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I wish to express my profound appreciation for the privilege, which you have bestowed on me, of leading our great party, the African Democratic Congress, into the next elections as its Presidential Candidate. I am truly humbled and excited by this singular honour. We demonstrated that while democracy is being strangled and squashed by the ruling party and its oppressive and anti-democratic government, democracy is alive and well in the African Democratic Congress. In our party, members are allowed to express their views, to have ambitions and to contest for elective positions in a free, fair and transparent process. Our great party is a coalition built through hard work, immense sacrifices and compromises, guided by our determination to rescue our country’s democracy which is facing its greatest threat since the return to democratic rule in 1999. As I speak, virtually all opposition political parties in the country have leadership crisis engineered by the APC government, the INEC and elements in the judiciary. And opposition figures continue to be harassed and intimidated, including those languishing in detention, such as Mallam Nasir El-Rufai who distinguished himself as a public servant, including as a Minister and two-term Governor of Kaduna State. He has been in detention for three months despite court orders granting him bail. He has been denied the right to celebrate two important religious holidays with his family in addition to being denied the opportunity to be by his mother’s side as she took her last breath. All because he is a leading opposition figure! This kind of cruelty must stop. The government continues to harass, intimidate and coerce opposition politicians to join the APC using the security agencies as well as the agencies which were set up by a previous government to fight corruption. Under this government, once a person joins the APC, the harassment ceases and the charges against them magically disappear. This abuse of power must stop. Great care was taken to ensure that due diligence was done in the process of forming this coalition. Yet the government and the INEC continue to undermine it, even trying to deregister it. Let me warn that any further attempt to interfere in the affairs of the party by the Presidency, INEC and judiciary will be fiercely resisted. Enough is enough. I congratulate my fellow contestants for this ticket to represent our great party in the elections scheduled for early next year. I know that you are driven by your patriotism and commitment to a better Nigeria and improved life for our people. I know that, like me, you are deeply concerned about the rapid descent of our country into economic disaster, catastrophic insecurity, extreme nepotism, political intolerance and the drive towards a one-party state by the current government and its party. I thank you for your healthy participation in this democratic process. I must state at this juncture that this is not the time to celebrate. No one was defeated because we are one party and we all need to recognise the fierce urgency of the moment. Therefore, we have to unite, as we pledged before this process, to work to pull our country and our people out of the destructive grip of a corrupt, incompetent and polarising APC government. I thank the primary elections Committee for organising peaceful, free, fair and transparent primaries. I thank the various leadership organs of our party, the various stakeholders, and volunteers for their hard work and dedication and all our party members and supporters for their efforts, patience and conduct during the process. With the primaries behind us, the real hard work is about to begin. We have to prepare to campaign hard to win the next general elections in order to begin the difficult process of rescuing our country and its long-suffering people from this government. We will be guided by clear national plans with set targets and timelines in line with commitments enshrined in our party’s manifesto. We will provide clear leadership that will empower our states to competitively attain the potentials of meeting the expectations of citizens. That will include working with them to guarantee well-outlined minimum standards of welfare provision in line with international best standards. Ours will be a new era of accountable leadership. We shall prioritise Security, Education, the Economy, Healthcare and the challenge of power- sharing among the constituent units of our country. Security Every region of this country is gripped by insecurity, the worst kind in our history. Our people are being slaughtered in large numbers and the government has failed to take decisive and effective action to stop it and bring the perpetrators to justice. The most disturbing is that members of our security forces, including military generals, are being slaughtered wantonly in a manner that can only be embarrassing to our military, which fought to keep the country together and is highly respected in various parts of the world where they distinguished themselves in international assignments. All we have been getting from the government is silence and, on occasion, expression of condolence and empty promises to deal with the murderers. An ADC government under my leadership will take decisive action to address insecurity and protect lives and property in the country. We shall strengthen the armed forces, the police and other security agencies with massive new recruitment, provision of modern and adequate equipment, training, improved welfare and effective leadership. We shall also ensure accountability and proper coordination and intelligence sharing among all our security agencies. It is obvious to us in the ADC that we can only secure our country long-term if we educate our young people and create an economy in which they and their families can thrive and help to change Nigeria and the world for the better. Education Under the watch of this APC government over 20 million of our school-age children are not in school. This cannot be tolerated in the modern world where education is the surest path to descent employment, wealth creation, national development and enlightened citizenry. We will, therefore, implement free and compulsory education at the primary and secondary levels and invest in leadership, entrepreneurial, technological and innovation skills amongst our teeming youth. We shall embark on a holistic revival of our educational system by ensuring that staffing, buildings and all infrastructures are in place to make Nigerian youths competitive again. And the welfare of teachers will reflect their critical importance in nurturing the young. Economy This APC government has failed woefully on the economy. The poverty gripping our people is at a level that we have never seen in our history. The government brandishes statistics claiming that the economy is growing. But what has really been growing is the ill-gotten wealth of a few in and around the corridors of power while our people have extreme difficulty finding food to eat, paying for transport, medical treatment or their children’s school fees. We commit to building an economy that benefits all Nigerians. Building an economy that works for Nigerians can only gather momentum when we address our utterly embarrassing and economy-destroying energy crisis. The provision of electricity is a minimum requirement for industrialization, be it in the factory or in the farm, for big business and for small enterprises. We shall remove the various bottlenecks limiting investments in various sectors of our economy in order to attract local and foreign investments that would create jobs and create meaningful growth in our economy. And we shall provide incentives where necessary to promote investment and job creation. The government promised improved welfare for our people with the removal of fuel subsidy. Needless to say, the savings from subsidy removal has not been accounted for and the economic hardship resulting from the action has been unbearable. To make matters worse, borrowing has become the cornerstone of the economic policy of the APC government under President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. External borrowing alone has reached 30 billion dollars in the last three years. And the massive amounts being borrowed are given away in contracts to friends and cronies of those in government without competitive bidding and with no pretensions of due process. The future of our younger generation is being mortgaged with no accountability. That has to change and will change under an ADC government. Healthcare In the face of glaring healthcare challenges facing the country, we learned recently that the Federal Ministry of Health received only 30 million naira for capital expenditure in the preceding fiscal year. This is clearly a government that doesn’t care about the health of our people. Our ADC government will prioritise healthcare, with emphasis on prevention. Therefore, we will make massive investments in primary healthcare. In addition, we shall properly equip and staff our medical centres of excellence to ensure that our people receive the best specialist care here in Nigeria rather than travel abroad for same. We shall establish more such centres where needed and also incentivise the private sector to establish world class medical facilities across the country to meet the needs of our people. In the coming weeks and months, we shall be rolling out our platform addressing these priorities and other issues in more details and with clear timelines. Fellow citizens, where the APC government offers meaningless renewed hope, we will provide renewed action to repair the damage that they have done to our economy and society in the last twelve years of misrule. My dear friends, we have gone through great challenges to build this coalition. Let us now turn our energies to continuing to build this party as we prepare for the campaign to win the elections and to rescue this country from the current misrule. We have a sacred responsibility to build a party that will stand as a great institution not only in Nigeria but as a great example to the world. I, therefore, appeal to all those who feel aggrieved to come back to our party and close ranks with the rest of us. I appeal to all those who contested for various positions in our primaries to close ranks with us. In particular, I invite Chief Chibuike Rotimi Amaechi and Alhaji Mohammed Hayatu-Deen to join me in this fight to save our democracy and our country. As I said previously, there are no winners and no losers. Our people look up to us for leadership. I am ready to lead. I shall work with you all to continue to build our party. I will campaign with you and, if Nigerians give us the mandate, govern with you to build a country that works for all. Thank you and may God bless you and bless the Federal Republic of Nigeria. -AA
