 5 million new jobs by 2019. 12. Churches and Mosques would not pay taxes under national laws, but if they engage in businesses, the businesses would pay tax. 13. Provision of allowances to the discharged but unemployed Youth Corps members for Twelve (12) months while in the skills and entrepreneurial development programme 14. Making our economy one of the fastest-growing emerging economies in the world with a real GDP growth averaging 10% annually. [In another instance, the APC promised 10-12% annual GDP growth] 15. Creation of a Social Welfare Programme of at least Five Thousand Naira (N5000) that will cater for the 25 million poorest and most vulnerable citizens upon the demonstration of children’s enrollment in school and evidence of immunisation to help promote family stability 16. Recruitment and training of at least 100,000 officers into the Nigerian police force and establish a Federal anti-terrorism agency. 17. One free meal (to include fruits) daily, for public primary school pupils 18. Building an airport in Ekiti state 19. Eradication of state of origin, replacing that with state of residence to ensure Nigerians are Nigerians first, before anything else. 20. Establishment of Crime Squad to combat terrorism, kidnapping, armed robbery, militants, ethno-religious and communal clashes nationwide 21. Working with the National Assembly towards the immediate enactment of a Whistle Blower Act 22. Economic stability for the ECOWAS nations and maintaining a strong, close and frank relationship with West Africa, South Africa, UK, USA, Canada, and other African countries 23. Establishing a conflict resolution commission to help prevent, mitigate and resolve civil conflicts within the polity. 24. All political officer holders earn only the salaries and emoluments determined and approved by the Revenue Mobilization and Fiscal Commission RMFAC. 25. Permanent peace in the Niger Delta and other conflict prone areas such as Plateau, Taraba, Bauchi, Borno and Abia. 26. As against fears in some quarters, Buhari while speaking with catholic bishops in Abuja back in February, promised not to Islamise Nigeria. 27. Nationwide sanitation plans to keep Nigeria clean 28. Preserving the independence of the Central Bank 29. Simplifying immigration process to foster faster visa processing at points of entry. 30. Special incentives to facilitate the education of the girl child 31. Full implementation of the National Identification Scheme to generate the relevant data. 32. Making Information Technology, Manufacturing, Agriculture and Entertainment key drivers of our economy 33. Balancing the economy across regions by the creation of 6 new Regional Economic Development Agencies (REDAs) to act as champions of sub-regional competitiveness 34. Putting in place a N300bn regional growth fund (average of N50bn in each geo-political region) to be managed by the REDAs. 35. Amending the Constitution and the Land Use Act to create freehold/leasehold interests in land along with matching grants for states to create a nationwide electronic land title register on a state by state basis |
atlwireles:exactly! OBJ, Tinubu and Co are just after this man; forgetting that he is a senator elect. I think it is time his people rise up to his defence. |
PassingShot:This is just Nigerian Politics for you. Scape-goat are been lead to the altar when the new administration has not started Which country will extradite her own citizen to be prosecuted on a case which has already been judge. |
I reached these conclusions on the 28th February 2002 and since that date this court has sat on a number of occasions to hear evidence on behalf of the defence from witnesses who have attended to give depositions. The American Government has also submitted evidence in rebuttal. I have received evidence on behalf of the Defence from a number of witnesses, which I now summarize. Mr Morohundiya is an officer of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency in Nigeria, in the course of his evidence he acknowledges that the defendant was an informant of the drug agency and that he was aware of the existence of the defendant’s brother, a man named Alhaji Adewale Adeshina Kashamu. “Alhaji” was a man who was wanted by the agency for drugs offences. He told me that the two brothers has a striking resemblance to each other. He also told me about the policing of the border between Nigeria and Benin. Maltre Claudine Mougni also gave evidence to me about the enforcement of border controls. Reuben Nwako gave evidence to me as the former head of the Directorate of Investigations of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency. He confirmed that the defendant had helped the Agency in providing information as to the fighting of drug crime and that they were also aware of Mr Kashamu’s brother, Adewale Kashamu, who was regarded as a drug dealer. Bagbonu Gaston the officer in charge of the Interpol Office in Benin gave evidence about the defendant’s assistance to the police, and in particular to the information he provided in relation to his brother and those associated with him. He referred the documents dated 1993 and 1994. If those documents are valid documents there is clear evidence of the assistance the defendant was providing. Mr Coleman on behalf of the United States Government had to challenge those documents, making the allegation that they had been fabricated and only recently inserted into the archives of Interpol in Benin. I could find no evidence to support that contention. I accept the evidence of Mr Gaston. That