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Ustec: ![]() |
kunleweb:When Vanguard cooked up the story of Oyedepo opening the gate of hell which was later refuted and retracted, I doubt they even punished the person responsible for it. That was how Mfonobong carried a story of how Oyedepo owns 4 jets and Forbes carried it. I don't know how any Nigerian should belief a person would buy 4 jets lol. Even the wealthiest people on Earth don't use four jets. I know Ibeyeomie wouldn't take this kind of rubbish. |
Witchersunited:Lmao the Living Faith Church would outlast you. It would only grow stronger after Oyedepo's departure. And don't be sore, if Oyedepo were to depart for any reason now(God Forbid), you would see the fastest transition ever seen in Church leadership as it would happen within 24 hours. Instead of you to work hard to attain some relevance in life you are busy wishing another man would die and go into oblivion. Sir that right there are demons speaking through you. You need real help I hope you get it. |
THISDAY Newspaper said it has suspended two of its editors over a report about general overseer of Living Faith Church Bishop David Oyedepo which turned out to be false.https://m.guardian.ng/news/thisday-suspends-editors-over-oyedepo-us-visa-report/
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EzeNdiAra:Gokada and Max are actually ok. I have never used one of those ride hail services, but when needed it would be Gokada and max. |
Opay was the beginning of Gokada's problems. Amazingly opay would be least affected. Lalasticlala |
@codetemplar the truth is after years of reflecting about Nigeria I have come to the conclusion that it is best to let go of this country. You see Northern Muslims would never allow Nigeria to be great. They are poor, carry religion on their head and would continue to use their wrong priorities to send terrible politicians to the seat of power. Reason why you would have a certificate less president buoyed by a Professor. A terrible anomaly. When you read Lee Kuan Yew's memoir you would see the 'battle' he had with Singapore's Muslim population. They were failing mathematics while others were soaring. He forcefully ensured they came up to standard. He knew Muslims underperforming would create dangerous ripple effect in the future of Singapore. But he could only do that because they were minorities. Islam is a liability you handle when the population is less than 30% and cannot drive full social and cultural change. At 50% your country would be filled with tussle. |
I told people repeatedly that sanwoolu is clueless but they never listened. This is going to be like the waste crisis under ambode. |
See how a foreigner entered Nigeria and did thorough investigative journalism. Nigerian media would only sit at Lagos - Ibadan expressway and be imagining who embassy gave visa or not. Unfortunate! |
Later I encounter Fulani near Lagos, Nigeria’s largest city, which is in the south on the Gulf of Guinea. North of the city is an open-air market where Fulani sell their livestock. I am with three young Christians, survivors of a Middle Belt massacre who live in a camp for displaced persons. They pretend to be cousins buying an animal for a family feast. As they negotiate over a white-horned pygmy goat, I look for Fulani willing to talk. Most have come from Jigawa state, on the border with Niger, crossing the country south in trucks to bring their stock here. Although I learn little about their trip, they eagerly express their joy in being here, on the border of this contemptible promised land, where they expect to “dip the Quran in the sea.” There are “too many Christians in Lagos,” says Abadallah, who looks to be in his 40s. “The Christians are dogs and children of dogs. You say Christians. To us they are traitors. They adopted the religion of the whites. There is no place here for friends of the whites, who are impure.” A postcard vendor joins the group and offers me portraits of Osama bin Laden and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. He agrees the Christians will eventually leave and Nigeria will be “free.” We had better start using our brain in Lagos. All these northerners trooping in is going to cause trouble in the future... We need to partner with the South East, the entire South and North central and gtfo of this country. Amotekun wouldn't solve this issue on ground. |
A slow-motion war is under way in Africa’s most populous country. It’s a massacre of Christians, massive in scale and horrific in brutality. And the world has hardly noticed. A Nigerian Pentecostal Christian, director of a nongovernmental organization that works for mutual understanding between Nigeria’s Christians and Muslims, alerted me to it. “Have you heard of the Fulani?” he asked at our first meeting, in Paris, speaking the flawless, melodious English of the Nigerian elite. The Fulani are an ethnic group, generally described as shepherds from mostly Muslim Northern Nigeria, forced by climate change to move with their herds toward the more temperate Christian South. They number 14 million to 15 million in a nation of 191 million. Among them is a violent element. “They are Islamic extremists of a new stripe,” the NGO director said, “more or less linked with Boko Haram,” the sect that became infamous for the 2014 kidnapping of 276 Christian girls in the state of Borno. “I beg