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~Bluetooth:And was corroborated by which other news media -online and print? By the end of today, you will see this same news in other newspapers. Which other news paper carried the idiotic Ojukwu-to- Jonathan visit news? Can you think at all? |
sbeezy8:Do you honestly believe that the only thing you have in Nigeria is votes? Is that how Yoruba controlled Nigeria's presidency for 8 years? Is Obasanjo or Falae, Abiola? Did Obasanjo win the elections that was annulled? ![]() If it is only your votes, do you think a Yoruba would have ruled Nigeria? ![]() Did Jonathan, for instance, become VP through votes? ![]() I can go on, but then I know you and your people. Your selfishness is astounding. |
A lot of horse trading is going on now since both IBB and Jonathan declared. The political maneuvers over the next few weeks will be very interesting indeed! Let the games begin. ![]() |
~Bluetooth:This one is in a national newspaper. The other one was figment of your imagination which never made it to any daily newspapers. |
Kobojunkie:More like classic kobomanwoman. You think I have time for your madness today? Please don't derail this thread. ![]() |
Kobojunkie:No slowpoke, I asked you to chose being a man or woman. You are scaring people here. If you can't choose one, that is where the rope comes in. ![]() |
Beaf:One of the greatest US presidents -Ronald Reagan- was 70 when he took office in 1981. He ran two terms and left office at 78. He achieved far more than younger presidents. Go figure. |
Kobojunkie:akwuna nwanyi/nwoke You've gat to choose one soon though. ![]() Yes, he is your king in Igboland. D'you need a rope? ![]() |
What people still don't understand is that Ndigbo feel that there is a post civil war conspiracy against them in Nigeria. That conspiracy has manifested several times, and some groups (who were bested by the Igbo in the 50s and 60s) openly boast that they would never allow an Igbo to become president. So, in light of that, do you think that Ndigbo will accept anything short of presidency of Nigeria? Of course not. ![]() @koruji It is idiotic to compare us to Yoruba subgroups. We are a nation of between 30 to 50 million people. It is like telling a Zulu that he can never be president of South Africa. Igbo could be the single largest ethnic group in Nigeria. We are talking about the presidency because of that fact. Anything outside of that will signal to us that the civil war is still continuing. That is why folks like Ojukwu will remain relevant to Igbo psychology in Nigeria. He epitomizes our struggle, survival and independence. |
sbeezy8:Well, if I must burrow it into your skull, we want to be Nigerians or Biafrans. It must be one or the other. How can I be a Nigerian when I can't tell my child that he can become Nigeria's president one day? If I can't say that -because of whatever reason- then there is a question about my nationality. Are Igbos Nigerians?If we are, then we MUST produce a Nigerian president. If not, we must leave Nigeria. Simple. |
~Bluetooth:I told you that anyone who believed that story was a goat. Well, what can I say to you now. . . |
koruji:Or he may have gone to present to the Eze Igbo gburugburu his CONCRETE program of action to fix the Igbo question in Nigeria. A lion recognizes another. ![]() |
I've been rolling on the floor since this thread started. But c'mon now! there's no way anyone comes near OBJ. He is in his own class. ![]() |
Beaf:Much as I like the idea of actions speaking louder than words, I am educated enough to understand that government is not a private business. In private businesses, you can "work without making a noise"; in fact, it is an advantage over the competition! In running a public office, however, you have no advantage of stealth; after all, you could also be stealing our money "without making a noise". ![]() That is THE PROBLEM with Jonathan's approach. Nobody is saying that he should blow his trumpet or shout at the top of his voice. He only needs to say what he plans to do, where he plans to take the country, so that the citizen can evaluate them and agree or disagree, or know whether he succeeded in the set "public policy goal", or failed. Nigeria, though we have made it to look like a pure banana republic, is really a country with the highest number of educated Africans or black people on earth. So let's respect the country. We need public policy statements and positions by our president, and all presidential candidates, to enable us score them if or when they get there. |
^^^ This article is too powerful not to share. It deserves a thread of its own. ![]() |