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maestroferddi:You are completely correct brother. Kindly remember that Atiku is a democrat not a dictator. True tenets of democracy allow people to express their feelings and emotions. Atiku will not dare to interfere with that principle. The likes of Peter Obi, Wike, Amaechi Should understand that Atiku doesn't want to dictate as a true democract. According to You that's Weakness but Atiku Says That's Democratic Maturity. May Nigeria and Nigerians Be Blessed With Real Democrats Like Atiku. |
Pakute:Very soon they'll also tell us Abuja Lokoja Road is 80% Completion.. Nigeria's government and lies they're 5&6. |
*ENDURING STRENGTH AND STEADFASTNESS: AN HOUR OF NAHCOM CHAIR RESIGNATION* This statement reflects on the resignation of Professor Abdallah Saleh Usman, NAHCON Chairman, emphasizing integrity, perseverance, and dignity amid sustained opposition, and situating his decision within moral and religious leadership. From the moment he assumed office, Professor Usman faced relentless accusations, political intrigue, and calculated hostility. Yet, through every allegation and orchestrated challenge, he maintained transparency, restraint, and principled resolve, repeatedly overcoming schemes designed to undermine his credibility, authority, and commitment to accountable public service within national religious administrative institutions. His eventual resignation neither signified defeat nor moral failure; rather, it affirmed his ethical consistency. Departing with honor intact, he preserved personal dignity and institutional credibility. Remarkably, even critics conceded his sincerity, acknowledging that integrity sometimes provokes resistance in systems uncomfortable with principled, reform-minded leadership and entrenched bureaucratic political cultures. This episode illustrates a broader moral lesson echoed in Prophetic tradition: times emerge when truthfulness becomes burdensome. Professor Usman’s experience embodies this warning, demonstrating how upright individuals are isolated, opposed, or discouraged. Nevertheless, his conduct reaffirms faith in ethical leadership, patience, and principled withdrawal when conscience demands moral courage prevails. In conclusion, we wish him enduring strength, divine reward, and future success, praying his example inspires courage, honesty, and reform, while history records his service with fairness. Murtala Idris Yunusa Salanken Kajuru |
LIST OF 49 SPURIOUS STATEMENTS BY AMUPITAN Below are 49 statements from Prof. Amupitan’s legal brief (as published in Nigeria’s Silent Slaughter report) that appear wild, exaggerated, or unsupported by credible evidence. 1. It is a notorious fact that there is perpetration of crimes under international law in Nigeria, particularly crimes against humanity, war crimes and genocide. (p. 36) 2. One word that the Nigerian authorities and international investigators and rapporteurs have not mentioned (or simply refuse to mention) in respect of the protracted violence in Nigeria is ‘genocide.’ Is this a deliberate omission or an oversight? (p. 36) 3. The alleged involvement of the State and non-State actors in the commission of crimes under international law in Nigeria has complicated an already complex situation. Consequently, the situation beckons the urgent need for a neutral and impartial third-party intervention, especially the UN and its key organs… (p. 39) 4. (There is an) urgent need for… intervention, especially the UN and its key organs, the military and economic superpowers, and regional or sub-regional organisations… (p. 39) 5. Prof. Amupitan declared that crimes under international law – including genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity – were being perpetrated in Nigeria. (p. 36) 6. The Fulani herdsmen are predominantly Muslims and exhibit fundamentalist tendencies substantially similar to those of the Boko Haram sect. (p. 42) 7. The Boko Haram sect is a desire for the Islamisation of Nigeria. The Fulani ethnic militants, on their part, have engaged in the same anti-Christian violence as their Boko Haram counterparts.” (p. 47) 8. Since it is the agenda of the Fulani to Islamise the whole of Nigeria, they have used the machinery of the State, deliberately handed over to them by the colonialists, to advance their cause at all times. (p. 72) 9. The period of the military regime was used maximally to create States and Local Government Areas, and set boundaries, in a manner that gives economic and political advantages to the Hausa-Fulani ethnic group. (p. 72) 10. The military regime ensured that major strategic appointments went to the Hausa-Fulani group, while their promotions in the public service, especially in the military, police, and customs, were accelerated. (p. 72) 11. The well-orchestrated plan paid off for them because the other ethnic groups did not realise their agenda to Islamise the whole of Nigeria, and by the time the plan was being understood by some… the damage had already become too much. (p. 72) 12. The military, police, customs, and the public service as a whole have been taken over completely, with Islamic fundamentalists planted in strategic positions to supervise the final phase of the agenda. (p. 72) 13. Boko Haram and Fulani herdsmen [are] responsible for an orgy of bloodbath and massive displacements in many States across Nigeria. (p. 36) 14. Although Boko Haram had been formally designated a terrorist organisation in 2013, the Fulani herdsmen — whom he directly accused of orchestrating widespread massacres — had not been officially recognized as terrorists, but rather ‘labelled a terrorist group.’” (p. 36) 15. There is evidence that genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity have been committed by both State and non-State actors. (p. 39) 16. The Nigerian Government has not demonstrated sufficient willpower to deal with the crises; hence they have persisted and proliferated. As there is delay in taking drastic actions, lives are being lost, thereby inching the country’s destination to another Holocaust, Yugoslavia, Rwanda, Darfur and Myanmar. Can the country survive it? (p. 108) 17. Nigeria risks repeating the mistakes of Rwanda and Sudan, where international hesitation led to mass atrocities. (p. 108) 18. Nigeria’s constitutional failure to protect its citizens has made international intervention both a legal and moral necessity. (p. 92) 19. The Fulani militants have engaged in a campaign of killing Christians in the Middle Belt Region of Nigeria, where their activities have been most felt, and indeed other parts of the country. (p. 47) 20. The victims of the crises are mainly the Christian population and the minority ethnic groups in Nigeria, and hence the need for remedial actions under international law. (p. 39) 21. In tracing the roots of Nigeria’s ethno-religious conflicts, Amupitan linked modern-day violence to the Fulani-led jihad of Uthman Dan Fodio in 1804, describing it as a ‘full-blown Islamization agenda. (p. 32) 22. The Fulani elite in government and security agencies have continued to manipulate international opinion and deceive foreign governments into believing that the violence is not a jihad to Islamize Nigeria. (p. 74) 23. Following the 19th century jihad of Uthman Dan Fodio, the Hausa territories were conquered and the Sokoto Caliphate established… The success of the jihad was one of religious triumphalism that aimed at expanding the caliphate to other parts of Nigeria in an irrevocable bid to dip the Quran into the Atlantic Ocean in Lagos. (p. 32) 24. He asserted that the caliphate thereafter became a dominant force in the North, and that subsequent governments had continued to protect its influence through political arrangements. (p. 34) 25. The IDPs have become stateless in their own country. (p. 73) 26. Churches have been desecrated and destroyed in large numbers – over 13,000 churches were reported to have been closed or destroyed in the Northeast alone during the Boko Haram insurgency (2009–2014). (p. 46) 27. Over 60,000 people have been brutally killed since 2001… This conflict is six times deadlier than Boko Haram’s insurgency. 