evidence, coupled with the earlier evidence satisfies me that the defendant was providing the Police and Drug Enforcement Agencies with information about his brother and about the co-conspirators whose evidence of identification forms the basis of the prosecution’s case. To counter the evidence that the defendant was informing on his brother and co-conspirators and to counter the suggestion that he has been mistaken for his brother, the United States Government have tendered in evidence three letters from the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency dated 21st March 2001, 15th November 2001 and 8th May 2002. In these the Agency vehemently denies that the defendant was an informant and maintains that Alhaji Adewale Adeshina Kashamu had died before the defendant was wanted by the drug agency in 1994. It is suggested that the defendant’s brother died whilst attempting to escape from Customs in 1989. However, in the letter of the 8th May 2002 the Agency acknowledges that Mr Adewale Kashamu had been properly issued with a Nigerian passport in 1990 and that there was no evidence that he died in the custody of Nigerian Customs. Other letters from the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency acknowledge that Mr Kashamu was an informant and that Alhaji Adewale Adeshina Kashamu was the subject of a drug investigation which resulted in the closure of his motor car shop in Lagos. The Government seek to maintain that the defendant was not an informant and that his brother died in 1989. The suggestion has been put, but denied, that the letters retracting those allegations were either forgeries or were written as a result of pressure from the defendant, probably exerted by the defendant’s lawyer in Lagos. As to the allegation that the letters were forgeries, I have received evidence from handwriting experts. Mrs Maureen Ward Gandy on behalf of the defendant concludes that the letters were “possibly” written by the same writer but in the absence of any further evidence could not say they were “most probably” written by the same writer. Mr Ada John Craske examined the letters on behalf of the American Government and he is unable to come to a conclusive decision. On that inconclusive evidence from the handwriting experts, I cannot be satisfied that the two “retraction” letters are forgeries. I therefore have to look to the oral evidence that I have received from the officers of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency. I have concluded that the documents are authentic. I then have to consider whether they are documents containing statements of truth or whether pressure has been exerted upon the officials which would cause them to write untruthful letters. I have heard evidence from Mr Rafael Oluyede, who is Mr Kashamu’s lawyer in Lagos. I have also read transcripts of interviews (currently recorded) that he carried out in Lagos with officers of the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency. I am satisfied that Mr Oluyedo put his client’s case forcefully and indicated that High Court proceedings were being contemplated. This may have provided a motive for writing factually inaccurate letters. The counter-argument advanced by the Defence is that similar but different pressure was being exerted through the United States Government’s agent in Lagos on the Agency to provide incriminating letters. I have been unable to resolve whether undue pressure was exerted either by the United States Government or by the defendant. I therefore looked at the provenance of the letters and in particular to the letters produced by the Agency, allegedly being letters sent in 1993 and 1994 by the defendant. In respect of those documents I accept the evidence of the various witnesses who have given evidence from the Enforcement Agency and conclude that the letters were written by the defendant in 1993 and 1994. As a result of the evidence that the Defence has placed before me and the evidence which the Government has tendered in rebuttal, I find the following facts: 1)That the defendant has a brother, Alhaji Adewale Adeshina Kashamu who bears a striking resemblance to that of his brother, the defendant before me. 2)That Burunji Kashamu was an informal to Interpol in Benin, Interpol in Toga and to the National Law Drug Enforcement Agency in Nigeria. 3)He has provided that information since 1993 and has informed upon his brother Alhaji Adewale Adeshima Kashamu and the co-conspirators Fillmore and the Wolters sisters. 4)I am satisfied that Alhaji Adewale Adeshina Kashamu was not killed in 1989 by Customs and I am satisfied that a bank account verified by Alhaji’s address, passport and telephone numbers was being operated as late as October 2000. 5)I am satisfied that the defendant had a proprietary interest in a company known as Kasmal Company Limited which had a Daewoo car dealership but I am satisfied from the documentary evidence that that company was jointly directed by the defendant and his brother. 