[size=16pt] Olumhense: To Defeat The PDP Is A Task That Must Be Done [/size] When Nigeria goes to the polls next January, it will be a very simple national assignment: retake Nigeria. The objective will be to sweep the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) from power: quickly, firmly, surely. The strategy will be to vote for any party other than the PDP, and for anyone other than the PDP candidate. The means for ensuring the triumph of that strategy will be even simpler for committed Nigerians: wake up, and stay awake for as long as would be required. That way, you would not forget to vote, nor would anybody you know. You would sing and shout long and loud enough to remind everyone to do their duty to their fatherland. You would charge your cell phone in order to ensure that those who cannot hear your voice on your street can hear their phone ring. You would enthusiastically escort people to the polling stations and guarantee that neither harm nor hunger comes between them and the casting of their vote. You would then do whatever you need to do to ensure that your vote is neither stolen nor sold. 2011 is as simple as that. For over 10 years, the PDP has conducted itself not as a political party which believes in multi-party democracy, but as an army of occupation. It has desecrated democracy’s most cherished values, placing itself above law and above political responsibility. All over the country, there is hardly any state where the PDP has won a true election, let alone a free and fair one. All over the country, there is hardly any state where the PDP shines as a beacon of service or responsibility or hope. The PDP insists on calling itself a party, but perhaps only in the sense of revelry or merrymaking. Top members publicly conduct themselves like brigands: cheating, lying, looting. As we prepare for the 2011 elections, Nigerians know that a PDP man of honour is almost a contradiction in terms. There might be one here and then there, but the nature of the PDP is such that they are discouraged from high office and banished to little windowless rooms where they wither and die. Nigerians have four months to confront the thought that the trajectory of Nigeria’s decline and collapse parallels the emergence of the PDP. The party’s aversion to principle and high standards is reflected in the final collapse of our institutions, the dissipation of our hopes, and the marginalization of our best minds. Under the PDP, ours is a story of double standards: one for those in the party, another for those outside it; one for those in power, another for those outside it; one for other peoples and other places, and another for Nigeria. Under the PDP, Nigeria lacks multilateral stature. We no longer enjoy recognition even within Africa. We cannot prepare for the Olympics, let alone the World Cup. Under the PDP, Nigerians fight to be enrolled in Ghanaian schools. Under the PDP, Nigeria is being compared to Somalia. In PDP-Nigeria, Gabon is a better footballing nation than Nigeria. In PDP-era Nigeria, corruption is a game, not a crime, and the largest looters shine. In PDP-era Nigeria, to be involved in an international scam such as Halliburton or Siemens or Wilbros is no embarrassment to the country; it makes you a star of the party. You are on the next National Honours List. Under the PDP, the executive and the legislature have a collegial relationship so that when they rob the people, they are applauded as philanthropists. Under the PDP, the judiciary is an instrument of the executive, and justice is delayed, denied, and denigrated. Look around, PDP Big Men are only displaced, never misplaced. That is why, for instance, Lucky Igbinedion continues to be a power broker in Edo State, in addition to anchoring PDP celebrations in South Africa. Paul Odili is reportedly on his way to being Nigeria’s next Vice-President, on Ibrahim Babangida’s ticket. Tony Anenih has returned from the “hot soup” Olusegun Obasanjo planned for him, to take his place next to Goodluck Jonathan. Dipreye Alamieseigha, barely out of his Mama Iyabo disguise, is being entrusted with ensuring his former deputy does not lose a single vote in the Delta. The PDP rule is simple: stay—don’t stray—and you can enjoy choice homes in Maitama, in Dubai, and even in Potomac, Maryland, where one Barack Obama can hear you laugh at night. One James Ibori arrogantly forgot this lesson, which is why—unless they can get Alamieseigha’s disguise to him in time—his PDP friends will soon be comforting his women in his beds, and distributing his mansions among themselves. This is the philosophy that has brought Nigeria to its knees. In Esan, we say that the dog in the hunt hunts for the dog. It has resulted in the triumph of greed and impunity, of people who steal their peoples blind, only to retire to a life of political luxury, or move into the Senate to fashion new privileges and rules for themselves. With the PDP in power, that Nigeria is not going to change. Nigerians will have to do the changing by themselves. That is why the elections of January 2011 are such a marvelous