28. The persistent silence from the government is further encouragement to Fulani militants to pillage and occupy land and to kill anyone who resists. The government’s response… reinforces [them] as a group of attackers without criminal repercussions. (p. 72) 29. Fulani herdsmen, with the support of government officials, have occupied lands belonging to indigenous communities and forcefully driven away the original inhabitants. (p. 74) 30. Amnesty International reported that Nigerian security forces committed war crimes in their campaign, including extrajudicial killings and torture, yet no one has been held accountable. (p. 83) 31. The 1804 jihad has now manifested as … Boko Haram, Fulani herdsmen’s attacks and even the Sharia controversy.” (p. 35) 32. Hence this formal and urgent request for international intervention in dealing with the pogrom and attacks against the Christians and minority groups in Nigeria. (p. 35) 33. There is no source of international law under which a State … can intervene … except with the consent of the forum State. (p. 39) 34. Fulani herdsmen take advantage of the fact that their tribesmen control the Federal Government and most of the State Governments in Northern Nigeria. (p. 72) 35. The Federal Government … accepted that the kidnappers in every part of Nigeria are the Fulani herdsmen. (p. 73) 36. Miyetti Allah often takes responsibility for most of the killings by the herdsmen. (p. 73) 37. What more is to be said of State complicity and the actual agenda to fully Islamize Nigeria … This is the real reason for the violence. (p. 73) 38. Fulani elites have literally appropriated the executive, legislative and judicial powers in the country. (p. 75) 39. Communities are] immediately occupied and renamed … followed by the appointment of an Emir. (p. 75) 40. Fulani mercenaries engage in ‘retail killings’ of Christians and other ethnic or religious minorities. (p. 75) 41. This is one expansionist strategy … to depopulate many Christian communities in the Nigerian north central. (p. 76) 42. A Fulani person looks more or less like the ‘Caucasoid’ race. (p. 51) 43. The fusion of Hausa and Fulani into ‘Hausa-Fulani’ … is a grave error. (p. 51) 44. Colonialists handed over a polity fraught with dishonest census figures, political gerrymandering and favouritism … in favour of the Northern Region. (p. 34) 45. Impose sanctions … by the UN … as well as other … sovereign States pursuant to Article 52 of the Charter of the UN. (p. 109) 46. Set up a UN-backed tribunal in Nigeria … as was the case in former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Sierra-Leone. (p. 109) 47. (Have the Security Council pass a resolution) making call for jihad in any part of the world a barbaric act and a breach of the Charter … (an) inchoate act of genocide. (p. 109) 48. Military action by the UN, African Union and ECOWAS forces may be taken as a last resort: Article 42 of the Charter of the UN. (p. 110) 49. Other States should apprehend (Nigerian) perpetrators … and prosecute them (under) universal jurisdiction. (p. 110) Written by Aliyu U. Tilde |
*MUSLIM RIGHTS CONCERN (MURIC)* Motto: Dialogue, Not Violence 31st January, 2026 PRESS RELEASE: *AMUPITAN: CAN CANNOT ADDRESS THE ISSUE – MURIC* An Islamic human rights group, the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), has lashed out at the northern wing of the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) for defending the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), Professor Joash Amupitan, over the allegation of instigating the branding of Nigeria as a country of particular interest and orchestrating the fictitious and malicious Christian genocide narrative. In a statement circulated to newsmen on Saturday, 31st January, 2026 by the Executive Director of the group, Professor Ishaq Akintola, MURIC slammed Northern CAN for ignoring the substance while pursuing the shadow. The group continued: "Two days ago, precisely on Thursday, 29th January, 2026, the Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN), Northern wing, defended the chairman of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) over the allegation of instigating the branding of Nigeria as a country of particular interest and orchestrating a fictitious and malicious Christian genocide narrative. "In a press release signed on the issue, the Chairman of Northern CAN, Reverend Joseph John Hayab and the Secretary General, Bishop Mohammed Naga, accused the Supreme Council for Shari'ah in Nigeria (SCSN) of politicising religion. This was in response to the Council's demand for Amupitan's sack. (https://guardian.ng/news/can-condemns-shariah-councils-call-to-remove-amupitan/). "What we know of mature groups is that they confront issues directly and address them as presented while objective people review situations and separate emotions from facts. But in this case, CAN has elected to put its weight behind sentiment rather than reality. It has ignored the substance while pursuing mere shadow. CAN cannot address the issue. "We therefore put it to CAN that its approach is escapist, cowardly and emotion-laden. It will not sell. How can CAN leave the offender to query the whistle blower? What kind of examination malpractice panel will ignore the candidate who cheats to sanction the invigilator who merely did his job as required? "Who does that? How can CAN do this to Nigeria? How can CAN brush aside the issue of reporting Nigeria to America while focusing on those who interrogated the report as well as the reporter? How can CAN leave the tangential for the peripheral? How can CAN? "Instead of denying or confirming that Amupitan wrote the false and incriminating legal brief, CAN ignored the subject matter and turned round to accusedaccuse the Shari'ah Council of politicising religion. But is that the issue? “The question is whether Amupitan wrote the legal brief or not. CAN sidestepped the issue, dribbling, gangling, grandstanding and maradonising. CAN cannot address the issue. *“Amupitan is only lucky that his Satanic brief was not uncovered until he was given the INEC appointment otherwise he would never have scaled through. But he does not have to be a Kenyan before knowing that it is not yet Uhuru.* "It is now crystal clear that Northern CAN seeks to sweep Amupitan's treasonable offence under the carpet. Yet Northern CAN knows that it is defending the indefensible. That is why it cannot mention the offence committed by Professor Amupitan. A man committed the grave offence of treason against his country, yet CAN is encouraging him. CAN is defending him. "Let us look around the world and see the fate of those who betrayed their countries? They were charged with treason, sedition or espionage and sentenced to long-term imprisonment or executed. "Edmund Campion, one of the Forty Martyrs of England and Wales, was executed in 1577 for high treason. Guy Fawkes, the English Catholic, was hanged for treason in 1606. The Norwegian Vidkun Quisling, though a former minister of defense in Norway, he later became a spy for the Nazis. He was executed after Germany surrendered in 1945, etc, etc. *“Yet we are not asking for the prosecution of Amupitan. No, we are not so vindictive. But only a fool is bitten in the same snake hole twice. We are simply expressing our fear. Nigerian Muslims do not trust this INEC boss, Professor Joash Amupitan. Give us another Christian (from the same North Central if you like). But for us, Amupitan is bad market. We will not touch him with a long pole. Or have we asked for too much?* “A man who writes such frivolous fiction against peace-loving and law-abiding Muslims should not be allowed to decide the fate of the same Muslims. It will amount to gross injustice, executive impunity and deliberate provocation if the Federal Government (FG) ignores the complaints of Muslims against Amupitan on this matter. Already, more than four mainstream Islamic organizations have demanded the removal of the INEC boss. The umbrella organization of Nigerian Muslims was the first to condemn his unpatriotic action. "What else does CAN want to know about those opposing Amupitan's headship of INEC? The Nigerian Supreme Council for Islamic Affairs (NSCIA) condemned his legal brief. The Shari'ah Council complained openly. MURIC demanded his removal three times within the last two months. The Muslim Media Watch Group (MMWG) called for his sack yesterday. What else does CAN want to know? *“All Muslim groups are saying the same thing, namely, Amupitan must go. He has become an existential threat to Islamdom as far as democratic enfranchisement is concerned. Our frank advice to FG is to let Amupitan go. We warn that no good surgeon will hesitate to amputate a rotten part of the anatomy knowing that failure to do so may cause the infection to spread to all parts of the body.* “The Northern Christian body also questioned the motive behind the demand for the removal of Amupitan and wanted to know those sponsoring the call and why such interests are hiding behind the platform of a religious body. We wonder who told CAN that we are in hiding. "We are not hiding. Our identities are well known and we are speaking out loud and clear. We are exercising our fundamental human rights of freedom of expression. The champions of free speech in the United States and the European Union know it even if it is not in their cardinal principle that Muslims should enjoy such rights. "There is concrete evidence of the 80-page legal brief penned by Amupitan and it is replete with lies, hate speech and disdain for Northern Muslims. Amupitan himself has not denied it. Even CAN avoided the main issue, neither denying nor confirming Amupitan's spiteful, mean, petty and parochial petition. “We are not surprised anyway. We are not surprised that Northern CAN is supporting Amupitan. Didn’t CAN itself betray President Bola Ahmed Tinubu by the same attitude and with the same clandestine reports to the United States about Christian genocide in Nigeria? “Was CAN unaware of the likely backlash on the Nigerian leader and the generality of the Nigerian people, if not a la Panama, then a la Venezuela? But did the thought hold them back? A president who risked everything, a man who bent over backwards to give them almost all the gold and diamond in the land of the rising sun was betrayed by them. So what are we saying? “We are worried that Northern CAN leadership has failed to learn from the pages of the Bible: Judas betrayed Jesus (peace be upon him Mathew 26:47-56). Joseph was betrayed by his brothers (Genesis 37:23-28). Samson was betrayed by Delilah (Judges 16:4-21) while David was given away by his own son Absalom (2 Samuel 15-18). Yet our neighbours will not ponder over the fate of those biblical traitors. *“Already, many Nigerians are asking: Et tu CAN? But MURIC is not surprised. Birds of the same feather flock together. Treachery is in some people’s Deoxyribonucleic Acid (DNA.). Like Quisling, like Guy Fawkes. Like Amupitan, like Northen CAN. CAN is beating around the bush. CAN cannot address the issue. No, CAN cannot.”* #CANAddressTheIssue #CANCannot Professor Ishaq Akintola, Founder/Executive Director, Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC). |