you,” he said, “come and see for yourself.” Knowing of Boko Haram but nothing of the Fulani, I accept. The 2019 Global Terrorism Index estimates that Fulani extremists have become deadlier than Boko Haram and accounted for the majority of the country’s 2,040 documented terrorist fatalities in 2018. To learn more about them, I travel to Godogodo, in the center of the country, where I meet a beautiful woman named Jumai Victor, 28. On July 15, she says, Fulani extremists stormed into her village on long-saddle motorcycles, three to a bike, shouting “Allahu Akbar!” They torched houses and killed her four children before her eyes. ADVERTISEMENT When her turn came and they noticed she was pregnant, a discussion ensued. Some didn’t want to see her belly slit, so they compromised by cutting up and amputating her left arm with a machete. She speaks quickly and emotionlessly, staring into space as if she lost her face along with her arm. The village chief, translating for her, chokes up. Tears stream down his cheeks when she finishes her account. I venture north to Adnan, where Lyndia David, 34, tells her story of survival. On the morning of March 15, rumors reached her village that Fulani raiders were nearby. She was dressing for church as her husband prepared to join a group of men who’d stand watch. He urged her to take refuge at her sister’s home in another village. Her first night there, sentinels woke her with a whistle. She left the house to find flames spreading around her. Fulani surrounded her. Then she heard a voice: “Come this way, you can get through!” She did, and her putative savior leapt out of the underbrush, cut three fingers off her right hand, carved the nape of her neck with his machete, shot her, doused her body with gasoline, and lit it. She somehow survived. A few weeks later she returned to her village and learned that the raiders had leveled it the same night. Her husband was among the 72 they murdered. The Christian Middle Belt is a land of blooming prairies that once delighted English colonizers. On the outskirts of Jos, capital of Plateau state, I visit the ruins of a burned-down church. I spot another, intact. A man emerges to yell at me in English that I don’t belong there. Stalling, I learn that he is Turkish, a member of a “religious mutual assistance group” that is opening madrassas for the daughters of Fulani. ADVERTISEMENT That day I crisscross the Middle Belt. Roads are crumbled, bridges collapsed; destroyed houses cast broken shadows over tree stumps and trails of black ash and blood. Maize rots in the abandoned fields. The local Christians have been killed or are too terrorized to come out and harvest it. In the distance are clusters of white smudges—the Fulani herds grazing on the lush grass. When we approach, the armed shepherds wave us off. The Anglican bishop of Jos, Benjamin Kwashi, has had his livestock stolen three times. During the third raid he was dragged into his room, a gun to his head. He dropped to his knees and prayed at the top of his voice until the thrumming of a helicopter drove his assailants off. Bishop Kwashi describes the Fulani extremists’ pattern: They usually arrive at night. They are barefoot, so you can’t hear them coming unless they’re on motorcycle. Sometimes a dog sounds the alert, sometimes a sentinel. Then a terrifying stampede, whirling clouds of dust, cries of encouragement from the invaders. Before villagers can take shelter or flee, the invaders are upon them in their houses, swinging machetes, burning, pillaging, raping. They don’t kill everyone. At some point they stop, recite a verse from the Quran, round up the livestock and retreat. They need survivors to spread fear from village to village, to bear witness that the Fulani raiders fear nothing but Allah and are capable of anything. The heads of 17 Christian communities have come to the outskirts of Abuja, Nigeria’s federal capital, to meet me in a nondescript compound. Some have traveled for days in packed buses or minivans. Each arrives accompanied by a victim or two. ADVERTISEMENT Here they are, an exhausted yet earnestly hopeful group of some 40 women and men, keenly aware of the moment’s gravity. One carries a USB key, another a handwritten account, a third a folder full of photos, captioned and dated. I accept these records, overwhelmed by the weight of the bearers’ hope that the world will recognize the horrors they experienced. Taking the floor in turn, the survivors confirm the modus operandi Bishop Kwashi described, each adding an awful detail. The mutilated cadavers of women. A mute man commanded to deny his faith, then cut up with a machete until he screams. A girl strangled with the chain of her crucifix. Westerners here depict the Fulani extremists as an extended, rampant Boko Haram. An American humanitarian says the Fulani recruit volunteers to serve internships in Borno State, where Boko Haram is active. Another says Boko Haram “instructors” have been spotted in Bauchi, another northeastern state, where they are teaching elite Fulani militants to handle more-sophisticated weapons that will replace their machetes. Yet whereas Boko Haram are confined to perhaps 5% of Nigerian territory, the Fulani terrorists operate across the country. Villagers west of Jos show the weapons they use to defend themselves: bows, slings, daggers, sticks, leather whips, spears. Even these meager arms