opportunity for Nigerians outside the PDP blind spot. In that one month, we can change everything by ensuring that the PDP is roundly and permanently rejected. In that one month, we must put all the talking and all the divisiveness aside and focus on plugging all electoral loopholes. I do not mean to give the impression that opposing candidates are perfect; every candidate brings a weakness or two to an election. But the PDP has had the best chance of any political party in post-colonial Africa, but has blown it. It deserves to be shown no messy, and I strongly advocate an alternative candidate for every available electoral position, as there is no use electing an alternative President, for instance, while the PDP is permitted to possess the legislature. We are witnesses to the mayhem the PDP has visited upon our land. We know, today, what we did not in 1999, and perhaps could not prevent in 2003 and 2007: the PDP candidate is the PDP. You cannot sit at the feet of the devil and claim you are serving God. The PDP candidate travels with the devil’s pitchfork, bringing his party’s corporate malice, avarice, and scorched-earth greed. One look at the pre-eminent presidential hopefuls in the PDP and the meaning of hell is immediately evident. Nobody can be as bad as the PDP, which can only degenerate. The 2011 elections are therefore incredibly simple: unless you are of the PDP, or benefiting in some way from the corruption, mediocrity, complacency, irresponsibility and arrogance that it champions, you have to rise up and join in ridding Nigeria of it. Unless you believe the PDP best represents our destiny—unless you believe we have no future—you must seize the opportunity of January 2011. We have done all of the whining and complaining. It is now time for everyone—teachers and students, nurses and doctors, drivers and conductors, employers and employees, reporters and readers, pastors and prayer warriors, civilians and soldiers—to rise as one and shout that they are not prepared to lose one more day, let alone another 50 years. Nigerians abroad must reject their status as aliens in their own land and work with groups at home to define these elections, and define a strategy. We have talked too much, for too long. But now, we know the answer, and there is no tomorrow. Some 40 years ago, as Nigeria stared into the abyss, the cry was, “To keep Nigeria one is a task that must be done.” Nigeria stayed one, but she has not travelled into the future. We have it in our hands to engineer a new start. That is why to defeat the PDP is a task that must be done. sonala.olumhense@gmail.com http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=23487:olumhense-to-defeat-the-pdp-is-a-task-that-must-be-done&catid=38:columnists&Itemid=615 |
^^ I think this is the best article I've read in recent times!! Quite powerful! ![]() Always respect Solana Olumhense. |
[size=16pt]Olumhense: To Defeat The PDP Is A Task That Must Be Done [/size] When Nigeria goes to the polls next January, it will be a very simple national assignment: retake Nigeria. The objective will be to sweep the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) from power: quickly, firmly, surely. The strategy will be to vote for any party other than the PDP, and for anyone other than the PDP candidate. The means for ensuring the triumph of that strategy will be even simpler for committed Nigerians: wake up, and stay awake for as long as would be required. That way, you would not forget to vote, nor would anybody you know. You would sing and shout long and loud enough to remind everyone to do their duty to their fatherland. You would charge your cell phone in order to ensure that those who cannot hear your voice on your street can hear their phone ring. You would enthusiastically escort people to the polling stations and guarantee that neither harm nor hunger comes between them and the casting of their vote. You would then do whatever you need to do to ensure that your vote is neither stolen nor sold. 2011 is as simple as that. For over 10 years, the PDP has conducted itself not as a political party which believes in multi-party democracy, but as an army of occupation. It has desecrated democracy’s most cherished values, placing itself above law and above political responsibility. All over the country, there is hardly any state where the PDP has won a true election, let alone a free and fair one. All over the country, there is hardly any state where the PDP shines as a beacon of service or responsibility or hope. The PDP insists on calling itself a party, but perhaps only in the sense of revelry or merrymaking. Top members publicly conduct themselves like brigands: cheating, lying, looting. As we prepare for the 2011 elections, Nigerians know that a PDP man of honour is almost a contradiction in terms. There might be one here and then there, but the nature