God’s Vindication of Muslims in Taraba State By Mustapha Gembu January 31st, 2026 Today, the political landscape of Taraba State has witnessed a dramatic transformation—one that many perceive as divine vindication for Muslims in the state. The entire political structure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Taraba has collapsed into the All Progressives Congress (APC). From the state governor to the Speaker of the State House of Assembly; from all members of the State Assembly to the PDP state chairman, local government chairmen, and other key stakeholders—virtually the entire PDP political machinery has defected to the APC, allegedly in the name of aligning with the federal government. For context, Taraba State has been governed by the PDP continuously since the return of democracy in 1999. For decades, the APC and other political parties existed merely as an opposition party, heavily marginalized and politically suppressed within the state. During this period, the APC was repeatedly labeled with derogatory and inflammatory names such as “Boko Haram party,” “Islamic party,” “Fulani supporter of APC party,” and “Mbororo party.” These labels were deliberately deployed to manipulate poor and vulnerable electorates, instill fear, and secure votes and loyalty for the ruling party through deception and religious sentiment. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) chapter in Taraba State frequently issued press statements against APC members and Muslims in the state, often acting as a mouthpiece for the PDP-led government—particularly during the administration of former Governor Darius Ishaku. During that era, CAN effectively functioned as a de facto political authority, influencing appointments and policies that resulted in the marginalization of Muslims under what was described as “political neutralization” of Muslims in Taraba State. Today, in what many see as God’s intervention on behalf of Muslims in Taraba, the same political caucuses responsible for the underdevelopment of the state—those who promoted religious division, tribalism, and bigotry for selfish political interests and desperation to cling to power—have re-emerged under a new banner. Ironically, they now appear clad in APC regalia, celebrating, dancing, and clapping as newly admitted party members. These shameless decampees are individuals widely regarded as being on the wrong side of history—figures whose reckless exploitation of tribal and religious sentiments contributed to violence and the loss of innocent Taraban lives in their divide-and-rule tactics against the people. Their complete defection to the very political party they once demonized stands as poetic justice—a clear consequence of their actions and, to many, a manifestation of divine retribution and vindication for Muslims in the state. Today, the political space of Taraba has not only been labeled “Islamized” by false narratives, but those who fabricated and weaponized the lies of Islamization have themselves ended up within the same political fold they once vilified. What a turning point in the history of Taraba politics? The Politics of Division finally Meets Its End A Word of Advice to the Decampees into the APC To those who have crossed over into the APC, this moment demands deep reflection, not celebration. Defection alone does not cleanse history, erase past actions, or automatically confer moral legitimacy. Political relocation is easy; accountability is not. You have entered a party you once demonized, maligned, and used as a tool of religious fear-mongering. The minimum expectation, therefore, is humility. This is not the time for entitlement, dominance, or attempts to recreate the same exclusionary politics that once divided Taraba along religious and ethnic lines. If your defection is truly borne out of patriotism and a desire for progress, then you must publicly renounce the politics of hate, tribalism, and religious bigotry that defined your past. Silence is no longer enough. The people of Taraba deserve sincerity, not recycled opportunism. Understand this clearly: the APC is not a refuge for failed power merchants, nor a sanctuary for those fleeing the consequences of their own divisions. It must not be turned into a continuation of the same old politics under a different logo. You are now guests in a political house you once tried to burn. Respect it. Obey its rules. Promote unity. Protect justice. And above all, serve all Tarabans—Muslims, Christians, and every tribe—without bias or superiority. History is watching. The people are watching. And power, as you should know by now, is temporary. Let your actions from this point forward prove that this defection is not another chapter of deception, but a genuine break from a destructive past. |
God’s Vindication of Muslims in Taraba State By Mustapha Gembu January 31st, 2026 Today, the political landscape of Taraba State has witnessed a dramatic transformation—one that many perceive as divine vindication for Muslims in the state. The entire political structure of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in Taraba has collapsed into the All Progressives Congress (APC). From the state governor to the Speaker of the State House of Assembly; from all members of the State Assembly to the PDP state chairman, local government chairmen, and other key stakeholders—virtually the entire PDP political machinery has defected to the APC, allegedly in the name of aligning with the federal government. For context, Taraba State has been governed by the PDP continuously since the return of democracy in 1999. For decades, the APC and other political parties existed merely as an opposition party, heavily marginalized and politically suppressed within the state. During this period, the APC was repeatedly labeled with derogatory and inflammatory names such as “Boko Haram party,” “Islamic party,” “Fulani supporter of APC party,” and “Mbororo party.” These labels were deliberately deployed to manipulate poor and vulnerable electorates, instill fear, and secure votes and loyalty for the ruling party through deception and religious sentiment. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) chapter in Taraba State frequently issued press statements against APC members and Muslims in the state, often acting as a mouthpiece for the PDP-led government—particularly during the administration of former Governor Darius Ishaku. During that era, CAN effectively functioned as a de facto political authority, influencing appointments and policies that resulted in the marginalization of Muslims under what was described as “political neutralization” of Muslims in Taraba State. Today, in what many see as God’s intervention on behalf of Muslims in Taraba, the same political caucuses responsible for the underdevelopment of the state—those who promoted religious division, tribalism, and bigotry for selfish political interests and desperation to cling to power—have re-emerged under a new banner. Ironically, they now appear clad in APC regalia, celebrating, dancing, and clapping as newly admitted party members. These shameless decampees are individuals widely regarded as being on the wrong side of history—figures whose reckless exploitation of tribal and religious sentiments contributed to violence and the loss of innocent Taraban lives in their divide-and-rule tactics against the people. Their complete defection to the very political party they once demonized stands as poetic justice—a clear consequence of their actions and, to many, a manifestation of divine retribution and vindication for Muslims in the state. Today, the political space of Taraba has not only been labeled “Islamized” by false narratives, but those who fabricated and weaponized the lies of Islamization have themselves ended up within the same political fold they once vilified. What a turning point in the history of Taraba politics? The Politics of Division finally Meets Its End A Word of Advice to the Decampees into the APC To those who have crossed over into the APC, this moment demands deep reflection, not celebration. Defection alone does not cleanse history, erase past actions, or automatically confer moral legitimacy. Political relocation is easy; accountability is not. You have entered a party you once demonized, maligned, and used as a tool of religious fear-mongering. The minimum expectation, therefore, is humility. This is not the time for entitlement, dominance, or attempts to recreate the same exclusionary politics that once divided Taraba along religious and ethnic lines. If your defection is truly borne out of patriotism and a desire for progress, then you must publicly renounce the politics of hate, tribalism, and religious bigotry that defined your past. Silence is no longer enough. The people of Taraba deserve sincerity, not recycled opportunism. Understand this clearly: the APC is not a refuge for failed power merchants, nor a sanctuary for those fleeing the consequences of their own divisions. It must not be turned into a continuation of the same old politics under a different logo. You are now guests in a political house you once tried to burn. Respect it. Obey its rules. Promote unity. Protect justice. And above all, serve all Tarabans—Muslims, Christians, and every tribe—without bias or superiority. History is watching. The people are watching. And power, as you should know by now, is temporary. Let your actions from this point forward prove that this defection is not another chapter of deception, but a genuine break from a destructive past. |
