No2Atheism's Posts
Nairaland Forum › No2Atheism's Profile › No2Atheism's Posts
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ... 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 (of 134 pages)
i mean that it would take like 500yrs for it permeat the whole yoruba society to the point whereby people would think and write fluent mathematic and physical issues in yoruba. Off course the earlier people start the better. 1. Yoruba has to be distilled, to a simpler and less congested written form. 2. This form should then be used to teach student in school. 3. translation of mathematics and physica books should then be done. 4. teaching of mathematics and physics in yoruba should then be done. achieving all this is the reason why i projected that it would take at least 5 generations to achieve fluency and efficiency in science with the language. |
I prefer intergalactic love ![]() |
rikimaru2:Nairaland no go kill me , ![]() What if they also want to colonise your wife and your wife ends up giving you halfcaste pikin even though you are both as black as night wetin u go do ![]() |
olusolami:Heya sorry which one is the heavy artillerry (sorry about the laughter am not laughing at your experience, i was just laughing about how ridiculous the hailing is) |
nolongTing:I have also thought of that but i must confess, i would be glad if some people can at least do it so that 500 years from now. Yorubas can easily be doing mathematics and science in their language, just as Japanese and Chinese also do a lot of mathematics and science in their own language. |
nolongTing:Arabic and European brainwashing. 1. That is why you see grown men and women defending Islam with their lives even though a simple open mindedness would help them see that Mohammed is the greatest liar known to man. 2. I am likewise amazed by Black Africans who refuse to study and believe history because they are afraid that it would expose the fact that the Messiah was not White. 3. Some people who claim to be atheists and still believe in a white messiah are the ones that suprise me the most, cus it seems they are just trading one dogma for another dogma. History shows that Arabs are more or less an uneducated bunch of people. It was the Africans that they conquered and other races that they conquered that more or less contibuted to the knowledge base that they are now trying to claim as theirs e.g. the Black Moors. |
@Negro Nts you attention is needed here https://www.nairaland.com/nigeria?topic=157544.msg4452123#msg4452123 |
@Negro-Nts I can see that you are very well versed in African History. I am a willing student (infact sometimes i regret studying engineering and not History ).What books do you recommend that i buy i need to know almost everything about African History. By the way i easily get bore with too much text (hence my affinity for mathematics) hence i would be glad if u can please recommend books that also have picturial evidences and not just words. So that such pictorial evidences can help to stop me from being bored out of my brains. Also in case you know of any audio tapes that can be bought to learn about history, i would be grateful. ---------------------------------------- I have always said that its serious naivety for Yoruba to claim to be muslims considering that being a muslim is almost like a betrayal of what our fore-father fought and died for. I personally dislike the Arabs just as i dislike the Whites wen one considers how much destruction that have brought upon the black race. |
BinghiNya:were you drinking diet coke while watching or did u not bother to watch the replay to see that [b]utaka actually tripped himself [/b]and that Gallas had nothing to do with his fall. |
superstar1: do they think we have forgotten Gallas tackle on Utaka , blatant penalty with red card interestAre you on diet coke or something or which tackle on utaka are u talking about hope is not the same one where replays shows that utaka tripped himself. |
is it me or was or does ![]() There is only one Zidane |
I would not mind if someone please provide another source of information that either contradicts or expanciates upon the one posted, i am trying to learn here. Hence why the topic of the thread is in the form of a question. |
@tpia do u have any input or additional souce of information i am trying learn and get to the bottom of the question. Considering that its a big question of far reaching ramifications if Tunde Idiagbon is not Yoruba, that means Fulanis might be the most dangerous people in nigeria. |