of the PDP is such that they are discouraged from high office and banished to little windowless rooms where they wither and die. Nigerians have four months to confront the thought that the trajectory of Nigeria’s decline and collapse parallels the emergence of the PDP. The party’s aversion to principle and high standards is reflected in the final collapse of our institutions, the dissipation of our hopes, and the marginalization of our best minds. Under the PDP, ours is a story of double standards: one for those in the party, another for those outside it; one for those in power, another for those outside it; one for other peoples and other places, and another for Nigeria. Under the PDP, Nigeria lacks multilateral stature. We no longer enjoy recognition even within Africa. We cannot prepare for the Olympics, let alone the World Cup. Under the PDP, Nigerians fight to be enrolled in Ghanaian schools. Under the PDP, Nigeria is being compared to Somalia. In PDP-Nigeria, Gabon is a better footballing nation than Nigeria. In PDP-era Nigeria, corruption is a game, not a crime, and the largest looters shine. In PDP-era Nigeria, to be involved in an international scam such as Halliburton or Siemens or Wilbros is no embarrassment to the country; it makes you a star of the party. You are on the next National Honours List. Under the PDP, the executive and the legislature have a collegial relationship so that when they rob the people, they are applauded as philanthropists. Under the PDP, the judiciary is an instrument of the executive, and justice is delayed, denied, and denigrated. Look around, PDP Big Men are only displaced, never misplaced. That is why, for instance, Lucky Igbinedion continues to be a power broker in Edo State, in addition to anchoring PDP celebrations in South Africa. Paul Odili is reportedly on his way to being Nigeria’s next Vice-President, on Ibrahim Babangida’s ticket. Tony Anenih has returned from the “hot soup” Olusegun Obasanjo planned for him, to take his place next to Goodluck Jonathan. Dipreye Alamieseigha, barely out of his Mama Iyabo disguise, is being entrusted with ensuring his former deputy does not lose a single vote in the Delta. The PDP rule is simple: stay—don’t stray—and you can enjoy choice homes in Maitama, in Dubai, and even in Potomac, Maryland, where one Barack Obama can hear you laugh at night. One James Ibori arrogantly forgot this lesson, which is why—unless they can get Alamieseigha’s disguise to him in time—his PDP friends will soon be comforting his women in his beds, and distributing his mansions among themselves. This is the philosophy that has brought Nigeria to its knees. In Esan, we say that the dog in the hunt hunts for the dog. It has resulted in the triumph of greed and impunity, of people who steal their peoples blind, only to retire to a life of political luxury, or move into the Senate to fashion new privileges and rules for themselves. With the PDP in power, that Nigeria is not going to change. Nigerians will have to do the changing by themselves. That is why the elections of January 2011 are such a marvelous opportunity for Nigerians outside the PDP blind spot. In that one month, we can change everything by ensuring that the PDP is roundly and permanently rejected. In that one month, we must put all the talking and all the divisiveness aside and focus on plugging all electoral loopholes. I do not mean to give the impression that opposing candidates are perfect; every candidate brings a weakness or two to an election. But the PDP has had the best chance of any political party in post-colonial Africa, but has blown it. It deserves to be shown no messy, and I strongly advocate an alternative candidate for every available electoral position, as there is no use electing an alternative President, for instance, while the PDP is permitted to possess the legislature. We are witnesses to the mayhem the PDP has visited upon our land. We know, today, what we did not in 1999, and perhaps could not prevent in 2003 and 2007: the PDP candidate is the PDP. You cannot sit at the feet of the devil and claim you are serving God. The PDP candidate travels with the devil’s pitchfork, bringing his party’s corporate malice, avarice, and scorched-earth greed. One look at the pre-eminent presidential hopefuls in the PDP and the meaning of hell is immediately evident. Nobody can be as bad as the PDP, which can only degenerate. The 2011 elections are therefore incredibly simple: unless you are of the PDP, or benefiting in some way from the corruption, mediocrity, complacency, irresponsibility and arrogance that it champions, you have to rise up and join in ridding Nigeria of it. Unless you believe the PDP best represents our destiny—unless you believe we have no future—you must seize the opportunity of January 2011. We have done all of the whining and complaining. It is now time