NIGERIA UPDATE: Democracy Without Competition? - Nigeria and the Road to 2027 By: Nasir Ahmad El-Rufai – 26th January 2026 Context To put matters in context, let us begin with these 10 quotes, mainly from the years of PDP rule and a few from the APC years: 1. “We cannot talk about the vitality of Nigerian democracy without talking about the vitality of the political opposition. For there is no democracy without diversity in substantive opinion and political affiliation.” Date: July 18, 2011. Event: Speech titled “Democracy in Nigeria and the Rebirth of Opposition” delivered at Chatham House, London. 2. “To underscore this fundamental concept, our party spurned an offer by the ruling party to join a nebulous ‘Unity Government’. Our ground of rejection was that our democracy would be better nourished and better served if we, as a minority party, remain outside the loop of power to nurture the culture of opposition.” Date: July 18, 2011. Event: Speech titled “Democracy in Nigeria and the Rebirth of Opposition” delivered at Chatham House, London. 3. “There are many people who are all too willing to take advantage of the democratic process. They advocate democracy up to the point of gaining power and no further. Once in power, they eagerly whittle down the very democratic mechanisms that enabled their political ascent.” Date: July 18, 2011. Event: Speech titled “Democracy in Nigeria and the Rebirth of Opposition” delivered at Chatham House, London. 4. “Nigerian democracy is not yet strong enough to have corralled these errant forces. Actors with democratic phenotypes but authoritarian genotypes abound in the current political landscape.” Date: July 18, 2011. Event: Speech titled “Democracy in Nigeria and the Rebirth of Opposition” delivered at Chatham House, London. 5. “Rather than resort to the streets in protest and encourage anarchy, the opposition resorted to the courts because of its respect for the rule of law and began the battle to regain the stolen mandates.” Date: July 18, 2011. Event: Speech titled “Democracy in Nigeria and the Rebirth of Opposition” delivered at Chatham House, London. 6. “Rather than fight terrorists the govt targets opposition. D equipment procured to track & fight BH is now being deployed against Oppositn.” Date: August 12, 2014. Event: Statement posted on X (formerly Twitter) criticizing the federal government’s actions under President Goodluck Jonathan during the Boko Haram insurgency. 7. “The arrest of Nasir El-Rufai by the SSS in Anambra if true is another blot on our democracy, coming after yesterday’s failed frame up.” Date: November 16, 2013. Event: Statement posted on X (formerly Twitter) addressing the arrest of an opposition figure by the State Security Service under the ruling People’s Democratic Party administration. 8. “This is democracy at gun point. Our democracy is now at the mercy of the gun. Jega caved in to pressure and blackmail.” Date: February 7, 2015. Event: Statement posted on X (formerly Twitter) in response to the postponement of the 2015 general elections by the Independent National Electoral Commission under pressure from the ruling government. 9. “The vigour and vibrancy of the protests are an indication of the growing strength of the democratic culture in Nigeria. It is a demonstration of the beauty of democracy and its promotion and protection of people’s power.” Date: October 19, 2020. Event: Statement issued during the #EndSARS protests against police brutality, emphasizing the role of protests in democracy. 10. “The use of strong force against any peaceful protesters is indefensible, completely outside the norms of a democratic society and progressive political culture to which I aspire and have devoted my public life.” Date: October 25, 2020. Event: Statement issued in the aftermath of the Lekki Toll Gate incident during the #EndSARS protests, defending the right to peaceful opposition. The ten quotes above are from Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who was, until 2015, amongst the most prominent opposition politicians in modern Nigeria. Introduction One defining feature of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic since 1999 has been the persistence of political competition. Imperfect and often turbulent, our political system has nonetheless allowed alternation, contestation, and meaningful choice. Dominance at the centre has repeatedly been countervailed by opposition victories in states. The myth of incumbent invincibility was decisively broken in 2015, and the tightly fought elections of 2023 reaffirmed the enduring pluralism of Nigerian political life. As I noted recently at the Daily Trust Dialogue, this democratic endurance “constitutes a credit not only to politicians and parties but to the ordinary Nigerian and is indeed a cause for national celebration.” Yet as the country moves toward the 2027 general elections, there are disturbing signs that this tradition of competitive democracy is under systematic threat. What is unfolding is not merely the rough-and-tumble of partisan politics, but an attempt to re-engineer Nigeria into a democracy without competition, featuring elections without real choice, and power without legitimacy. The Project to Hollow Out Political Pluralism The present administration appears increasingly uncomfortable with political pluralism. Across the federation, the ruling party has embarked on an aggressive campaign to portray Nigeria as a virtual one-party state. Governors elected on opposition platforms have been cajoled, pressured, or coerced into defecting. Alongside this poaching runs a more insidious programme: the deliberate weakening, factionalisation, or destruction of opposition parties capable of mounting a credible challenge in 2027. As I observed at the Daily Trust Dialogue, this effort relies on a calculated mix of carrot and stick: selective and constitutionally questionable financial inducements on the one hand, and explicit or implicit threats of arrest, detention, or prolonged investigation by coercive agencies on the other. Governors, legislators, and political actors are being “persuaded” to defect not by ideology or performance, but by fear and survival instinct. The resulting wave of defections reflects not political convergence, but democratic distress. Weaponising State Power Against Dissent Beyond party-level manipulation lies a more dangerous trend: the systematic persecution of individuals perceived as potential anchors of a democratic alternative. Opposition figures are subjected to sustained media vilification, reputational attacks, and selective law enforcement. Even Nigeria’s grave security challenges are being cynically exploited, with allegations of terrorism financing or national security threats casually deployed against political opponents. At the centre of this strategy is the growing politicisation of national security architecture. Agencies endowed with extraordinary coercive powers—intended to protect the state and its citizens—are being pressured to target opposition politicians and to cripple businesses allegedly linked to them. These actions, many of them of dubious legality, corrode the rule of law and convert state institutions into partisan instruments. Africa’s Cautionary Tales—and Nigeria’s Choice This trajectory recalls the practices of certain African regimes that pride themselves on “stability,” countries whose ruling parties perpetually win elections by implausible margins. In such systems, democratic contests are rendered meaningless long before ballots are cast. Nigeria must resist the temptation to emulate these models. Our Constitution does not require unanimity or political monopoly. The threshold it prescribes for victory is a simple majority of votes cast, combined with the required geographical spread. Even if the Constitution had specified much tougher conditions for electoral victory, it would still behove on all political actors to respect the law and the spirit of democratic contestation. Therefore, there is no constitutional justification for destroying the political space in the name of electoral convenience. Democracy without competition is not stability—it is stagnation. Elections without choice do not confer legitimacy; they merely postpone reckoning. Nigeria is better than this, and Nigerians know it. Economic and Institutional Consequences of Democratic Erosion The erosion of political freedom carries direct economic costs. Investor confidence depends not only on macroeconomic indicators, but on institutional predictability, judicial independence, and respect for due process. A climate in which businesses can be targeted by association, where prosecutions appear selective, raises risk premiums and depresses long-term investment. Democratic backsliding thus compounds existing challenges in foreign exchange stability, power sector reform, and fiscal federalism. Equally damaging is the impact on the judiciary and law enforcement institutions themselves. When courts are perceived as instruments of political intimidation rather than neutral arbiters, public trust erodes. Appellate trends that suggest deference to executive pressure, rather than rigorous protection of rights, deepen the crisis of confidence. Reclaiming the Democratic Purpose A patriotic contribution to Nigeria’s political future lies not in suppressing opposition, but in strengthening democratic practice. Free and fair elections require not only credible electoral administration, but an open political climate in which citizens can organise, speak, and choose without fear. As Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu said in a 2011 Chatham House speech “we cannot talk about the vitality of Nigerian democracy without talking about the vitality of the political opposition. For there is no democracy without diversity in substantive opinion and political affiliation.” He spoke these words as an opposition leader. As president, he has a duty to follow this sterling path and use his powers and influence to secure for our country a vibrant, competitive democracy, freedom from oppression and better life for its citizens. The central task before Nigeria is not how to eliminate rivals, but how to mobilise political energy, policy talent, and managerial competence to meet citizens’ real needs: human security, quality public education, accessible healthcare, reliable infrastructure, and inclusive economic opportunity. These are the true tests on which governments should seek re-election. Conclusion: The Road to 2027 As 2027 approaches, Nigeria stands at a crossroads. One path leads toward managed democracy, which appears orderly on the surface but is hollow at its core. The other preserves the noisy, demanding, and ultimately creative pluralism that has sustained the Fourth Republic for over two decades. The choice should not be difficult. Nigeria’s strength has always relied on its diversity of voices and the resilience of its people. To silence that diversity in the name of control would be to betray both the Constitution and the future. Democracy with competition is not a threat to Nigeria’s stability, but its surest foundation.
