Algeria Increases Order of Russian-made Mi-28 Helos to 42



GABORONE, Botswana — The Algerian Air Force (AAF) has ramped up its order of Russian-made Mi-28NE "Night Hunter" attack helicopters from the eight initially reported in January to 42, the Russian-language newspaper RIA-Novosti reported.

Quoting an unnamed military-industrial source last week, Russian media outlets RIA-Novosti and TASS said Algeria and Iraq have become the first international customers of the Mi-28NE helicopter with confirmed orders of 42 and 19 respectively while more countries are negotiating for similar acquisitions.

“These are Commonwealth of Independent States (a grouping of traditional Russian military customers) countries, [countries] in Latin America, Vietnam, Malaysia, Thailand, Bahrain, Iran, Egypt, Algeria and also countries in sub-Saharan Africa which are negotiating for the acquisition of the Mi-28NE," said the source, who works at the Russian Defense Ministry’s International Cooperation Department.

Last week, Russian Aerospace Forces Mi-28NEs, armed with AT-9 Spiral 2 guided missiles, made their battle debut, pounding Islamic State targets in the Syrian province of Homs.

The Russian Defense Ministry claimed that the helicopter's radio-electronic jamming systems easily suppressed man-portable air defense systems (MANPADS) deployed against them by the insurgents.

The hostile anti-aircraft systems destroyed by the Mi-28NE reportedly included Soviet-made Strela-1, the Igla-1 and the Chinese-made Hong

Ying-5 surface-to-air (SAM) missile systems deployed against airborne attacks on insurgents' positions.

The source told TASS that the Mi-28 attack helicopters due to be delivered to Algeria, which are capable of carrying out day and night missions in extreme weather conditions, will be modified so that they can be flown from both the pilot’s cockpit and the operator pilot’s cockpit.

Developed by Russian Helicopters industrial subsidiary Rostvertol, the Mi-28NE is an export version of the Mil-28N that is designed to identify and destroy battle tanks, armored vehicles, personnel, boats, small naval vessels, low-speed and low-altitude aircraft.

The source said that after excelling on combat duty in Iraq and Syria, the Mi-28NE helicopter is being sought by countries that include Brazil, Vietnam and several other North African countries apart from Algeria.

Russian ambassador to Algeria Alexander Zolotov declined to comment on the Mi-28NE order but confirmed that the Algerian military is keen to acquire new Russian defense platforms.

“The Algerian military is satisfied with the quality of Russian weapons, which has proven itself well in the specific conditions here, namely the desert with its extremely high temperatures and sandstorms,” Zolotov said.

Last month, Algeria and Russia started sharing intelligence satellite imagery of terrorist movements from Libya across the Maghreb and North-West Africa and announced plans to enhance bilateral military cooperation.

Algeria - Air Force - Modernization


Algeria is rearming its Air Force with new generation planes. With the retirement of the MiG-21 in 2003, the backbone of the Algerian Air Force is formed by the MiG-29. The Algerian Air Force has been upgrading its inventory by acquiring new built Be1900s and Mi-171s, and upgrading existing Su-24s, MiG-25s and Mi-24s. Outside the post-Soviet area, Russia has delivered S-300 air defense systems to Algeria and China.

France offered a package of arms and military equipment to Algeria when it announced plans to embark on a major modernisation of its armed forces at the turn of the millennium. There were high hopes that Algeria would be the first export customer for France's Rafale combat aircraft. France lost out on the combat aircraft order to Russia, but as of 2010 still had a chance for the Algerian frigate order [which Germany ultimately won in 2012].

In fiscal year 2001, the US Eximbank financed a dual-use export totaling $195.5 million for the procurement of transport aircraft and related equipment to be used by the Algerian Air Force to monitor hydrocarbon pipelines, survey national borders, conduct search and rescue operations, respond to natural disasters, detect environmental hazards, and monitor agriculture.