tubabie:thank you , but we do not want crocodile tears thank you for robbing us ![]() At least one thing u have done now is at least help us convince wenger we still need to buy more players. |
[quote author=na_so link=topic=315179.msg4451215#msg4451215 date=1251639482]If dem sell bank all shareholders money don burn be that . The best the shareholders can get will be that the shares of the banks would be grossly undervalued. Oceanic shares fit come be like 70kobo [/quote]that is exactly the idea . . . go and read the March report about the agenda in the Vanguard.You would notice that wat is happening now is exactly what was reported then that the intentions were. Those investors (whoever they are) intended to tank the share values of those banks so as to acquire them at a ridiculously low value (something that is obvious that would happen now the even the CBN Governor is already talking about selling someone else property i.e. the shares). |
tubabie:Naa i can't rob ur foot i am a virgin ![]() |
tubabie:We did not lose we were robbed ![]() |
@tubabie chk out this link https://www.nairaland.com/nigeria/topic-316957.0.html#msg4451177 it should make for interesting reading ![]() |
it must be shouted on the roof top that ManUtd got lucky, the took away the opportunity of rubbing ur face into the sweet victory. At least now u cannot make fun with the victory since u know its tainted. |
Remii:Now you see the main reason why education is being bastardised, because if it is not then their children would not have better opportunities to take over. Now u know what Elite northerners are doing their best to drag the rest of the country down with them cause they know if they can destroy the standard of education then its easier for their children who are outside of the country, to take over and rule after them. Now u know why Education overhaul is necessary and should be a jailable offense for politicians, and why most ruling seem to oppose anything education Remii:Now you see why Sanusi's utterances and actions is starting to sound like the Northern Agenda afterall, |
. . . . . .England should graft Rooney in for synchronised diving at the upcoming olympics - Notice that Almunia's hands did not even catch Rooney, instead it was rooney that fell on top of him intentionally . . . . . . . . Almunia's hands actually caught the ground and hit the ground infront of Rooney- I think Rooney was already falling, before he even hit almunia . . . . (he has been taught well in synchronised diving, Eduardo still has a lot to learn )https://img15.imageshack.us/img15/5998/otherangle.gif [img]http://img194.imageshack.us/img194/2966/rsmbysixtoo.gif [/img] |
Even the man-utd fans knew it was a penalty
|
Even the man-utd fans knew it was a penalty
|
Even the man-utd fans knew it was a penalty
|
http://www.nigerdeltacongress.com/warticles/who_owns_kano_ilorin_and_the_cri.htm WHO OWNS KANO? Ilorin and the crisis of Fulani identity By Femi Awoniyi Speyer, Germany In the Ilorin matter, a word is so sensitive that one side of the conflict avoids using it (See Daily Trust and Weekly Trust reports on gamji). It's a word that won't cross the lips of Emir Ibrahim Sulu-Gambari, Abubakar Olusola Saraki, Alfa Babatunde Belgore and other defenders of the status quo in the town. The word is "Fulani". None of these men have ever come out to say: Yes, I am Fulani or that Ilorin belongs to the Fulanis. They only claim they are not Yoruba, and that the controversial town "belongs to the North". This willful obscurantism or fuzziness of language is to mask the real issue involved, which is ethnicity in the politics of Fulani-traditionally ruled domains. Fulanis often adopt identities (North, Muslim North, Hausa-Fulani) that they share with others and which don’t single them out in the Nigerian polity, and they employ these different identities in different contexts. The Fulani traditional rulership has constructed a social identity around Islam in such a way as to deny Hausas and other peoples in the Fulani-ruled communities an independent ethnic identity, and by so doing arrogate their political representation. Fulani elite are no ‘mere’ actors in the Nigerian polity. They depart from the premise of a natural entitlement to power and position far greater than that of other Nigerians - and they have played a much more important role than their demographic strength would deem equitable in our politics. Fulanis have produced four rulers since independence (Ahmadu Bello (de facto), Murtala Mohammed, Muhammadu Buhari and Shehu Shagari) and have exercised considerable influence over all others, including the present one. Is anybody aware that Tunde Idiagbon was a