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FABRICATED LIES AGAINST MUSLIMS IN NIGERIA In the ongoing ideological and socio-political campaign against Muslims across Nigeria, several false narratives have been deliberately constructed and persistently promoted. These narratives are often driven not by facts or evidence, but by prejudice, fear, and deep-seated bias against Islam and its adherents. Below are some of the most commonly fabricated lies and the realities that debunk them. 1. Islamization Agenda The allegation of an Islamization agenda in Nigeria is a blatant falsehood repeatedly used to incite fear and suspicion against Muslims. There is no credible evidence, policy, or documented case of anyone being forced to embrace Islam in Nigeria. The Nigerian Constitution guarantees freedom of religion, and individuals who choose Islam do so willingly, guided by personal conviction and conscience. Religious conversions occur daily across all faiths, and portraying voluntary religious choice as a coordinated agenda is both dishonest and dangerous to national cohesion. 2. Land Grabbing Within the context of competition between farming and animal grazing, a misleading narrative of land grabbing by Fulani herders has been widely circulated. To date, no verifiable evidence has shown that Fulani pastoralists have forcefully and permanently taken over land or property belonging to individuals or communities anywhere in Nigeria. Traditionally, these nomadic or semi-nomadic herders migrate seasonally in search of pasture and water for their livestock, following age-long routes shaped by climatic conditions. The land-grabbing claim largely arises from misunderstandings, population pressure, environmental degradation, and the breakdown of traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms—not from a deliberate plan to dispossess communities. 3. Fulanization Agenda The so-called Fulanization agenda is often invoked alongside the Islamization narrative to reinforce an already biased perception of Muslims. This claim falsely suggests that Fulani herders are pursuing ethnic domination across Nigeria. While herders are sometimes seen carrying cutlasses, these tools are primarily used for clearing bushes and cutting tree branches during grazing. There has never been a verified case of anyone being compelled to accept Islam or submit to Fulani dominance through force or intimidation. The narrative thrives largely on stereotypes and selective storytelling rather than on facts. 4. Establishment of an Islamic Caliphate Another recurring falsehood is the claim that Fulani herders or Nigerian Muslims are seeking to establish an Islamic Caliphate. This allegation is often linked to the farmer–herder crisis and amplified by fear-based propaganda. In reality, Fulani herders are mostly impoverished pastoralists struggling to survive amid climate change, cattle rustling, and economic hardship. No town, village, or community in Nigeria has been captured or governed for the purpose of establishing an Islamic Caliphate. Even extremist groups such as Boko Haram and ISWAP—who falsely cloak their criminal activities in religious language—have failed to establish any recognized Islamic emirate or caliphate in Nigeria. 5. Declaration of Religious or So-Called Jihadism The narrative of jihadism is another distortion arising from Nigeria’s widespread insecurity, particularly the farmer–herder conflicts, which are often misrepresented as religious wars. Similar exaggerations have produced the unfounded claim of a “Christian genocide” in Nigeria. In truth, insecurity has claimed the lives of more Muslims than adherents of any other faith, alongside countless Nigerians who do not identify with any religion. Violence in Nigeria is largely driven by criminality, banditry, poverty, weak governance, and impunity—not by religion. Regarding the farmer–herder crisis, attacks attributed to pastoralists are often consequences of cattle rustling, poisoning, and killings, provocation, selective justice, impunity, and collective blame. The widespread belief that pastoralists are not indigenous to certain regions—or to Nigeria as a whole—has further deepened mistrust and hostility. These assumptions ignore history and contribute to the oversimplification of a complex, largely socio-economic and environmental conflict. Conclusion : All these narratives—land grabbing, Fulanization, Islamization, religious war (jihadism), Christian genocide, and similar claims—remain unsupported by facts. They persist because they are repeatedly amplified through misinformation, prejudice, and deliberate misrepresentation. Such falsehoods serve only the interests of those who profit from division and instability. For Nigeria to move forward, citizens must reject propaganda, seek truth, and promote dialogue. Peaceful coexistence can only be sustained when differences are addressed with honesty, justice, and empathy rather than fear and fabricated lies. By Mustapha Gembu Date: January 20, 2025 |
NORTHERN CHRISTIANS DANCING TO THE DRUM OF IGBO SEPARATISTS By Mustapha Muhammad Gembu Date : January 19, 2026 For decades, Northern Nigeria has been a region defined by coexistence. Indigenous Christian communities have lived alongside Muslim majorities, sharing common markets, neighborhoods, cultural exchanges, and—most importantly—shared struggles. Insecurity, poverty, underdevelopment, and weak governance have affected Northerners collectively, regardless of religious identity. Yet in recent years, this fragile balance has come under strain due to the growing politicization of religion and the uncritical adoption of external narratives that do not reflect the complex realities of the North. Today, a disturbing trend is unfolding: many Northern Christians are increasingly aligning themselves with political and ideological agendas driven by Igbo Christian elites and separatist movements from Nigeria’s South-East. This alignment, often fueled by emotion, religious sentiment, and perceived marginalization, risks dragging Northern Christians into a political project that neither prioritizes their survival nor safeguards their long-term interests. The Igbo Separatist Agenda and Its Hidden Motives At the heart of this issue is the agitation for a breakaway state known as Biafra, championed by groups such as IPOB and its armed wing, ESN. While these movements present themselves as victims of injustice and defenders of Christian interests, their ultimate objective is the fragmentation of Nigeria along ethnic lines to advance Igbo political dominance in a reconfigured state. The destabilization of Nigeria is therefore not an unintended consequence but a strategic objective. Unfortunately, many Northern Christians have failed to recognize that they are being mobilized as tools—useful allies in international advocacy campaigns but expendable in the final political calculation. The 2023 Presidential Election: Religion Over Reason The 2023 general election marked a turning point in this troubling alliance. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s selection of Kashim Shettima as his running mate triggered intense backlash, particularly among Christian groups. Rather than being evaluated within Nigeria’s long tradition of strategic ticket balancing, the Muslim–Muslim ticket was framed as an existential threat to Christianity. Churches across Northern Nigeria became political mobilization centers. Sermons were transformed into campaign messages, and voting choices were framed as acts of religious defense. Consequently, Northern Christians voted overwhelmingly for Mr. Peter Obi of the Labour Party. This mass support was not based on Peter Obi’s policies toward Northern development, security reform, or economic revival. Instead, it was rooted largely in religious identity and a shared Christian affiliation. In the process, Northern Christians rejected not only the APC ticket but also credible Northern candidates such as Atiku Abubakar and Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso—men with deep understanding of Northern realities—simply because they are Muslims. For Igbo Christian elites, this support served a broader ethnic project. But for Northern Christians, it represented a dangerous abandonment of regional solidarity and political pragmatism. The Weaponization of the “Christian Genocide” Narrative Perhaps the most damaging development has been the aggressive promotion of the claim that Christians are being systematically exterminated in Nigeria. This narrative, heavily amplified by IPOB-linked networks and international lobbyists, has gained traction in Western political and media spaces. Northern Christians, who experience insecurity firsthand, know that violence in the region is not selectively religious. Banditry, Boko Haram, ISWAP, and other armed groups have killed thousands of Muslims and Christians alike. Entire Muslim villages have been wiped out, mosques destroyed, and Muslim clerics assassinated. Yet