Between 1970 and 1991, SIPRI data shows that the Soviet Union accounted for 90 per cent of Algeria's imports of major conventional weapons. During this period Algeria was the eighth largest recipient of Soviet arms exports, accounting for four per cent. In 2004, the Novosibirsk aircraft association delivered of 22 Su-24-MK tactical bombers worth $120 million to Algeria, which also bought six Ilyushin Il-78 air-force tankers.

When president of Russia, Vladimir Putin offered to cancel debts incurred by Algeria for these Soviet-era arms transfers in exchange for new arms orders. Algeria accepted the offer in 2006, concluding deals worth an estimated $6.5 billion for combat and trainer aircraft, tanks, submarines, and air defence systems. In March 2006, during a visit by Russian President Vladimir Putin to Algeria, both countries signed a large package of contracts worth about $8 billion. The deal displayed the ease with which Russia’s foreign policy practitioners can make arrangements with the control of and ability to speak on behalf of key industries. In return for the cancelling of approximately $4.7 billion of debt owed to the Soviet Union,Algeria, according to the official announcement from its government, agreed to purchase goods and services from Russia equaling the total of the debts.

Reports of the details of the deal are in conflict. Orders for the Algerian Air Force were said to include 36 MiG-29SMT fighters, 28 Su-30MKI Flanker multi-purpose fighter interdiction aircraft, and 16 Yak-130 Mitten combat trainers, as well as upgrades for 36 older MiG-29s [some sourecs report the sale of 34 MiG-29 Fulcrum fighters], four [or possibly eight] S300PMU air defense systems, ground-based radar systems, and training for technicians and pilots. For the ground forces, the package included 180 [possibly 185] T-90S main battle tanks, 30 Tunguska self-propelled air defense guns [or 38 Pantsir S1 short-range missile-gun systems], 8 S-300 Surface to Air Missiles (the same system that Iran ordered in December 2007), and 218 Kornet-3 laser-guided anti-tank missiles.

Additionally, as partof the deal, Putin gained access for Gazprom, Itera (an independent gas Russian gascompany with about 20% Gazprom ownership), and Lukoil, (not majority state owned) to joint ventures in Algerian gas and oil field ventures. Since this major deal, Rosneftalong with Stroitransgaz (Russia’s largest oil and gas infrastructure company whose largest minority owner is Gazprom) invested $1.3 billion for a 60% stake in the Block 245 Oil project in Algeria, which has oil reserves as high as 415 million barrels.

In March 2007 Russia and Algeria were also negotiating the sale of Sukhoi Su-32/34 Fullback fighter-bombers, Mil Mi-28N Havoc attack helicopters, as well as additional supplies of Su-30 Flanker and Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-29 Fulcrum fighters. But by 2010 Russian hopes for follow-on contracts with Algeria had not materialised since the 2006 mega-deal.

In an unprecedented move, Algeria to returned to Russia 15 MiG aircraft delivered in 2006-07. Rosoboronexport signed a $1.28 billion contract for the delivery of 29 one-seat MiG-29SMT Fulcrum fighters and six two-seat MiG-29UB fighters in March 2006 as part of an $8 billion military-technical cooperation agreement with Algeria. The MiG-29SMT is an upgraded version of the MiG-29 fighter, carrying a wide range of air-to-air and air-to-surface weaponry.

Deliveries were to be made from March 2007 until February 2008, but Algeria began refusing deliveries from May 2007, demanding that Russia take back the first 15 aircraft it had delivered, citing the "inferior quality" of certain components and units. In October 2007, Algeria stopped payments on other military contracts pending the return of the MiGs. The aircraft were eventually returned to Russia in April 2008 and were put in service with the Russian Air Force after additional testing. Russia offered Algeria more advanced airplanes, MiG-29M2s or MiG-35s. In September 2009 criminal charges were been laid against the top management of a company accused of providing low-quality equipment for MiG-29 fighters later rejected by Algeria.

