Na wa o!

'Change' has 'Swept' the Nation!!!

Reports from NN24 say David Mark is losing badly!

Thursday, 07 April 2011 00:00

http://www.dailytrust.dailytrust.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=16267:jonathan-meets-30-parties-excludes-acn-cpc-anpp&catid=2:lead-stories&Itemid=8

President Goodluck Jonathan and leaders of the People‘s Democratic Party (PDP) yesterday met with the leadership of over 40 opposition political parties ahead of Saturday’s rescheduled National Assembly elections and sought their support during the election, especially if INEC fails to live up to expectations. The meeting, which was held at the Legacy House between 11am and 1pm, however, excluded some of the foremost opposition parties including the Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) and Labour Party. It was also attended by Vice President Mohammed Namadi Sambo, acting national chairman of the PDP Dr. Bello Haliru, members of the National Working Committee and some party chieftains including Alhaji Bamanga Tukur.


After the Legacy House session, the opposition politicians retired to Denise Hotel in Wuse Area of Abuja where they met and shared some logistics. When Daily Trust visited the hotel at 7pm, the meeting was not over but few participants, who refused to talk to the press, were sighted streaming out of the hotel with some consignments.

Sources at the meeting said the PDP leaders expressed disappointment at the behaviour of the leadership of the Inter Party Advisory Council (IPAC) which is why it resorted to dealing with the parties directly to establish some level of understanding in the weeks ahead. IPAC had recently expressed support for INEC and called for understanding from Nigerians.

The source, however said “we understand they want us to help them cause confusion during the election but some of us are not ready to go along, God knows that,” he said, stressing that the party leaders were cautious because they did not trust some of those at the meeting.

When asked whether the CPC had received any invitation, National Secretary of the party Buba Galadima said though he was aware of the meeting, he was not expecting an invitation in the first place.

“You should know that Jonathan cannot invite CPC for any attempt that will sabotage democracy. It is true today (Wednesday) he invited some political parties around 11am. Jonathan, Namadi and PDP chairman Dr. Bello Muhammad, invited all the political parties, those registered by PDP, not opposition parties, seeking for their support in crippling democracy in Nigeria,” Galadima said.

However, running mate of the National Conscience Party presidential candidate, Dr Yunus Tanko, who spoke to Daily Trust on phone, said the PDP leaders sought the support of the opposition parties in mobilising people to come out in all the elections in the next three weeks. He said the parties will address a joint press conference today to call on voters not to be discouraged by last week’s unfortunate postponement of the National Assembly polls. He however denied knowledge of any move to get the parties stand up against INEC Chairman Prof. Attahiru Jega, saying his party had already expressed support to INEC.

Lol! at the Dizzy Girl post

Would the GEJ supporters pls just state their preference and stop trying to de-market Buhari??

You guys are spoiling the flow of the thread!!

Looks like they are not expecting GEJ in the new Govt!

There are indications that the CPC presidential candidate wants todays elections merged with the Presidential elections due for the 9th of April - Christian Purefoy, CNN

http://www.punchng.com/Articl.aspx?theartic=Art201104011564117

Political parties and individuals hoping to use telephone text messages to check electoral malpractices or relate on other election matters may be in for a shock as strong indications emerged on Thursday that the services of GSM operators might be restricted on election days (April 2, 9 and 16).


Our correspondent learnt that it was the thinking of the Federal Government that mobile telephone calls and text messages on the general elections should be restricted during the polls.


Sources said that government’s fears over possible abuse of mobile telephones on the days of the polls informed a meeting between security chiefs and the GSM operators in Abuja recently.


The meeting, which was at the behest of the Nigerian Communications Commission, deliberated on how to contain the possible spread of unverified results or other messages capable of increasing tension during the elections.


An integrated network of security for the elections, according to our source, was constituted by the security chiefs drawn from the military, the Police, the State Security Service and the office of the National Security Adviser.


The National Council of State had on Wednesday okayed the deployment of military on the streets to deal with thugs and other miscreants who might want to breach public peace during the elections.


The Executive Vice-Chairman, NCC, Dr. Eugene Juwah, confirmed THE PUNCH findings on Thursday in Abuja, during an interactive session the Minister of Information and Communications, Mr. Labaran Maku, had with journalists on the general elections.


“The NCC and security chiefs have already invited network operators and, as we are talking, measures are being put in place. The networks are so large and connected to the international community. These things (unwholesome text messages) cannot be stopped overnight,” Juwah said.