for everyone—teachers and students, nurses and doctors, drivers and conductors, employers and employees, reporters and readers, pastors and prayer warriors, civilians and soldiers—to rise as one and shout that they are not prepared to lose one more day, let alone another 50 years. Nigerians abroad must reject their status as aliens in their own land and work with groups at home to define these elections, and define a strategy. We have talked too much, for too long. But now, we know the answer, and there is no tomorrow. Some 40 years ago, as Nigeria stared into the abyss, the cry was, “To keep Nigeria one is a task that must be done.” Nigeria stayed one, but she has not travelled into the future. We have it in our hands to engineer a new start. That is why to defeat the PDP is a task that must be done. http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=23487:olumhense-to-defeat-the-pdp-is-a-task-that-must-be-done&catid=38:columnists&Itemid=615 |
With the exception of IBB, no other candidate has addressed any of these issues raised by Soludo. There is room for an issue-backed candidate in this election. This election may not be won by PDP if they don't rig the polls. ![]() We must insist on presidential debates before the elections. |
IT seemed like a departure from past patterns that the briefing by the Federal Executive Council (FEC) last Wednesday was largely devoted to a rebuttal of an essay written by former Central Bank of Nigeria Governor and former Gubernatorial candidate in Anambra state, Chukwuma C. Soludo, formerly Charles Soludo. Reporting the position of the FEC, Labaran Maku, Minister of State for Information practically poo-poohed Soludo’s commentary (“2011 Elections: Let The Real Debate Begin, ThisDay, September 15, 2010, p.6”), arguing that the problems (more like the mess) that Soludo has seen in the Nigerian economy, and for which reason he is asking for changes were actually caused by him during his tenure as CBN Governor and that the present administration has been doing its best to resolve the problems and clean up the mess. This argumentum ad hominem is most unfortunate. The FEC must look beyond the person, or motives, and attempt a rigorous point by point response to the serious issues raised by the former CBN Governor; to abuse and dismiss him leaves his concerns unaddressed and raises questions about the integrity of the FEC. Dismissing every critic of the present Nigerian system, and trying to label them unfairly as has been done with John Campbell (Nigeria on the Brink: What happens if the 2011 Elections Fail?, Foreign Affairs, September 9, 2010), and now Soludo, without an attempt to respond to the issues raised obviously negates statecraft. Soludo raises several issues which at the risk of oversimplification relate to the prudent management of the economy to ensure prosperity among the population now and in the future. The urgency of the need to prepare the country for future demographic and economic challenges which are inescapable given population growth rates, although the design of an economic blueprint remains elusive. The failure of the past and present administration to consolidate on the positives from the Obasanjo administration – signposted by fiscal discipline and a focus on recalibrating the economy to not only cope with the changing global economic dynamics but to use the challenges to justify a focus on infrastructural development issue; rather than the wanton profligacy and lack of clear thinking about economic directions that attends election year political economics. Beyond this, he outlines a number of issues which he thinks should form the focus of the present election campaigns, issues that should engage the Presidential office-seekers instead of the platitudes they seem pre-occupied with. In other words, articulating why Nigeria should have an issues-driven electoral process that is structured along the lines of the US presidential system we have adopted (with emphasis on rigorous debate to energise and enlighten the electorate) and a focus on matters of national well-being and prosperity. Thus, Soludo’s intervention is a critique of the prevailing economic and political order. He argues that Nigeria’s future is currently being taken for granted, with the economy effectively pushed into a ‘loser’s trap’ without any alternative vision of redirection. He pointed out that under the Obasanjo administration, with oil prices around $25 - $50 during the second term, the economy grew from 2.8% (the 1990s average), to 6 -7% , the current benchmark of growth under this economic management plan. The Obasanjo administration he says, paid off $12 billion Paris Club debts, and still managed to leave a healthy sum of $22 billion as excess crude account savings. Since 2007, the excess crude account has been depleted, massive borrowings leading to about N4.3 trillion