The Algerian Air Force received the last batch of six Sukhoi Su-30MKA combat aircraft from Russia's Irkut Corporation in September 2009. The aircraft were part of the $7.5bn arms deal signed by Algeria with Russia in 2006 for 28 MiG-29SMTs, 6 MiG-29UBT trainers and 28 Su-30MKA multirole fighters. Algeria also retained options on up to 30 more MiG-29s. The combined value of the MiG-29 and Su-30 acquisitions was estimated at about $2.8bn. Algeria had another option for sixteen Su-30MKA aircraft (replacing the refused 34 MiG-29SMT).

Reports in 2009 suggested that Algeria will follow up its 2007 order for six EH-101-400 helicopters and four Super Lynx-300 from the Anglo-Italian company AgustaWestland with an order for up to 100 helicopters for Algerian border security forces.

While the current front-line fleet primarily consists of Russian-origin aircraft such as the Sukhoi Su-30 and the MiG-29, Algeria has expressed some interest in purchasing competing modern aircraft from China. Algeria has specifically been mentioned as a potential future customer of the JF-17 Thunder project. The delivery of 16 Yak-130 was delayed until 2010. The transport fleet is being modernised with the purchase of twelve C295 and an unknown number of Mi-171. The aircraft were eventually returned to Russia in April this year and may be put in service with the Russian Air Force after additional testing.

In April 2010 Russia's state arms exporter Rosoboronexport signed two contracts worth $1.2 billion on the deliveries of 16 jet fighters to Algeria and another six fighters to Uganda. The two African nations will receive different models of the Su-30 Flanker fighters. Algiers will receive 16 Su-30-MKI(A)s. Russia will supply Su-30 Flanker fighters and Yak-130 Mitten trainer/light attack jets to Algeria in 2011. Russia's Irkut aircraft building corporation agreed to supply 16 Yak-130 trainer/light attack jets to Algeria.

By 2010 the QJJ maintained an inventory of 440 aircraft, including 104 jet combat aircraft, 73 transport and patrol aircraft, 31 trainers, and 191 helicopters.

During 2016 negotiations continued on two military transport aircraft Il-76MD-90A (in case of signing the contract in 2016, Algeria would get two aircraft in 2017).

The International Fighter 2012 conference in London in November 2012 included a presentation by General Rabah Aggad, Inspector of the Algerian Air Force. The Defence IQ Team which sponsored the conference said that "Brazil, Nigeria and Algeria are all in the market to buy new fighter platforms..." but there is otherwise no indication of impending fighter purchases by Algeria. It had purchased Russian fighter aircraft MiG-29, Su-30MK and training aircraft Yak-130 missile batteries as well as Russian-made S-300 PMU2 air defence missile system. Algeria, the 8th ranked global buyer of weapons, represented 13% of Russian arms sales.

According to SIPRI data, Algeria, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia accounted for around three percent of global arms imports for the period 2005-2009, but the volume of major conventional arms delivered to North Africa in 2005-2009 increased by 62 per cent in comparison with 2000-2004. Algeria accounted for around 89 per cent of transfers to North Africa during this period, rising from 18th to 9th largest recipient of major conventional weapons globally. Morocco placed significant orders in 2008 and 2009, leading to concerns that Algeria and Morocco were entering into what is regarded as an 'arms race'. Morocco had no outstanding orders for major conventional weapons from Russia since taking delivery of the last of the 12 Tunguska mobile air-defence systems and missiles in 2008. It had turned to the USA for F-16C combat aircraft, presumably in response to Algerian Su-30MKA acquisitions, and to France and the Netherlands for FREMM and SIGMA frigates respectively.

In December 2015, Algeria ordered 12 Su-32 bombers. According to Sergei Smirnov, director of the Novosibirsk-based Chkalov Aircraft Plant, talks about a possible deal with Algeria have been dragging on for eight years. The bomber’s successful performance in Syria has given a new impetus to the negotiations. The first squadron of Su-32s would cost the Algerian military in the range of $500-600 million. A future purchase of a further 6-12 aircraft is possible. At the same time, talks concerning the acquisition of at least 10 Su-35S fighters are expected to begin. A firm contract for this amount of aircraft was estimated to be at about $850-900 million.