He assured that something was being done, but warned that telephone or text exchanges might be difficult to control.


Earlier, Maku, had expressed the displeasure of the government over the circulation of what he described as “unwholesome messages” through the mobile networks and, therefore, asked the NCC, the industry regulator to check the menace.


He said journalists and the GSM networks could constitute greater danger to the electoral process than religious fundamentalists.


The NSA, Gen. Owoye Azazi, had on Wednesday in Abuja expressed similar concerns on the reportage of the elections in an interactive session with the media. He urged that “national interest” should be above other considerations.


Maku, therefore, warned foreign journalists that had been accredited to cover the elections against picking their stories from local newspapers that he accused of aligning themselves with different political interests in the country.


The minister said, “In every election, security agents estimate threats that can be a problem to the election. There are no known threats that can disrupt the nation’s election.


“We have isolated cases of religious fundamentalism in Borno State, but there is no threat to the elections. The parties have concluded their campaigns in these places without any incidence.


“In fact, the only threat we fear is sensational reporting. If reports go wrong, they can threaten an election. A fundamentalist can disrupt election in one place but a reporter can disrupt election in the whole country.


“I am worried by the role played so far by telecommunications networks. Attacks are carried out daily through the networks without control. The NCC should meet with the heads of telecoms companies.”


An information technology expert who spoke with our correspondent confirmed that the GSM operators have the ‘functionality’ to restrict text messages or calls through their networks.


According to him, a ‘functionality’ such as text messaging can just be switched off.


“When that is done, it will affect everybody on the network. However, it can also be done on selective basis. Networks also have the capacity to screen text messages before allowing them to go to the recipients. However, these must be for numbers that are already on the watch of security agents,” he said.


The expert, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, said blanket restriction would amount to taking actions that are only common in police states.


He added that because of competition, private operators were not likely to agree to such a measure since it had the capacity of limiting customers on their networks.


Apart from text messaging originating from mobile phones, advancement in information technology has made it possible for subscribers to originate and send messages to mobile phones through the Internet.


Sending text messages through the Internet could be cheaper and more convenient since bulk messages can be sent to hundreds and thousands of recipients simultaneously and even anonymously.


The Federal Government had in recent times been worried over the rising rate of technology-assisted crimes in the country.


Only on Monday, the NCC inaugurated the registration of Subscriber Identity Module cards and set a deadline of September 28 for the exercise to be completed.


The rationale is that if the owner of each SIM card in the country is known, it would be easy to trace any crime committed with the aid of a phone to a person.


THE PUNCH had recently reported that a total of 114.63m telecommunications lines had been connected as at the end of January, confirming the huge potential of the Nigerian telecommunications network as asserted by the NCC boss.


However, the total number of active lines, including mobile and fixed lines, by the end of January stood at 89.84 million.


In segmented terms, the number of connected GSM lines by the end of January stood at 96,547,864 lines, while active lines stood at 82,618,510.


The number of connected mobile lines offered by Code Division Multiple Access operators stood at 12,338,686, while active lines stood at 6,186,442. Out of a total of 2,741,983 fixed lines that were connected, 1,035,391 were active.


With the ubiquity of mobile phones and users, observers of the general elections say it would be easy for everyone at each polling booth to broadcast the result of the centre without having to wait for INEC to collate all the results.


The National Broadcasting Commission had warned recently that it was wrong for anyone to announce election result without a final word from INEC.

How do you delete a nairaland account with all its posts?

Democracy is about what the people want!

The people wanted the debate

Its not about the TV stations, its about the people!

----Oh, and the people are talking, and come April 2011, THE PEOPLE WILL BE VOTING

Buhari can clean out the criminals and fix credible pple in relevant places. Let him fix the young turks but as it stands, only he has the balls to do any fixing, and that is the starting point for recovering Nigeria.

@ Karl Max

Pls match the candidates words at the debate to their actions and achievements for Nigeria so far. I think that will give a balanced assessment, and I think Buhari has most to show. Pls be objective.

Aisha abeg charge ya laptop battery quick, before e go be technical knock out!!!

It would take all of 4yrs to clean up PDP's mess. He can do it!

@Rossike

Don't you mean all Mo'Hits polls??

I am not surprised that Ribadu gave thorough answers to the Power question, afterall he was part and parcel of Obasanjo's inner caucus so he definitely knows the gritty on Power. What Kadaira should have asked him is 'Where is the Money?' Maybe we would've heard 'Third Term'!!!