these realities are often ignored in favor of a simplified and emotionally charged genocide claim. Despite knowing this truth, some Northern Christians have joined the campaign to portray Nigeria as a country engaged in religious extermination of Christians. This has been driven more by resentment, fear, and external validation than by factual accuracy. Distorting Farmer–Herder Conflicts Nowhere is this distortion clearer than in the farmer–herder conflicts across Plateau, Benue, Southern Kaduna, and parts of the North-Central region. These conflicts are primarily rooted in land use, climate pressure, population growth, and the collapse of traditional conflict-resolution mechanisms. Both Fulani pastoralists and farming communities—Muslims and Christians—have suffered enormous losses. However, these conflicts are repeatedly reframed as a one-sided religious war against Christians, erasing Muslim victims and deepening mistrust. This selective framing has hardened identities, escalated reprisals, and made peaceful resolution more difficult. It has also allowed criminal elements and ethnic militias on all sides to justify violence under the cover of religious self-defense. The Role of Religious Leadership One of the most painful aspects of this crisis is the role played by some Northern pastors and church leaders. Instead of acting as voices of moderation and truth, they have actively promoted exaggerated genocide narratives on international platforms. By doing so, they have endangered the very coexistence that allows Christian communities to thrive in the North. Worse still, many of these leaders openly tied their advocacy to partisan politics, endorsing Peter Obi primarily as a symbolic rejection of Muslim political leadership. This approach ignores a fundamental reality: to many Southern elites, especially within the Igbo political imagination, all Northerners are seen as Hausa-Fulani Muslims. Northern Christians are not viewed as a distinct political constituency deserving protection or autonomy. International Fallout and External Interference The consequences of exporting these narratives have been severe. U.S. congressional hearings, fact-finding missions, and media reports—often based on incomplete or biased information—have shaped foreign policy positions toward Nigeria. The designation of Nigeria as a Country of Particular Concern (CPC) was one such outcome. Subsequent foreign military actions and diplomatic pressure, particularly targeting Muslim-majority regions like Sokoto, further deepened internal divisions. More alarming still are proposals by some U.S. lawmakers suggesting the partition of Nigeria into Northern and Southern entities. These proposals are rooted in the same flawed genocide narrative now being championed by some Northern Christians. The Inevitable Cost to Northern Christians In any hypothetical division of Nigeria—however unrealistic—Northern Christians would be the greatest losers. They would become politically isolated minorities in a region defined by geography, not sentiment. No Northern state would realistically align with a Southern bloc, leaving Northern Christians without leverage, protection, or strategic relevance. What is being presented as religious solidarity is, in reality, a path toward political marginalization and existential vulnerability. The Reality of Violence in Northern Nigeria Violence in Northern Nigeria is not the monopoly of any religion. If Fulani extremists have killed Christians, then Christian militias—Berom, Jukun, Adara, Kataf, and others—have also killed Muslims. Entire Muslim communities have been attacked, displaced, and erased from ancestral lands. To describe one side as terrorists and the other as victims is intellectually dishonest and morally dangerous. The North is bleeding collectively. Conclusion The insecurity ravaging Northern Nigeria is not a Christian-only tragedy; it is also a Muslim tragedy. If there is any talk of genocide, then both Christians and Muslims are victims. While some Fulani herders—who are nominally Muslim—have committed atrocities, there are also Christian militant groups and ethnic militias, including Berom, Jukun, Adara, Kataf, and others, who have killed Muslims in various conflicts. Violence in the North is complex, multi-layered, and not exclusive to any single faith. Northern Christians must therefore rethink their blind alignment with Southern Christian political agendas and separatist narratives. The continued framing of economic and security conflicts as religious wars, and the promotion of exaggerated genocide claims, serve neither peace nor the long-term interests of the North. The sooner Northern Christians move beyond religious sentiment, reject divisive propaganda, and stand in solidarity with their fellow Northerners—regardless of faith—the better it will be for them and for the stability of the region as a whole. What the North needs is not religious war, but collective resolve. |
Cleanmouth:Na only Sen Aduda You See? Wicked Man. Though Aduda has gradually reduced himself to an errand boy to Wike |
Jazaa Kallahu Khairan Sir. May Allah Reward You Abundantly for this work. |
RIP May Allah Forgive His Shortcomings and Grant Him Jannah Alfirdaus. May Allah Console The Entire Family |
Congratulations to the appointees. Dem say Phillip is the deputy governor. |
Very Unprofessional Wallahi. Arrest The Aminu First And Parade Them Together. You Paraded Hauwa and You think the Aminu will remain in His base and wait for you? Nigeria we Really Hail Thee. |
Arabic Language الغة العربية |
[quote author= post=131273233]Only Almighty God Will Surly Help Us Out ooo[/quote]We thank God they're caught. Otherwise, the news headlines will be Suspected Fulani Herdsmen kidnapped. |
victorclean:U a M_e_n Ta_lly Si_ck. Need 2 see Specialist in Yaba Left. |
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Jazaa Kallahu Khairan Akramakallah. May Allah Continue To Guide Us. Jummu'ah Mufeedah and Happy Weekend Colleagues. |
Viralhub22:Personality Of The Quiet Person Quiet people are often misunderstood and underestimated by others. They may seem shy, aloof, or boring, but they have many hidden strengths and qualities that make them unique and valuable. Here are 10 psychology facts about quiet people that you may not know: 1. They speak only when spoken to. Quiet people rarely initiate conversations, unless they have something important or relevant to say. They are not necessarily shy; they just don’t feel the need to fill the silence with unnecessary words. They only share when things need to be shared. 2. They are economical with their words. Quiet people think carefully before they speak, and choose their words wisely. They don’t want to say the wrong thing and backtrack, or be misunderstood. They are concise and clear in their communication, and avoid small talk and fluff. They know how to get to the point of things right away. 3. They get intimidated by fast talkers. Quiet people can feel overwhelmed and exhausted when confronted by someone who is the complete opposite of them. When someone chatty meets a quiet person, they may expect quick and enthusiastic responses, but quiet people need time to process and respond. Quiet people are not uninterested in the conversation; they just have a different pace and style of communication. 4. They try to avoid crowded situations. Quiet people are usually introverted, which means they feel drained by social interactions and need alone time to recharge. Crowded places or events can be too stimulating and stressful for them, so they prefer quieter and more intimate settings. They do what they can to avoid scenarios that can sap their energy. 5. They catch everything around them. Quiet people are excellent observers and listeners. They pay attention to details and nuances that others may miss. They are aware of their surroundings and the people in them, and can pick up on subtle cues and signals. They can also empathize with others and understand their perspectives. 6. They can be super productive. Quiet people are not lazy or passive; they are focused and diligent. They can work independently and efficiently, without needing constant supervision or feedback. They can also concentrate deeply on their tasks and block out distractions. They are self-motivated and driven by their own goals. 7. They can be calm in tough situations. Quiet people are not easily rattled or panicked; they are composed and resilient. They can handle stress and pressure better than most people, because they don’t let their emotions get the best of them. They can think rationally and logically, and find solutions to problems. 8. They tend to be minimalists. Quiet people are not materialistic or greedy; they are content and grateful. They don’t need a lot of things to be happy or fulfilled; they value quality over quantity. They prefer simplicity and elegance over complexity and extravagance. They are not wasteful or careless; they are mindful and responsible. 