Another breakthrough is the signing of a deal to supply some 40 Mi-28NE attack helicopters to Algeria. The first batch is ready to be dispatched by March 2016. These aircraft had already been purchased by Iraq for its fight against the Islamic State. The Algerian contract for the Mi-28NEs is estimated at $600-700 million.

By March 2016 Russia and Algeria were expected to sign an agreement for 12 Su-34 fighter-bombers by the end of 2016. At that time, contracts on the deal were waiting on approval of export licenses. Negotiations on the deal were opened in November 2015, and could also be extended to a larger purchase of up to 40 of the aircraft. When the deal was confirmed, it would make Algeria Sukhoi's best customer in the region following the September 2015 order of 14 Su-30 fighters. The North African staten already operated 44 Su-30 aircraft.

Business daily Kommersant reported 01 Aril 2016 that after the campaign began, in December 2015 Algeria requested 12 Su-32 bombers (export version of the Su-34). According to the director of the Chkalov Novosibirsk Aircraft Plant Sergey Smirnov, the negotiations had been going on for eight years, but developed slowly. The first squadron of the Su-32 will cost the Algerian military at least $500-600 million, and in the future it can not be excluded that Algeria would execise an option to purchase another 6-12 machines.

In early 2016 Algeria requested one Su-35S for testing at the Tamanrasset site to check the handling characteristics of the machine, the possibility of radar equipment and weapons. The Algerian pilots tried out a sample and made a pre-contract, and were expected to start negotiations on the purchase of not less than ten of these fighters. Solid contract for a number of aircraft was valued at approximately $ 850-900 million.

A selection of Russian exports of major conventional weapons to North Africa, 2000-20091

 

Country

Type of conventional weapon Order and delivery period Number ordered Number delivered
Algeria Il-78 tanker/transport aircraft 1998; 2000-2001 6 6
MiG-29 combat aircraft 1999; 2000-2001 8 8
Su-24 combat aircraft 1999-2000; 2001-2005 (25)2 (25)
Mi-17 helicopter 2002-2004 42 42
S-300PMU-2 surface-to-air missile system 2006 (4)
Su-30MK combat aircraft 2006; 2008-2009 28 28
Yak-130 trainer combat aircraft    2006 16
MiG-29 combat aircraft 2006 34 Cancelled
BMP-2 infantry fighting vehicles 2005; 2006-2009 300 240
Pantsyr-1 mobile air defence system 2006; 2008-2009 38 (15)
T-90S tank 2006-2008 185 185
Type-636 (Kilo) submarines 2006 2

1Source: SIPRI Arms

#BATTLEFIELD PICTURES.....

bidexiii:
#BATTLEFIELD PICTURES.....

Man, are you living in Lokoja?

cirmuell:
Man, are you living in Lokoja?

Nop. And why..

bidexiii:

Nop. And why..

Ok. Nothing...the name looks familiar.

cirmuell:
Ok. Nothing...the name looks familiar.

Okay.....

#SF/AFSF

Africa’s Hottest Frozen Border Boils Over


Hundreds of soldiers just died in the worst flare-up between Ethiopia and Eritrea since their 1998-2000 war. Could a return to open conflict be around the corner?

Some events come out of the blue, as surprising as thunderbolts. Others feel like confirmations of dour predictions, as grindingly inevitable as winter’s onset. The outbreak of heavy fighting between Eritrean and Ethiopian troops on their mutual border on June 12, which is reported to have left hundreds dead, falls into the latter category. No one should be surprised. And some mea culpas are in order.Neither of these Horn of Africa countries has an impressive human rights record, so members of the Ethiopian and Eritrean diasporas — both of which contain a disproportionate number of political asylum seekers — initially speculated that the regimes had fabricated a clash in order to distract from a flurry of embarrassing reports published recently by the United Nations and the advocacy group Human Rights Watch. (Eritrea stands accused of committing crimes against humanity, including the systematic enslavement, torture, and rape of its own population, while Ethiopia is accused of killing some 400 protesters and arresting tens of thousands of others in its Oromia region since November of last year.)