Fulani? Indeed, he was. Two Fulanis (head of state and his deputy) once ruled Nigeria! Through this ingenious identity politics, Fulani leaders convey the impression that race and ethnicity don’t matter in their domains because their common religion is greater than any differences. But race and ethnicity matter between Hutus and Tutsis in Burundi and Rwanda (even though they are both adherents of Roman Catholicism), between Arabs and Berbers in Algeria and Morocco, and between light-skinned Arabs and their dark-skinned compatriots in all of Muslim Arabia. In fact, in the Arab world, while dark-skinned people are treated like a citizenry apart, those with "Negroid" facial features among them (and there are many of them) are the underprivileged of an already underclass. Ilorin by focusing on ethnicity in a Fulani-ruled domain threatens to bare Fulanis as actors by themselves and for themselves for the first time in independent Nigeria. And Bida is a potential Ilorin as are Kano, Zaria, Katsina and many other towns in the North. The desperate actions of Fulani leaders over Ilorin are a sign that they recognise the dramatic nature of the agitation of the Yorubas. The Fulani elite are aware that ethno-national consciousness is the only countervailing cultural force capable of weakening religion as a binding agent in their domains, leading inevitably to a sweeping change to the popular perception of its trado-religious institution of power. The folks kinship between Fulanis and Hausas in Kano, Katsina and Zaria, for example, is not closer than that between Fulanis and Yorubas in Ilorin. The extent of social intercourse and cultural unity among Fulani and the two peoples is very similar: intermarriage, Islam, common language and local cultural mores etc. The utterances of people like Saraki ("I am Abubakar Olusola Saraki, but that has not made me a Yoruba man. I speak Yoruba because it is my mother's tongue" make nonsense of an ‘Hausa-Fulani’ identity.That a man can claim in public, with gusto, that the fact that his biological mother comes from an ethnic group does not make him a member of that same group reveals one thing: the paternalistic, condescending attitude of Fulani elite to other peoples in their domains, a sense of cultural superiority. It is similar to the caste system in India. A child from a high-caste father and lower-caste mother defines himself by dissociating himself from his mother’s group. The desperate behaviour of Saraki (one day, he says Ilorin is 80 percent Yoruba and the next he swears that there are not more than 1,000 of them there) can be attributed to the awareness that a politicised Yoruba ethnic consciousness will destroy his political influence in Kwara. What ethno-nationalism in Nigeria (of which the Ilorin agitation could be considered a part) does essentially is to highlight the assignment of cultural meanings to geographical space, and associations between social identity and territoriality. A development that is unfavourable to Fulanis because of their lack of territorial heritage. They cannot lay primary or native claim to any part of Nigeria. This lack of ethno-national options could be said to be responsible for the hostile attitude of Fulani scholars to the notions of "nations" and "race" in our political discourse and their attempt to disparage claims based on ethno-national interests. Yoruba agitators in Ilorin face a formidable adversary in Fulani elite who will stop at nothing to preserve their privileges. Sulu-Gambari has been preparing for the resurgent Yoruba struggle right from his inception of office, convinced of its inevitability. He has married the daughter of Shehu of Bornu, co-founded the Arewa Consultative Forum, co-sponsors the Arewa People’s Congress, thereby seeking sundry allies for the final showdown. The Fulani traditional ruler has even provoked a Muslim-Christian crisis in the town to divide his supposed subjects. He openly called for the eviction of Christians from Muslim areas in Ilorin, in July 1999, thereby causing tension between the two religious groups. This action eventually led to the riots in Oja-Gboro, a suburb of the town, where 14 churches were set ablaze by rampaging Muslim youths in December of the same year. And, nationally, we have seen the efforts made by the Fulani elite to recover grounds it perceived to have lost since President Olusegun Obasanjo came into power and his alleged attempts to isolate them. Chief among these is the introduction and promotion of the Sharia. Sharia amounts to clearing the deck for an aggressive reassertion of Islam as the chief agent of