have to be concealed. When the army comes through after the attacks, soldiers tell the villagers their paltry weapons are illegal and confiscate them. ADVERTISEMENT Several times I note the proximity of a military base that might have been expected to protect civilians. But the soldiers didn’t come; or, if they did, it was only after the battle; or they claimed not to have received the texted SOS calls in time, or not to have had orders to respond, or to have been delayed on an impassable road. “What do you expect?” our driver asks as we take off in a convoy for his burned-down church. “The army is in league with the Fulani. They go hand in hand.” After one attack, “we even found a dog tag and a uniform.” “It’s hardly surprising,” says Dalyop Salomon Mwantiri, one of the few lawyers in the region who dare to represent victims. “The general staff of the Nigerian army is a Fulani. The whole bureaucracy is Fulani.” So is President Muhammadu Buhari. In April 2016 Mr. Buhari ordered security forces to “secure all communities under attack by herdsmen.” In July 2019 a spokesman for the president said in a statement: “No one has the right to ask anyone or group to depart from any part of the country, whether North, South, East or West.” Most Christians I meet express disgust at the vague language suggesting culpability on both sides. Their stories tend to validate claims of the government’s complicity. In Riyom district, three displaced Nigerians and a soldier were gunned down this June as they attempted to return home. The villagers know the assailants. Police identified them. Everyone knows they took refuge in a nearby village. But there they are under the protection of the ardos, a local emir. No arrests occurred. Village chief Sunday Abdu recounts another example, a 2017 attack on Nkiedonwhro. This time the military came to warn villagers of a threat. They ordered the women and children to take shelter in a school. But after the civilians complied, a soldier fired a shot in the air. A second shot sounded in the distance, seemingly in response. Minutes later, after the soldiers had departed, the assailants appeared, went directly to the classroom, and fired into the cowering group, killing 27. I also meet some Fulani—the first time by chance. Traveling by road near a river bed, we come on a checkpoint consisting of a rope stretched across the road, a hut and two armed men. “No passage,” says one, wearing a jacket on which are sewn badges in Arabic and Turkish. “This is Fulani land, the holy land of Usman dan Fodio, our king—and you whites can’t come in.” The conquests of dan Fodio (1754-1817) led to the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate over the Fula and Hausa lands. The second encounter is on the outskirts of Abuja. Driving toward the countryside, we reach a village unlike the others we’ve seen in the Christian zone. There’s a ditch, and behind it a hedge of bushes and pilings. The place seems closed off from the world. From huts emerge a swarm of children and their mothers, the women covered from head to foot. It’s a village of Fulani nomads who carried out a tiny, localized Fulanization after the Christians cleared out. “What are you doing here?” demands an adolescent boy wearing a T-shirt adorned with a swastika. “Are you taking advantage of the fact that it’s Friday, and we’re in the mosque, to come spy on our women? The Quran forbids that!” When I ask if wearing a swastika isn’t also contrary to the Quran, he looks puzzled, then launches into a feverish tirade. He says he knows he’s wearing “a German insignia,” but he believes that “all men are brothers,” except for the “bad souls” who “hate Muslims.” Later I encounter Fulani near Lagos, Nigeria’s largest city, which is in the south on the Gulf of Guinea. North of the city is an open-air market where Fulani sell their livestock. I am with three young Christians, survivors of a Middle Belt massacre who live in a camp for displaced persons. They pretend to be cousins buying an animal for a family feast. As they negotiate over a white-horned pygmy goat, I look for Fulani willing to talk. Most have come from Jigawa state, on the border with Niger, crossing the country south in trucks to bring their stock here. Although I learn little about their trip, they eagerly express their joy in being here, on the border of this contemptible promised land, where they expect to “dip the Quran in the sea.” There are “too many Christians in Lagos,” says Abadallah, who looks to be in his 40s. “The Christians are dogs and children of dogs. You say Christians. To us they are traitors. They adopted the religion of the whites. There is no place here for friends of the whites, who are impure.” A postcard vendor joins the group and offers me portraits of Osama bin Laden and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. He agrees the Christians will eventually leave and Nigeria will be “free.” Some professional disinformers will try to reduce the violence here to one of the “interethnic wars” that inflame Africa. They’ll likely find, here and there, acts of reprisal against the Fula and Hausa. But as my trip concludes, I have the terrible feeling of being carried back to Rwanda in the 1990s, to Darfur and South Sudan in the 2000s. Will the West let history repeat itself in Nigeria? Will we wait, as usual, until the disaster is done before taking notice? Will we stand by as international Islamic extremism opens a new front across this vast land, where the children of Abraham have coexisted for so long? Mr. Lévy is author of “The Empire and the Five Kings: America’s Abdication and the Fate of the World” (Henry Holt, 2019). This article was translated from French by Steven B. Kennedy. https://www.google.com/amp/s/www.wsj.com/amp/articles/the-new-war-against-africas-christians-11576880200 Lalasticlala