But this cynical theory became harder to believe after both sides confirmed the gravity of the border incident, in which tanks and heavy artillery were reportedly deployed and terrified locals fled to nearby refugee camps. A “conservative estimate” released by the Eritrean Ministry of Information put the number of Ethiopian dead and wounded at 200 and 300, respectively, and the Ethiopian government, while rejecting that death toll, acknowledged that “a major engagement” had taken place. This would make the events of June 12 the most significant flare-up since the 1998-2000 border war that left more than 100,000 people dead.Each side accuses the other of initiating hostilities, claims that are difficult to verify. But what the clash underlines for certain is the folly of allowing a border dispute to fester indefinitely. An undemarcated frontier between two governments that loathe each other is a grenade whose pin has been pulled. The international community may choose to ignore it, and in the short term may get away with this pose of studied indifference. But the grenade will eventually explode.In April 2002, a boundary commission seated in The Hague whose five members had been approved by Ethiopia and Eritrea issued a border ruling that was meant to settle — peacefully and permanently — the vexed question of where the border between the two countries lies. The former Italian colony of Eritrea, swallowed up by giant Ethiopia in 1962, had fought a 30-year liberation war against Addis Ababa and won independence in 1991, only to return to the battlefield seven years later when fighting broke out on its frontier with Ethiopia.The boundary commission’s findings were clear. While some disputed areas were allotted to Ethiopia, the two-donkey village that had served as a flashpoint for the war — Badme — belonged to Eritrea. The commission found that Eritrea had initiated hostilities — a claim Asmara disputed furiously — but on the narrow issue of Badme, Eritrea was in the right.The problem was that Ethiopian forces already occupied Badme and its surrounding plains, and Addis Ababa knew that its public would judge harshly any agreement to withdraw from territory won at the cost of thousands of Ethiopian lives. So the Ethiopian government said it accepted the boundary commission’s ruling, but called for a “dialogue” on implementation. Its troops stayed put on what it acknowledged to be Eritrean land.And that’s where things have stood for 14 long, tense years, during which every shot fired at a cattle rustler and every movement of troops or equipment has sent alarm bells ringing across the region. “Has it started again?” the cry goes up, because everyone knows that this time, the fight would be to the finish, ending only with the toppling of a regime. According to Cedric Barnes, the Horn of Africa director at the International Crisis Group, there have been eight significant flare-ups since 2011 alone.I’m no supporter of international arbitration as a method of resolving African border disputes. Watching the Eritrea-Ethiopia arbitration process and its fallout left me so disillusioned that I actually wrote a novel on the topic. And having seen international justice, in the form of the International Criminal Court case against Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta and Deputy President William Ruto, fail miserably, I have become convinced that political deals, however shabbily pragmatic or queasily amoral, are the only way to resolve conflicts. Sovereignty, security, and stability cannot be delivered by lawyers.But once two African governments have signed up for an arbitration process endorsed by the U.N. Security Council, a neutral boundary commission has issued what both sides agreed would be a “final and binding” ruling, and the appeals process has been exhausted, the duty of the international community — and the African Union, United Nations, and European Union in particular — is surely to guarantee that decision is implemented.There has been no such attempt in the case of Ethiopia’s continued occupation of Badme. Western donors, whose aid props up the Ethiopian government of Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn, certainly have a range of tools at their disposal to cajole and persuade. This year, they might expect a particularly sympathetic hearing, given that Ethiopia is appealing for extra help to feed its population during yet another drought-triggered famine. And yet there’s been near-total silence on the border issue. Ambassadors expressed mounting anxiety at the continuing deadlock in private to journalists and analysts; little was said in public.There are myriad reasons for this limp approach: a systemic disinclination by Western diplomats, when confronted with stern African leaders, to articulate unpleasant truths; a dewy-eyed attachment to the notion of Ethiopia as a pristine developmental model; a quasi-romantic historic vision of Ethiopia — harking back to the eras of Emperors Haile Selassie and Menelik II — as a regional linchpin and bulwark against Islam. In the case of the African Union, which has shown a similar absence of backbone, the silence has a pragmatic explanation: Addis Ababa hosts the organization’s headquarters.But this “no-peace, no-war” scenario has had terrible consequences that spill far beyond the Horn of Africa. Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki has used the border situation as an excuse to keep his nation’s youth doing open-ended military service that some have likened to slavery, prompting tens of thousands of desperate Eritreans to flee to Europe.Trade between the two nations remains blocked, a drag on the Horn of Africa’s economic resurgence. Each country wages a proxy war by supporting rebel groups and opposition movements bent on sabotaging the other, fueling instability across the region. Ethiopia said after last week’s hostilities that it was responding to repeated “provocations” by Asmara, supporting the theory put forward by a number of analysts that this latest clash at Tserona could have been payback against Eritrea for an armed raid carried out in southern Ethiopia in May by members of the Ginbot 7, an Ethiopian opposition movement that has found safe haven in Asmara and that Addis Ababa has labeled a terrorist group.There is also a larger principle at stake. Not to press for demarcation throws the entire principle of international arbitration into disrepute, encouraging other African nations to decide their frontier squabbles on the battlefield instead. If rulings are respected only when they go the way of the stronger of the two plaintiffs, why go to court in the first place?The United Nations, African Union, and U.S. State Department have issued statements calling on both sides to show restraint, but their initial reaction to the incident in Tserona was as lethargic as their stance on the border. If there’s any truth to the speculation among diplomats and regional analysts that Ethiopia may be gauging likely international reaction to a possible big push into Eritrea to topple Afwerki, the impression of lethargy is a dangerous one to create. We can only pray that this incident doesn’t escalate and things quiet down. But even that outcome will represent only a short reprieve. Like a dead rat in the attic, that ignored border ruling will eventually, inevitably, make its presence felt.