debts (according to the DMO which indicated that local debts account for about N3triilion of this figure) have been contracted without any quality investment in the key growth and productivity enhancing areas of the economy. Instead recurrent expenditure of the public sector has “more than doubled” despite the reality of an oil boom that has created additional revenue above budget with oil prices averaging $70 - $85 per barrel during the period under reference. Soludo’s argument is that this profligacy and disregard for economic fundamentals cannot guarantee Nigeria’s future, and can only bring misery, in the event of a crash in the spot price of crude oil, which regrettably remains the mainstay of the economy, which we have never taken any direct effort at restructuring. At a time when the global stock markets are attaining a 4-month high, our stock market is breaching its 6-months low, lending credence to the comatose tag placed on the market by Soludo in his contribution. Soludo argues that Nigeria can be made more productive, national growth rates can be doubled and capacity utilization enhanced. It beggars belief to think that the best response that the FEC can come up with is that Soludo caused the problems in the banking sector and that is what the Jonathan administration is trying to deal with. Soludo’s commentary is not on the banking sector, and the thinking that the banking sector represents the entire economy is in fact part of the problem that has led to the crisis that Soludo identifies. The Soludo treatise needs not warrant a rebuttal in the first place. For what purpose would it have served if the comments were made by someone like Obasanjo, Sanusi Lamido or just about any professional analyst or economist – local or foreign? The World Bank had said as much just as any ‘common sense’ commentator on the economy could have done. Would it not be in the public interest to ask for what happened to the $22 billion saved under Obasanjo? Why has the economic growth rate stagnated at 6-7%? Why is there a doubling of recurrent expenditure? Is there a justification for massive borrowing beyond the challenge of a global meltdown and even at that has this gone into funding infrastructural development and creating jobs for the growing unemployed? Is Soludo out of line to predict the apocalypse of an oil price crash, something that has been done by so many leading experts in both the finance and oil sectors? OPEC itself predicts a difficult first half of 2011 according to Kippreport.com and if that were to happen, is the government working on any “contingency plan” to prepare for that rainy day? Superior arguments, and hard facts, and clear demonstration of the government’s innocence are what we expect to be advanced by officials speaking on behalf of government, that is what will persuade intelligent people, not the emotional riposte that “he caused the problems”. [b]The second plank of Soludo’s intervention is his concern about the lack of serious discussions about the future of Nigeria , no articulation of programmes and vision by those who want to lead Nigeria as we step into the beginning of another 50 years. And he proceeds to outline the programmes and issues to which the candidates should advert their minds as campaign manifesto copies to persuade the people that they understand the enormity of the task to which they seek to assign themselves. These are: the reconstruction of public finance to place it on the path of sustainability with a plan and definitive date in which the presidential aspirant believes we can achieve a balanced budget. Other considerations will include the aspiration to achieve a reduced recurrent expenditure and increased capital expenditure on key infrastructural engagements, encouragement of private sector investments; and a reconstruction of the country’s political structure to ensure productivity at state and local levels rather than an overdependence on federal allocations. Where does each candidate stand in relation to these, or are we to assume that such call for accountability of planned stewardship no longer matters? And in relation to a number of additional issues such as states creation, effective policing and general sovereign security leading to the question of state or regional police, uninterrupted power supply, a credible population census, population policy, the integrity of elections, the unresolved Niger Delta development, environmental sustainability, the education system, capital flight, women, youths and the physically challenged, poverty, urbanization, unemployment, housing policy, the ports system, tax collection, excise and customs, economic partnership and foreign policy – is it not fit and proper to know where each candidate stands? [/b] http://www.ngrguardiannews.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=23541:abati-the-soludo-treatise-and-the-fec-rebuttal&catid=38:columnists&Itemid=615 |