cultural unity in the Fulani-ruled Muslim North, in particular, and the whole Muslim North, in general. A careful reading of the Weekly Trust and Daily Trust reports will reveal an attempt to portray the Ilorin conflict as one between Islam and ‘Idolatry’. The following quotes should suffice: "The Ilorin Emirate Chief Forum through its secretary general, Alhaji Salihu Woru Mohammed, responded to Gani Admas threat (sic). The Forum, in a statement, said Ilorin was founded and envisioned to be a bastion of Islam, and that the emir of Ilorin symbolize (sic) the Islamic identity of all Ilorin people, including members of the Afonja family who he said have produced great Islamic scholars. To attempt the unattainable ambition to revert Ilorin to Egungun or idol worshippers is not only an insult but a blasphemy The appellation Emir simply means leader of the faithful. The ruler of Ilorin is different from Obas who are custodians of Ifa, Sanga, Agemo, etc, the statement said." (Weekly Trust, July 13-19, 2001, Afenifere vs. Arewa: The battle for Ilorin.) In Ilorin, most of the Yorubas name their quarters by the towns their forefathers fled from. Such names as Ile Oyo, Ile Osogbo, Ile Ijesha, Ile Egba and so on are common. The Ajia Ijesha, the traditional title holders representing the Ihesha people who hailed from the present Osun State (specifically from Chief Bola Igbe’s (sic) Yoruba sub-group) is historically the closest person to the emir. It is said that he is one of the few people who have direct access to the emir’s bedroom. This fact is founded on a tradition which has it that the Ijesha Muslim warriors were some of the most passionate defenders of Islam during the Jihad. It is unlikely that these Yoruba elements will submit themselves to the rule of an Oba – an institution they detest as a reminder of their idolatrous past." (WEEKLY TRUST JULY 20-27, 2001 Emirate System: Position of Yorubas in Ilorin – An Editorial Analysis) (Underlines for emphasis). When the Ilorin Emirate Chief Forum describes Obas as custodians of Ifa, Sango, Agemo etc, it implicitly implies that Alhaji Lamidi Adeyemi, the Alaafin of Oyo, Alhaji Oyewale Matanmi, Ataojo of Oshogbo, and Alhaji Sikiru Adetona, the Awujale of Ijebuland, frontline traditional rulers and Muslim leaders in Yorubaland, are not good Muslims. It also shows the opinion the chiefs have of the Oloffa of Offa, who is the vice-chairman of Jawarul Islam in Kwara State (Sulu-Gambari is chairman). It is safe to infer that only Fulanis could be emirs, Leaders of the Faithful, in the reasoning of the Fulani traditional power establishment, because they are the only good Muslims in the emirates. One hopes non-Fulani Muslims in Bida, Kontagora, Kano etc. are listening. It could come to it that Nupes and Hausas might demand to be made emirs in the future and they would be told that Nupe and Hausa chiefs are custodians of ‘idolatry’. It must be remembered that the great Muslim scholars from Ilorin in recent decades are mostly Yorubas. Prominent among these are the late Sheikh Adam El-Ilori, founder of Markazz Islamic Centre, Agege-Lagos, and Sheikh Kamaldeen Al-Adabiy, who founded the Ansar Islam Society of Nigeria. Sheikh El-Ilori was a critic of the Fulani trado-religious establishment during his lifetime. The Afonja family, which is at the forefront of the struggle against Fulani supremacy in Ilorin, is a Muslim one, and historically, the struggle has been carried out by Muslim Yorubas. It may be recalled that Abdulsalami, who established the Ilorin emirate in 1824, when he violently overthrew Afonja as ruler of the town, faced the greatest resistance in Oke Suna, a Yoruba Muslim settlement, which he destroyed after his victory. Oke Imale, another quarter inhabited by Yoruba Muslims, rebelled against Emir Momo which led to his death in 1895. The quarter also played a prominent role in the popular resistance to Momo’s successor, Emir Suleiman. (Samuel Johnson, The History of the Yorubas) Why then should an Afonja after becoming an Oba in Ilorin turn to ‘idolatry’? In the frequent mention of ‘idolatry’ lies the danger of a possible genocide against Yorubas in the North especially at a time when Islam is experiencing a renewed fervency in the region. The campaign seeks to create a moral climate permissive of violent attacks on Yorubas because of a possible perception of their collective threat to the spiritual wellbeing of Muslims. It wouldn’t matter that most of the would-be victims could be Muslims like the would-be perpetrators. The recent threat of the Supreme Council for Sharia in Nigeria (its president, Dr. Ibrahim