#RANDOM PICTURES

5 soldiers involved in opening up of Bitta-Gambori road injured in Borno

FIVE soldiers involved in clearance patrol which took place from Bitta up to Junction Point at Gambori Village, Borno State, were on Sunday injured after troops ran into Boko Haram ambush.
Troops of 114 Task Force Battalion of 28 Task Force Brigade in conjunction with members of vigilante group, carried out patrols to keep the road open and secure.
During the operation, the troops encountered Boko Haram terrorists at Bulajani village and successfully cleared and pursued the fleeing terrorists in the area.
A statement from the army, which confirmed the incident, noted that Buffalo vehicle used by the soldiers was damaged.
The statement hinted that the wounded soldiers were evacuated to 23 Brigade medical facility in Yola for further treatment.
It noted that the troops killed four Boko Haram terrorists, while an unconfirmed number escaped with gun shot wounds.
The patrol, according to the statement, recovered six bicycles and food storage facility laden with foodstuffs.
It said they also discovered and safely detonated an Improvised Explosive Device (IED) at Madube village.
In a related development, troops of 22 Brigade Garrison accompanied by Civilian JTF also carried out patrol at Albanya village and its environs along Dikwa-Marte axis.
The troops encountered Boko Haram terrorists at Sinabaya village which is left of Marte-Kaje road in Dikwa Local Government Area of Borno State. During the encounter, they killed three and apprehended 11 Boko Haram terrorists.
Similarly, another patrol team from the same unit in conjunction with some elements of Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps picketed Dikwa-Mafa-Maiduguri road in order to keep it open and safe against Boko Haram activities.
Also, Nigerian Air Force (NAF) King Air A350i Beechcraft aircraft on Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR) mission, on Sunday, killed 15 Boko Haram members in Borno.
Meanwhile, the Nigerian Army announced on Sunday that it had re-opened the Madagali-Gwoza road linking Borno and Adamawa, closed several months ago due to the activities of the Boko Haram insurgents.
Major-General Lucky Irabor, the Theatre Commander of Operation Lafiya Dole, disclosed this when he received a delegation from the House of Representatives Committee on Defence in his office in Maiduguri.
Irabor explained that the road was re-opened to allow for humanitarian services for victims of insurgency in the area.
Irabor said that the army decided to re-open the road following improvement in the security situation in the area.
Irabor, however, said that the several other roads will remain closed pending when the security situation improved.
The leader of the delegation, Alhaji Aliyu Isa, said that the visit was as a result of the House of Representatives resolution which mandated the committee to investigate the continued closure of the Madagali-Gwoza road by the military.