6)I have been provided with the dates on which the defendant was not in the country of Benin but I found the evidence the relating to the enforcement of the border between Nigeria and Benin unclear and misleading. I have therefore attached little or no weight in it and cannot reach any conclusions as to whether the meetings outlined by the Wolters sisters could or could not have taken place. In the light of these findings of fact, I have applied the following tests. In relation to the abuse of process argument, the Defence have to satisfy me that it is more likely than not that the United State Government, through its agents, have acted in bad faith, in this case knowingly bringing and continuing these proceedings when the Government knew that the evidence it was putting forward was untrue and misleading. I have found as a fact that certain of the assertions made by the Government are untrue. One significant example is in the evidence now before me is the claim that Buruji Kashamu was not an informant. If the Government was aware of that fact and persisted in putting forward such untruthful evidence, it would plainly be evidence to support an abuse of process submission. However, the evidence emanates from an Agency in Nigeria over which the American Government has no authority. It is then passed to America and then to this country and I cannot be satisfied that it was probable that the Government knew that evidence was false. Although I, and no doubt any trial judge, will be concerned at the lack of care by the United State prosecuting authorities in examining and testing this evidence, I am unable to conclude that the Defence have demonstrated that this was probably done with the knowledge of the United States Government. In those circumstances I do not find that there has been an abuse of process. I now turn to consider the submission that there is now no prime facts case. I am applying the test agreed by Mr. Fitz Gerald and Mr. Coleman that all the evidence taken as a whole must be sufficient to say that there is a case to answer. Mr. Coleman points to my original finding that the evidence originally tendered by the Government in those proceedings amounted to a prime fact case when the Prosecution concluded its case. He submits that the evidence I have now heard from the Defense does not undermine the Identification evidence given by Ellen Wolters and Catherine Wolters. Their evidence, he submits, is still unequivocal and the evidence from the Defense merely gives rise to issue on the credibility of their evidence which is essentially a matter for the trial. Ellen Wolters’ evidence is far from precise but she claims to have met the man whom she knows as Alhaji sometime between January 1993 and June 1995. On the basis of that meeting, in November 2000 she identifies a photograph of the defendant as being the individual that she knows as Alhaji. In my judgment the evidence of alleged voice recognition in respect of the tape recording has no probative value whatsoever; indeed there is no evidence of whose voice was recorded. Catherine Wolters claims to have met Alhaji on one occasion in January 1993 and possibly on another occasion in November 1993. She was asked to identify the individual she knows as Alhaji in November 2000, some seven years after she last saw him. For the reasons I gave earlier, I attach no weight to the alleged recognition of a voice on a tape recording. Against that evidence I have to weigh the facts that I have found from the evidence adduced by the Defence. I am satisfied that the defendant has a brother who bears a striking resemblance to him. The brother was not killed in an incident with Customs in 1989 and his name included the name Alhaji. I am satisfied that the defendant’s brother was one of the co-conspirators in the drugs importation which involved Catherine and Ellen Wolters. I am satisfied that the defendant informed both Interpol and the National Drug Law Enforcement Agency of the activities of this group I am mindful of Mr Coleman’s submission that this is a matter of the credibility of the identification witnesses which should essentially remain a matter for a jury. I am however satisfied that the overwhelming evidence here is such that the identification evidence already tenuous , has now been so undermined as to make it incredible and valueless. In those circumstances there is then no prime facie case against the defendant and I propose to discharge him. Tim Workman Designated District Judge 10 January 2003 Cull from Elombah.com |
Burger01:there is nothing buhari can do. it will business as usual |
they should come together and strengthen PDP |
OduaVanguard:then wait till may 29 to fullfill your change. Tribalist ! |
Maxcollins042:Let them wait till may 29. baba one-chance will fix everything from that day. |
beccafey:The OPs say Opeyemi Ajuyah not Ahmadu Ali's son. Tribalist ! |
pheliciti:Buhari was simply snub. the pics tells all. |
rio8484:has Tinubu answered his own case? |
Timoleon:Olodo! Should GEJ be responsible for all the accumulated debt from previous government |
olokfor:source! |
mrmetoo1:are you sure, if not O-Y-O this time. |
DaEngineernet:baba will fix it when he comes in. afterall you people ask for change |
mrmetoo1:which one has tinubu released |
Lanretoye:where now, are the people OBJ track down, are they in Jail or walking freely. Bode gorge, Tafa-balogun, Alameseghia,e.t.c are all walking the street freely. |
PassingShot:na now his eyes come clear, when he dey run his gutter mouth, he should have know the weight behind those words |
atilla:story for the dogs. If you stay in Lagos, you wont be saying such thing. FASHOLA IS A BIG SCAM |
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Gosh! Some of the issues I face are as follows:
– In a gathering of colleagues, your opinion is not as highly regarded as others. No one really cares much about your opinions (especially non work related issues). Some pretend that they do, but in their actions, you can really tell that they don’t. Many think you aren’t responsible. Some think that all you do is to pursue interns or girls all round.