Buhari brought Shekarau from lecturing into politics via ANPP and pushed him for Governor of Kano state!

Buhari I believe can do the same for the Country's various slots be it Minister or Heads of Parastatals. The General has a trained eye and if Shekarau is a product of his, he has my vote!

fried-rice:

right before my ears, jonathan described Job security as Speaking to Dbanj"Assuming you r'e doing your job on stage, performing and we start hearing Gun shots outside, there need to be security from such situation as you perform. . . . . ."  

@fried rice

You are joking right?? Pls post the transcript from the whole interview W-H-A-T??

I'm curious, where did the money to build refineries come from? Answers anyone?? A bit of enlightening history won't hurt pls

If General Obasanjo, why not General Buhari?
By Duro Onabule (duroonabule@gmail.com)
Friday, March 18, 2011


If I were the average Nigerian, (without being immodest) I would not be writing today in stout defence of General Muhammadu Buhari, former head of state, who is under seemingly well-co-ordinated criticisms for no other reason than exercising his constitutional and political right of seeking elective public office. The major charge against General Buhari is that during his tenure, he violated human rights.

Well, I was a victim of that charge because I was detained more than ten times usually over week-ends from Friday till Monday or Tuesday. My longest detention was for a fortnight for criticisms in my column in the defunct National Concord or for critical editorials of the paper which mostly I did not even write but had to take the responsibility as the editor. My experiences in detention at Awolowo Road NSO camp were traumatic and yet educative enough that General Buhari (or anybody in his position) could never know or approve what was being done in the name of government. So I never held it against General Buhari.

Military rule anywhere in the world is an emergency which is not a tea party. Even in a democratic set up and in a supposed civilised society, human rights are suspended to deal with a prevailing unusual situation. Just two examples. Following the declaration of emergency in the defunct western region, the administrator, Dr. Koye Majekodunmi clamped the star performers led by Chief Obafemi Awolowo and Chief S. L. Akintola into detention disguised as restriction. Also, rather than tolerate anarchy, the British government sent the feuding Irish (either as insurgents or belligerents) into long detention without trial and dignified the apparent violation of human rights as internment, a policy which operated for many years.

Then, there was this incident which should now be judged on its merit. As the story went, in the build-up to December 1983 military coup, a certain Major Bamidele picked up the information and as a loyal officer, promptly reported to his General Officer Commanding (GOC) Third Division, Major General Muhammadu Buhari, who, as a precautionary measure, sent the poor officer (Bamidele) into guard room. When the coup eventually took place, General Buhari emerged head of state.

It was a renewed era of retirement/dismissals in the armed forces and public service. Among those listed for retirement if not dismissal was the same Major Bamidele obviously because of the “stain” of detention on his service record without knowing or bothering to know the origin of that stain. But General Buhari owned up as the cause of Major Bamidele’s problem, or at least that was the implication of General Buhari’s gesture in deleting the officer’s name from those to be removed from the army. Such courageous and humane gesture could not have come from a devil General Buhari as he is now being wrongly portrayed to be.

When therefore I met President Ibrahim Babangida at Dodan Barracks on September 9, 1985 at his request with the offer of being his Chief Press Secretary, one of my suggestions to IBB on the spot was that nothing should happen to Generals Buhari and (the late) Tunde Idiagbon, an assurance which I obtained.
Then, eight years ago, the same charges currently being levelled against General Buhari were similarly levelled against General Olusegun Obasanjo in a desperate attempt to frustrate his constitutional right of aspiring to the leadership of this country. But I almost all alone (on the pages of National Concord) defended Obasanjo. I never foresaw that General Buhari would ever face the same fire. By the way, the very same people who fiercely opposed Obasanjo eight years ago are the choir boys around him today.

Hence, close examination of the charges against General Buhari will show that the man simply took a cue from his military commanders-in-chief and civilian prime minister. One of such commanders-in-chief was General Obasanjo and if despite such charges, the same Obasanjo exercised his right under the Constitution to contest presidential elections in 1999, why should General Buhari not exercise the same constitutional right to aspire to the Presidency?
By the way, we should stop deceiving ourselves with this “Chief” title when addressing President Obasanjo. A military general should be proud of his professional career. Hence, there were General Eisenhower (American), General De Gaulle (French), General Juan Peron (Argentinian), General Moshe Dayan (Israel), General Sharon (also Israel) etc.