Please does the NA av the buffalo vehicle in its inventory.... ?

Any idea

bidexiii:
Please does the NA av the buffalo vehicle in its inventory.... ?

Any idea

Curious to know too

Why army stopped fertiliser supply to Yobe, Adamawa – Buratai


The Chief of Army Staff, COAS, Lt. Gen Yusuf Buratai, yesterday explained that the army decided to stop the supply of fertilisers in three troubled States of North East in order to stop the production of Improvised Explosive Device, IED, by the Islamist militants, Boko Haram.
The COAS disclosed this while addressing the House Committee on Army led by Rep Rilma Shawulu, in Abuja, during an investigative hearing on the prohibition of use of Jerry can for purchase of premium motor spirit (PMS) in Yobe and motorcycles in Adamawa state.
Buratai stated that the Lafia Dole security team constituted in various operational areas in Adamawa, Borno and Yobe states “had established that one of the mode of transportation used by the insurgency was motorcycle.”
According to him, in a bid to effectively tackle the menace, security agencies resolved to “cut off all logistic supplies” of the terrorist groups, including petrol and fertilizers used to produce IEDs.
He further stated that “the Boko Haram terrorists exploit all means to get food and other items, hence we need to know the end-users of those items because they are the items that sustain them.”
Buratai who was represented by Bassey Etuk the Director of Operations Department explained that the decision became necessary to curb the activities of the insurgents in the troubled States.

While stressing that the decision was based on intelligence reports on the activities of the insurgents, Etuk urged the House to write a formal letter to the office of the Chief of Army Staff for necessary consideration for the ban to be lifted.
He said, “Since they have been degraded, we won’t allow our economic lives to be affected. We will look into the issue of allowing farmers to buy petroleum for their use. Even the issue of fertilizer, we control its supply. The issue can be handled.”
Speaking earlier, a member of the Committee, Bukar Goni (APC-Yobe) explained that 95 percent of Yobe indigenes who are farmers and affected by the insurgency had been deprived since they can not buy PMS for fram irrigation.
On his part, Sadiq Ibrahim (APC-Adamawa) said Adamawa Central which was never affected by the activities of Boko Haram sect was barred from commercial and private use of motorcycles.
He added that the ban prevented women and children in the affected areas from engaging in farming activities during the raining season, stresimg that this may result into famine when the dry season commences.
According to him, the ban also affected 15 filling stations operating within Fufore Local Government Area, LGA, from taking delivery of petroleum products while the seven check points mounted by the Nigerian Army between Fufore and Yobe had impacted negatively on the economic well-being of the people.

ON THE CREECKS

I bet this is a better packaged report on the recent deployment


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j2lH7V2TKjU

Algerian troops kill 73 terrorist in 5-month-long operations between January and May 2016

ALGIERS, June 18 (Xinhua) -- Algerian army has killed as many as 73 armed militants in different operations across the country in the past five months, the Algerian Defense Ministry said on Saturday.

In its June issue, the Algerian Army's "El Djeich" monthly magazine specified that counter-terrorism operations that have been launched between January and May 2016, led to the killing of 73 armed militants.

The source specified that army troops have also retrieved 485 Kalashnikov machineguns, 103 riffles of different types, 42 FMPK machineguns, 16 RPG-17 rocket launchers, 723 grenades, 79 homemade bombs and suicide belt bombs, 49 homemade mortars, in addition to a load of ammunition.

Some 248 terrorist bunkers have also been discovered and destroyed, added the source.