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ghettokid1:Foolish question. These ones know what they are doing. Go and read your bible again. Paul, Elijah and Jesus Christ laid curses. But no need for cursing really, when someone messed with the Church at white settlement Texas, his brain was scattered with a bullet. The Nigerian church should stop start employing private armed guards with life terminating weaponry |
By the way they think we are fools in this country. How does a northern bomber comfortably packs two Christian names together. "Nathaniel Samuel" - very ridiculous attempt at a cover up. The bomber is obviously not intelligent enough to fabricate a bomb which means he is backed by a terrorist cell that fabricates IEDs. So unless govt is telling us that there's an active Christian terror cell that can fabricate IEDs and supply vehicles to blow churches up then their argument is dead in the water. Again, even Herdsmen don't have access to explosives because only Boko Haram which either receives supply from Arabs or where trained by Arabs uses it. They might even made some remote point if they claim a Christian tried blowing a mosque. But a Christian blowing a church is a ridiculous lie from pit of hell. Islam has the sole patency of blowing things up. Hindus don't do it, Buddhist don't do it, Trado religion don't do it, Satanist don't even do it. And certainly Christianity has nothing to do with that. |
Attempted Suicide Bombing:https://m.facebook.com/story.php?story_fbid=1936948856448976&id=444807728996437
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jesusjnr:Please keep quiet. |
There are levels to this wealth things o. That's my state's(ogun) one year revenue. |
The Star Vista is a popular mall in Singpore and already houses The Star Performing Arts Centre, home to Prince's 30,000-strong New Creation Church. Deacon Yong Chee Ram told The Straits Times that the church had decided to buy the mall so that there would not be any risk to using the space if the property changed hands to a new owner. "Given that The Star Vista and The Star PAC are inextricably linked, our immediate objective ... is both to protect the interest of the church and to preserve the good experience for all who come to The Star PAC," Ram said. The sale was made by one of Asia's biggest real estate groups, CapitaLand Limited. Jason Leow, president of CapitaLand Group Singapore & International said: "The divestment of The Star Vista is in line with CapitaLand's active and disciplined asset recycling strategy. Year to date, CapitaLand has divested close to S$5.7 billion worth of assets, exceeding our annual target divestment of S$3 billion. The proceeds from these divestments will enhance CapitaLand's financial flexibility to seize new growth opportunities." In 2016, the church said it had paid $366m for the Star PAC, which seats 5,000 people. It told the Strait Times that it already had the funds to purchase the mall, so did not need to launch a fundraising drive to cover the cost of the acquisition. https://www.christiantoday.com/article/tv-evangelist-joseph-prince-buys-a-singapore-mall-for-217m/133748.htm
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Lalasticlala |
Noii |
Thank you bishop |
ThreeBlackBird:I think I know your former handle. Should I say it? ![]() |
ThreeBlackBird:You are funny. Let me explain why UI has international students. These international students are studying Yoruba Language, Igbo or Hausa. The very courses private universities wouldn't offer. No white person is going to come here to study medicine or engineering for now. Exposure ko Implosion ni ![]() |
ThreeBlackBird:
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ThreeBlackBird:You see the difference. I would really prefer my own kids to school in Covenant university even if we are residing in the west. One of Nigeria's finest writers Stephanie ..... left the UK to study in CU and then go back home during the holidays. My father graduated from the University of Ibadan BTW and is still a champion of private education. He knows how many times they had to run to Ago Iwoye just because cultist where either attacking indigenes or oba was busy shooting students. |
Ejusni:Ok |
Ejusni:I graduated many years ago boy. I have never entered the 'labour' market and I don't intend to do so. I have always preferred owning the market. I see you are just writing Neco. In a few years time you would understand two things. 1) The public school you so much love has drained rather than impact you. 2) That the Labour market that you talk about does not give a flying fvck about your degree. It is purely worthless to the private sector especially if you studied anything engineering and scientific. |
Ejusni:Another semi educated graduate throwing unfounded theories up and about. At least get your facts right. Last year Naomi Ekpo a graduate of ABUAD(Private) demolished her counterparts from the public varsity sphere. ![]()