Dati Ahmad, is a Fulani) to avenge the killing of some northerners in last year's violent clashes between some Yoruba and Hausa youths in Lagos is an evidence of the end to which the Fulani elite could put Islam. The battle for Ilorin could eventually end up marking the beginning of the end of the Fulani traditional supremacy. Yorubas in the North, however, could suffer a full-scale backlash in the event of the agitation turning violent. The magnitude of this possible outcome seems to be lost on many protagonists of the Yoruba cause in the matter, hence, their feeble and uncoordinated actions. Perhaps the unconscious helpers of the anti-Yoruba campaign in the North are some Yoruba agitators who make statements which betray a lack of clear appreciation of the enormity of the cause they are championing. The basic struggle of Ilorin Yorubas is for a legal recognition of Yoruba traditional authority in the town. The clamour for the merger of Yorubas in Central Nigeria with their kins in the Southwest or for the creation of an Oya state plays into the hands of their Fulani opponents who seek to portray the Ilorin issue as an attempt to diminish the territorial influence of the North. Even if there were a sovereign Yoruba nation, it would be impossible to have all Yorubas within its borders. Ethnic Germans are native to Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Belgium and Luxembourg. French people can be found in France, Luxembourg and Belgium, to name a few examples. Yorubas in Kwara and Kogi will always belong to the geographical North and should play an important role in the politics of the Middle Belt. The anti-Yoruba campaign, employing the phantom danger of an OPC invasion of Ilorin, mounted by Saraki and the Arewa Consultative Forum, employs ‘North’ as the rallying point in a deceptive bid to portray the conflict as one between Yorubas (or the Southwest) and the North. What Ilorin shows is that Yoruba intellectuals are not actively involved in advocating the interests of their people. And there is today an historic opportunity in Nigeria to effect fundamental changes peacefully. The time has come, therefore, for our intellectuals to act. If the most endowed section of the population doesn’t get involved in this momentous quest for redemption, the fray will be left to unenlightened actors whose actions we must all answer for. Our intellectuals need to strengthen our people and confirm them in the justice of the cause of regional autonomy. Fulani traditional supremacy will continue to constitute a source of hindrance to national unity and progress in Nigeria. To preserve their privileged status, Fulani elite will always encourage radical Islam in the Muslim North, and to bond with the rest of the region, according to classic method of creating commonality—unite distinct peoples by identifying a common enemy–will continue to pitch the two major regions of the country against each other. There has to be a process of reinterpreting Islam in such a way as to cause a greater sense of cultural self-confidence among Ilorin Yorubas. For example, Muslim prayers in traditional Mosques in the city contain the names of, among others, Othman dan Fodio, Shehu Alimi and some other past Fulani scholars and emirs, as interceding instances (patron saints) "for the glory or rank which they possess in the eyes of God" (Stefan Reichmuth). This concept is also said to be found in Hausa Islamic literature and it explains the alleged abject political submissiveness of non-Fulanis said to prevail in Fulani-ruled domains. In general, a new paradigm in ethno-nationalism in Nigeria must stress the cultural and historical links between peoples of South Nigeria and their Northern compatriots, Yorubas and Edos with Igalas and Kanuris, for example. Just like Fulani politicians, intellectuals and journalists would like to sensitise Yorubaland to its religious differences, the Fulani ‘singular identity’ must be located and essentialised in our politics. ‘Hausa/Fulani’ is a culturally constructed ethnic identity to serve the political interests of the Fulanis and this should be systematically contested and resisted. The establishment of an equitable relationship of democratic power in Nigeria is contingent upon curtailing the influence of the Fulani establishment in our polity. Lest I forget: Who owns Kano? Does anybody know? ----------------------- Femi Awoniyi is a journalist and he lives in Speyer, Germany August, 2001 |
more evidence
|
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 ... 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 (of 134 pages)