As for terrorist support networks, the magazine noted that 111 people have been arrested and introduced to justice to be tried.

Algeria is confronted to "remains" of terrorist groups, who are either locals or foreigners that managed to intrude from troubled neighboring nations.

The North African nation has been deploying more troops on the eastern borderline to thwart intrusion of arms and militants, amid unstable security situation in neighboring Tunisia, and the civil war hitting neighboring Libya. Enditem

chkil:
Algerian troops kill 73 terrorist in 5-month-long operations between January and May 2016

Seems the algerian armed forces r on top of there game...

Fynline:
I bet this is a better packaged report on the recent deployment


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j2lH7V2TKjU

Yes I totally agree with you and nice video post.

The alpha jets painting looks like they av just being refurbished and added to the fleets.

I also love those SF guys in the video. They should be the NAF QRF..

bidexiii:
#RANDOM PICTURES

War was never a grown men business.

Fynline:
I bet this is a better packaged report on the recent deployment


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j2lH7V2TKjU

This is far better than that of NTA.

iblawi:

This is far better than that of NTA.

...........

THE NN FALCON EYE



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ncUPIQwG14A

#BATTLEFIELD PICTURES...

BOKO HARAM FRACTURING OVER ISLAMIC STATE TIES, US GENERAL WARNS


The assessment suggested Boko Haram’s loyalty pledge had so far mostly been a branding exercise.

Nigerian militants Boko Haram have fractured internally, with a big group splitting away from shadowy leader Abubakar Shekau over his failure to adhere to guidance from the Iraq- and Syria-based Islamic State, a senior US general said on Tuesday.

Marine Lieutenant General Thomas Waldhauser, the nominee to lead the US military’s Africa Command, suggested the internal division was illustrative of limits of Islamic State’s influence over Boko Haram so far, despite the West African group’s pledge of allegiance to it last year.

“Several months ago, about half of Boko Haram broke off to a separate group because they were not happy with the amount of buy-in, if you will, from Boko Haram into the ISIL brand,” Waldhauser said at his nomination hearing before the Senate Armed Services Committee.

Shekau, he said, had not fallen into line with Islamic State’s instructions, including by ignoring calls for Boko Haram to stop using children as suicide bombers.

“He’s been told by ISIL to stop doing that. But he has not done so. And that’s one of the reasons why this splinter group has broken off,” he said, adding Islamic State was trying to “reconcile those two groups.”

Reuters reported on June 9 that U.S. officials had seen no evidence that Boko Haram has so far received significant operational support or financing from Islamic State. The assessment suggested Boko Haram’s loyalty pledge had so far mostly been a branding exercise.

Waldhauser acknowledged differing opinions about how much influence Islamic State has actually had so far over Boko Haram, which won global infamy for its 2014 kidnapping of 276 school girls.

“They certainly have not given them a lot of financial assistance. So the point being is that perhaps improvement in tradecraft, in training and the like,” he said.

While it is estimated to have killed more than 15,000 people since 2009, Boko Haram has not attacked US interests and has deep roots in Nigeria’s Christian-Muslim divide, which long predates the Syrian-based Islamic extremist group.

Waldauser noted Shekau’s local focus and voiced concern about whether a splinter group might act more in concert with Islamic State’s transregional ambitions.

“What concerns me is the breakoff group of Boko Haram who wants to be more ISIL-like, and consequently buy into the ISIL-brand of attacking Western interests,” he said.

“That would concern me.”

saintjoel:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=y&sns=em

Video does not exist........ . .......

#CION IMAGES.

STRATEGIC PARTNERSHIP:
Chief of the Air Staff, Air. Marshal Sadique Abubakar presents a memento to the Managing Director, National Radio and Telecommunications Corporation of Pakistan, Brigadier Iftikhar Ahmed during his visit to HQ NAF, Abuja.

‪#‎strategicpartnership‬ ‪#‎nigerianairforce‬

bidexiii:


Video does not exist........ . .......

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kHTyrCSB9IM

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qsXBKydjUzE

@saintjoel....