amingafar:My friend the more you talk the more you expose yourself as a Yoruba man. ![]() No northerner would be this afraid of a northern president. You see what I mean? If you follow me carefully, you will notice that I am not really against Jonathan presidency. I only think that he may blow the eastern opportunity to shape things up. That's all. I need an action person to either give me what I want in Nigeria or break it up. I don't want to say how Jonathan or IBB or any northerner would unknowingly break up Nigeria if Jonathan wins and fails to restructure Nigeria, or if a northerner wins and fails to hand over to an Igbo man in 2015. One thing is certain, either Igbo man gets his fair share of power in Nigeria by 2015 or we will use every means necessary to break it up. What you don't know is that the days of the Igbo man in a bottle is long gone. So go and mind Yoruba affairs. Leave us alone. |
udezue:Udezue, All the points you raised are valid, but the issue goes deeper than that. I don't think Igbo people supporting power shift to the north or IBB are doing so to spite anybody. In fact the single biggest reason they are doing it is because of zoning enshrined in the PDP constitution. Of course if Jonathan runs under a different party, do you think that Igbos won't vote for him? Heck they will still vote for him even if he runs as the PDP candidate. ![]() Having said that, there is no proof that a Jonathan presidency will favor Ndigbo more that a northern president. There is just no proof. I don't see Jonathan touching big issues like resource control, state police or true federalism. In fact, part of why he is still getting support from some northerners is precisely because they know he can't do any of these things. They see him as a least dangerous easterner to have in office. I wish he can surprise them, but that may remain a wish. IBB, much as I recall some of his ills in government, still did some big things, some of which favored Ndigbo. We have Asaba today because of IBB. He created more states for us too. So, warts and all, he still did something for us. My fear of Jonathan is that I don't see him doing anything big, and then power rotates back to the north who would then ensure that it never moves south again. ![]() For me, Jonathan needs to do a few things. He needs to do resource control, state police and if possible keep power in southern Nigeria for 50 years, long enough for those things to permeate. The north is what it is. The question is: Can Jonathan handle them? I don't want someone who would waste an opportunity, basically waste our turn, and hand back to the north. Instead of that, I would rather support a northerner from the start. At least we can negotiate our real interests from start. IBB is not your typical northerner, which is why some northerners hate him. He actually sees Nigeria as a whole. I don't see him continuing Igbo marginalization in Nigeria. Jonathan may want to end it, but he lacks the balls to do it. |
amingafar:They are ignoring you and I will follow then soon. You will be debating yourself. |
amingafar:My friend Sharap dia! You are a Yoruba man! My father is from Siberia, my mother is from Okinawa. |
amingafar:You see why I said you are NOT a northerner. No northerner would say that. ![]() If I were a moderator on this site, you would be banned because you are an agent of confusion. |
chyz:Don't mind him. He thinks everyone here is a goat like him. I'm insulted by his cheap antics. ![]() |
amingafar:I grew up partially in Kano, so you can't fool me. I lived in Kano at very early age. You can't even be more northerner than me. ![]() |
amingafar:So how dare you tell me to chose a different tribe from my own mix? You can "mix" from here to Jerusalam, YOU ARE NOT A NORTHERNER. I don't know why cowards are hijacking discourse here. When you are ready to remove your mask, come back. The next thing I would do is to create my own username claiming to be Hausa. Just watch. ![]() |
amingafar:@udezue Please don't listen to this goat. He thinks he can come here wearing a mask to create confusion. HE IS NOT A NORTHERNER. I suspect he is Yoruba. ![]() |
amingafar: amingafar:Do you follow your idiocy? You create one measure for yourself, but reject the same measure for me? What type of a goat does that? ![]() |
amingafar:So, are these not northern minorities: IBB, Gowon, Abacha So, what other voice are you talking about? You see, I have always told my people that there is ONE NORTH. There is nothing like northern minority. It is a LIE. The so called northern minorities have stolen from Nigeria more than their masters the Hausa/Fulani. |
amingafar:I am a mix of Igbo, Ijaw, Ibibio, Efik, and Ogoni. ![]() Yes I am an EASTERNER. Not all easterners are only Igbo. |
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