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ThreeBlackBird:Your very self just made reference to Unilag's inconsistent track record by saying they did well last year and did poorly this year. If anything, the result from law school indicates there is nothing special about the Law college at Unilag. If they want to prove they are indeed a special status school for law, they should consistently produce the highest number of first class degrees(by proportion not number) for the next seven years and should in fact produce the best graduating students at least 50% of those times. The last year where Unilag produced 20 first class at Law school represented just 7% of the graduates they sent to Law school. While ABUAD a university founded in 2010 had 12 first graduates representing 6%. So a 1% difference is what the Almighty unilag with special status could shoulder up to a University that is not up to 10 years old. NUC awarding Unilag full accreditation while denying all other schools means absolutely nothing. NUC alongside other Nigerian regulators are not credible. Things are done at NUC for influence and not merits. Again ask NUC which Universities since establishment have never lost any accreditation and they would show you AUN and Covenant University. Not one single public university hasn't had her accreditation tussled around by NUC. Remember that the reason for my write up was to prove that first class graduates from private varsities are not in anyway inferior to those from the public university system and I believe I have done that successfully. |
ThreeBlackBird:First of all I never made any reference to the number of first class produced by private universities at the law school. But since you veered to that let me indulge you. Babcock alone produced 10 first class at the law school out of a maximum class of 100. Unilag produced 9 out of a maximum of 270(Again, Unilag is the university with full accreditation for offering law) So Unilag sent 270 graduates to law school and only 3% graduated with a First class at law school. Babcock sent 100 to Law school and graduated 10% with a First class and to top it all a 2.1 student trumped all the first-class grads from ABU, UI and Unilag. Even Bowen did better than Unilag, they had 4% of their students graduate with a first class. Babcock sex scandal? What are you on about? There was no sex scandal at Babcock university. Two adult students were having sex like students all over the world do. They were only foolish to have recorded their sexual escapades. I'm sure right now as we speak students from Harvard, Stanford, Unilag etc are having pre marital sex. So does a Stanford student having sex erode the value of Stanford. I don't get your point. |
Today, Nigeria has a total of 85 and 79 public and private universities respectively. However, while the public sector recruits about 98% of the total student population in Nigeria the private sector can only attract 2% mostly due to the high cost of tuition. Further more, 37 Public Universities in Nigeria offer Law with the highest admission capacity going to the University of Lagos - which is permitted to admit 270 students per annum. 18 private universities are also allowed to offer law as a degree but with lesser approved admission capacities. It was therefore amusing to many spectators how the much derided and under represented private led education sector was able to graduate the overall best student at the Nigerian law school. And much so, the overall best student Mudashir Abiru who was a 2:1 Graduate of Babcock University triumphing over many first class graduates from University Of Ibadan, University Of Nigeria, Nsukka, Ahmadu Bello University and University of Lagos - the supposed 'special status' law awarding institution with full accreditation. Not surprisingly, the Private sector has proven her value numerous times as the viable, sustainable model of higher education in Nigeria. Redeemers University founded in 2005 recently became the World Bank African Center of Excellence For Infectious Diseases and has attracted millions of US dollars in grants. Covenant University currently ranks the best University in West Africa by the venerable Times Higher Education. Afe Babalola founded in 2010 last year produced the overall best student at the Nigerian law school. Covenant university also led the PRESSID project three times consecutively under the administration of the last President, Goodluck Ebele Jonathan. Every now and then when Private Universities convoke first class graduates in large numbers we have poorly informed graduates and academics from the public university sector who make condescending commentary against the real worth of the value of their class of degrees which is an erosion on the commitment and diligence these young lads put in to get their degrees. Today, with a 2.1 graduate of Babcock emerging the overall best at the Nigerian law school i would humorously pay back Public school graduates in their own very coin. A 2.1 in Babcock is equivalent to a first class in Unilag But in all seriousness, I hope it is time we put an end to the reckless derision and query on the value of degrees obtained at Private Universities. Source: A publication of NL's Highered Lalasticlala codetemplar darfay darkid1
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, was accosted and arrested.