We are therefore discussing Nigerian military generals who preceded General Buhari as Nigerian leaders.
General Buhari’s strength (some would call it weakness) is his bluntness which of all people, South West politicians should even appreciate compared to the trap, if not betrayal, which earned them (South West politicians) the political massacre of 2003. Buhari said he would tamper with the press.
We (journalists) therefore knew the risk we were taking. Hence I was detained many times, while Tunde Thompson and Nduka Irabor were jailed with a retroactive law. But did Buhari or the army introduce retroactive legislation into governance in Nigeria or was Buhari the first head of state to tamper with the press?

May the late prime minister Tafawa Balewa continue to rest in peace. The Federal Government in 1964 hurriedly amended the newspaper law stipulating six months jail for publishing “rumour” even if true, a desperate measure to curb the guts of the media especially in view of the prolonged tension generated by the 1962 political crisis in the Action Group/West regional government. (“Even a minister grumbles,” i.e. against corruption), editor of the defunct Sunday Express, the late Dapo Fatogun, was jailed for six months. Later, editor of Nigerian Tribune, the late Ayo Ojewunmi, was also jailed for six months.

After the army struck in January 1966, General Aguiyi Ironsi clamped the editor of defunct DRUM magazine, the late Nelson Ottah, into detention quite rightly, for publishing a cartoon which further injured the feelings of a section of the country on the fatal casualties of the January 1966 unsuccessful mutiny. Neither General Ironsi nor his successor General Yakubu Gowon threatened to tamper with the press. But Gowon’s regime stopped publication of the Daily Times group for ten days and clamped Alhaji Babatunde Jose, Chairman/Managing Director, Henry Odukomaya, editor of Daily Times and some others into detention without trial. Their offence? Imminent publication of the autopsy report on the unsolved murder of Chief Medical Adviser, Federal Ministry of Health, Dr Ademola, younger brother of Nigeria’s then Chief Justice Adetokunbo Ademola.

Dr Ademola’s mysterious murder at his Ikoyi residence was (as usual in Nigeria) linked to the impending medical report of the cause of the death in a helicopter crash, of the then Chief of Air Staff, Colonel Alao. Within his short tenure of six months, the late General Murtala Mohammed also got university lecturer, the late George Ohombamu arraigned in a Lagos Court for false publication of his (Murtala Mohammed’s) alleged personal assets. Then General Obasanjo, as military ruler, tampered with the publication of NEWBREED magazine.

If all these happened under General Buhari’s former commanders-in-chief and did not count against General Obasanjo’s return to public office, why should Buhari be singled out for unfair demolition exercise? What is more, the situation was not different under Buhari’s military and (supposedly) civilian successors.
President Babangida’s regime proscribed Newswatch magazine, closed down the Concord, Punch newspapers. General Abacha’s administration had the distinction of opening and closing the same Concord newspapers. President Obasanjo’s civilian regime should therefore have had a better record rather than laughably querying General Buhari’s claim to democracy. Otherwise, why was AIT transmission house shut down? Was the station of Freedom Radio in Kano not closed down? Only lately too were journalists at two Abuja-based publications harrassed by security operatives.

It was of course wrong of the Buhari administration to have detained ex-President Shehu Shagari in a house while Vice President Alex Ekwueme was detained at Kirikiri prison both in Lagos. For the critics, the insinuation of ethnic favour is there. We must therefore cite a similar situation. Four Nigerians were standing trial purportedly for treason. Since then, two – Dr Fasehun and Gani Adams – from President Obasanjo’s south west have regained their freedom or at least, been released on bail?

Why have the remaining two – Alhaji Asari Dokubo and MASSOB leader Uwazuruike – from eastern part of the country not regained their freedom or been released on bail? If there is any evidence implicating these two, what is holding up their trial? Nobody should be deceived that in Nigeria, bail for such high profile cases could ever be granted without the knowledge and indeed the approval of the presidency.

It was also wrong of General Buhari to have suspended two traditional rulers, Emir Ado Bayero of Kano and Oba Sijuwade of Ile-Ife. What has that got to do with Buhari’s current aspiration to the presidency? If anything, ordinary suspension of these two traditional rulers should in fact earn General Buhari commendation compared to the humiliation to which civilian leaders and military rulers before and after General Buhari subjected traditional rulers. Better put, which is milder, suspension or outright deposition? Now, holding such a charge against General Buhari wrongly created the impression that he was the first and only leader to have committed what is no more than a cultural deviance.