9. They may have quiet BPD. Quiet BPD (Borderline Personality Disorder) is a subtype of BPD that is not officially recognized by the DSM, but is widely acknowledged by mental health professionals. People with quiet BPD suffer from the same emotional pain as those with classic BPD, but they internalize it rather than externalize it. They implode rather than explode; they hurt themselves rather than lash out at others². Some signs and symptoms of quiet BPD are: Feeling empty and numb most of the time Having extreme mood swings that seem to come from nowhere Hiding anger, sometimes to the point of not knowing it when angry Blaming oneself for things even when they are not at fault Having a deep fear of abandonment, toxic shame, and severe anxiety of conflicts Appearing calm, successful, or even happy on the outside, but suffering from extreme pain on the inside Mentally retreating and becoming dissociated when stressed Withdrawing and ending relationships without speaking to the person when upset Feeling defective and unworthy of love Idealizing other people one moment, but losing trust in them soon. 10. They speak in their thoughts and hearts. Quiet people are not cold or distant; they are warm and sincere. They don’t express themselves verbally as much as others do, but they communicate in other ways that are more meaningful and authentic to them. They speak in thoughts and heart; they share their ideas and feelings through writing, art, music, gestures, actions, or simply being there for someone. |
ISLAMBAD:It's The Religion That Preached Humanity. Point of Correction Please. So It's Religion First Before Humanity. There's So Much About Humanity in Islam. |
Cost of petrol in some oil producing countries. According to Saturday Sun. Venezuela N2; Libya N14; Iran N13; Angola N122; Algeria N156; Kuwait N158; Egypt N173; Kazakhstan N224; Nigeria N488; Iraq N264; Qatar N266; Saudi Arabia N287; Ecuador N292; Russia N299; Sudan N405; Indonesia N391; Colombia N323; India N582; Norway N959; Mexico N652; Brazil N482; UAE N357; Canada N624 God Bless Nigeria and Nigerians. |
JigsawKillah:Cost of petrol in some oil producing countries. According to Saturday Sun. Venezuela N2; Libya N14; Iran N13; Angola N122; Algeria N156; Kuwait N158; Egypt N173; Kazakhstan N224; Nigeria N488; Iraq N264; Qatar N266; Saudi Arabia N287; Ecuador N292; Russia N299; Sudan N405; Indonesia N391; Colombia N323; India N582; Norway N959; Mexico N652; Brazil N482; UAE N357; Canada N624 God Bless Nigeria and Nigerians. |
Congratulations to all the winners. PDP Had 34 seats and still counting Labour 7 Seats and probably still counting SDP APGA All have seats. That's Beautiful. |
3rd March, 2023 PRESS RELEASE: 2023 ELECTION : MURIC THANKS THE NORTH An Islamic human rights advocacy group, the Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC), has expressed appreciation to the North for keeping its promise on power shift to the South. The group described the North as the bastion of honour, the citadel of nobility and the abode of integrity in Nigeria. MURIC made the declaration in a press statement signed by its Executive Director, Professor Ishaq Akintola, on Friday, 3rd March, 2023. The full statement reads: “It is an open secret that Nigeria’s political parties resolved to shift power to the South in the buildup to the 2023 general elections. It was argued that it would be unfair to the South if another Northerner succeeds President Muhammadu Buhari, a Northern Fulani. “Although all eyes were on the two major political parties to implement this unwritten agreement, only the All People’s Congress (APC) implemented it by picking Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a Southern Yoruba. The main opposition party, the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), reneged and fielded Alhaji Atiku Abubakar, another Northern Fulani. “This resulted in friction within the PDP leading to the emergence of the G-5 group. Palpable tension gripped the South as doubts were expressed about the sincerity of Northerners. Cynics argued that the North would not keep its promise since they now have one of their own, a Fulani, as the PDP presidential candidate. “MURIC in particular was derided by non-Muslims in the South. We were called slaves of the North. But we stood our ground. We insisted that we trusted the North particularly on the basis of understandings reached and pledges made at various Islamic fora on MURIC’s avowed project for the emergence of a Yoruba Muslim president. “The ground-breaking decision came just before the parties’ primaries when 12 Northern governors (the Noble Dozen) insisted that power must shift to the South (https://sunnewsonline.com/apc-northern-group-insists-on-power-shift-to-south/). This enabled Tinubu to emerge as the flagbearer of the ruling party and ultimately as the President-Elect after the presidential election held on Saturday, 25th December, 2023. “A brief analysis of the results of the presidential election reveals that Tinubu polled the lion share of his votes in the North to give him his much needed victory. Working on approximate figures without claiming any mathematical exactitude, the total scores of Tinubu in the South was 3,196,040 whereas he garnered 5,598,686 in the North, a difference of about two and a half million. This gave him a grand total of 8,794,726. He scored 127,370 votes in the South East, 799,957 in the South South and 2,279,407 in the South West. “The outcome of the presidential election showed that Northern votes won the election for Tinubu. The Northern figure almost doubled what he scored in the South. It showed that Northerners stood by their words. They walked their talks. They took the path of honour and nobility. They abandoned a Northern Fulani candidate, Atiku Abubakar, and voted for a Southern Yoruba Muslim candidate, Bola Ahmed Tinubu. “We doff our hats for the North. We salute integrity. The North is a reliable friend by all standards. The region stood behind Tinubu, a Southern Muslim, like the Rock of Gibralta. “In fact, numerous calls received in MURIC’s Lagos headquarters during the tension-soaked hours of the collation of results proved beyond any reasonable doubt that our Northern brothers and sisters were even more concerned than us in the South. We celebrate the North. “They called to give assurance. They called to know how we were holding on in the South. The solidarity was rock-solid, tremendous, unprecedented. But most gratifying were the congratulatory messages that came from the same Northern brothers to MURIC’s office after Tinubu was declared winner. We give it to the North. “With this strong support for a Southerner coming from the North, the myth of a Northern oligarchy has fallen apart. The conspiracy theories of the existence of a Northern Caliphate bent on perpetuating Northerners in power becomes a mirage, a phantom. The ‘born to rule’ propaganda which haters of the North has been brandishing has been proved to be false, baseless and unfounded. “Not only did the North win this election, it won the battle, pocketed the war itself and carted away the propaganda. It is a massive and disgraceful defeat for Southern ideologues, merchants of hate and peddlers of anti-North as well as anti-Muslim fake news. The North has disappointed the nay sayers and the doubting Thomases. The North has proved, without any iota of doubt, that it is the bastion of honour, the citadel of nobility and the abode of integrity in Nigeria. We salute the North. “It is a big lesson for Southern Muslims who still entertain doubts about their Northern brethren. It is a big blow for non-Muslims whose hobby is to create wedges between Southern Muslims and their Northern counterparts. They sow the seeds of doubt and suspicion in the minds of Southern Muslims against their Muslim brothers in the North. “They are always eager to tell Southern Muslims that Northerners would not pray behind them. They are always anxious to let Southern Muslims know that Northerners regard them as their slaves. They spread false information about Northerners and Muslims. We were able to counter all these. They resorted to blackmail and threats against MURIC when all their tricks failed yet we were not bothered. “But the wind has blown. We have seen the ruff of the hen. We have seen Northern Muslims praying behind Yoruba and Igbo Imams even in the National Mosque, Abuja. Never again shall we allow confusionists to judge our Northern brothers for us. Never again shall we doubt our Northern brothers. Never again!” #ThankYouNorth #NorthIsTrustworthy #NorthIsBastionofHonour Professor Ishaq Akintola, Executive Director, Muslim Rights Concern (MURIC) |
INEC will only announced the winner of the election. Rigging isn't possible any longer |
Atiku all the way in Shaa Allah. |
Nancy070:Nigerians had a Good Luck before PMB. God Bless Nigeria and Nigerians. |
BethiMcCauley:Even with the drones you purchased. Still placing Ransome on terrorists? God Bless Nigeria and Nigerians. |