No such charge was made against Papa Awo in 1979 and 1983 to query his suitability to contest presidential elections? That was notwithstanding the fact that the old man’s administration in the defunct western region was the first to depose a traditional ruler Oba Adeyemi (father of the present) Alaafin of Oyo in 1954, followed in 1958 with the deposition of Olota of Ota. Northern premier, the late Ahmadu Bello followed suit by deposing Sir Muhammadu Sanusi as Emir of Kano in 1957. Premier Dennis Osadebay of the then newly-created Mid-west region deposed the reigning Oba Erejuwa, Olu of Warri in 1964.
The army was less than a year in ruling Nigeria when the second military governor of the then western region, Colonel (as he then was) Robert Adebayo deposed Olowo of Owo, Oba Olateru Olagbegi. That was under the regime of General Gowon.

Return of civilian rule in 1979 was to resume the humiliation of traditional rulers for political purposes, without realising that the new constitution not only was supreme but also instantly nullified any other law, state or federal, which conflicted with the provisions of the constitution. The most notable was the Chiefs’ Law Cap. 23 which devolved on the component south western states from the old western region. Hence, in 1981, the late Bisi Onabanjo, as Ogun State governor purported to have deposed the Awujale of Ijebuland, Oba Sikiru Adetona under the invalid Chiefs’ Law. Oba Adetona won the epic long drawn legal war to remain on the throne.

In 1982, the then civilian governor of Kano State, Abubakar Rimi, issued a query to the same Emir Ado Bayero of Kano which the latter’s loyal subjects considered an affront to warrant state-wide violent revolt with heavy casualties among whom was one of the governor’s key political advisers.
Intermittent return of military and civilian administrations did not change the situation. Under General Buhari’s regime, two traditional rulers mentioned earlier were suspended for six months each. But under the IBB regime, the then military governor of the then Gongola State, the late Colonel Yohanna Madaki deposed the Emir of Muri, gloating in the process that he (the governor) had dealt a heavy blow to feudalism (his exact words).
General Sani Abacha never saw eye to eye with Sultan Ibrahim Dasuki of Sokoto, an opportunity which the then Sokoto State military governor, Brigadier-General Muazu seized to depose the monarch.

The present Obasanjo regime has also recorded its stain in humiliating traditional rulers with the deposition of Emir Mustapha Jokolo of Gwandu by Governor Aliero of Kebbi State. With all these, how justifiable is it to cite General Buhari as being unsuitable for the presidency, merely for suspending rather than deposing traditional rulers?

Backdating any law is most unfair especially when such decision involves taking lives. Therefore, on the surface, the charge against General Buhari on the 1984 Drugs Offences Decree may appear to hold. But it depends on the circumstances. In truth, the man who committed the offence before the decree came into force, that is when the offence did not carry death penalty should have been sentenced to jail term, a position which I took in this column (then) in the National Concord. However, those who committed the drugs offence after the Decree carrying death sentence came into force deserve no sympathy. In Cuba, for example, drugs offence carries death penalty. When therefore the country’s erstwhile defence minister, General Ochoa, a fellow revolutionary was involved in drug trafficking, President Castro carried out the death sentence and replaced him with his (Castro’s) younger brother, who will most likely be the new Cuban president should Castro leave the scene.

What is more, retroactive legislation was not started by General Buhari nor by the army. Backdating of laws is as old as the first republic especially the old western region with the Chiefs’ Law to stabilise the Olubadan succession tussle between the government’s preferred candidate and his rival supported by the late Adegoke Adelabu, then uncrowned King of Ibadan politics. Adegoke Adelabu grabbed the initiative by installing his candidate. Chief Awolowo’s government was seemingly helpless amidst imminent anarchy and the determination to install the government candidate. The answer was a Chiefs’ Law making it a criminal offence punishable by long term imprisonment for anybody to install a traditional ruler except a candidate approved by the government, or for anybody to allow himself to be installed a traditional ruler without government’s approval. The law was backdated to compel both Adelabu and his candidate to give up the battle.

So, it depends on the circumstances. In that case, for peace and good governance in the land, the government of western region had to act.

To be continued

kcjazz:

I just noticed in all the campaign pictures, where are the women? 

[size=14pt]I noticed that too - it means double trouble, 'cos they're just as many and they're all gonna vote same as their men 
[/size]

Loooooool!!

I can't wait for the episode where Goodluck informs Baba Iyabo of his interview with Da Koko Master!!

PDP's Campaign Strategy for 2011

@londoner - politically mature??

Don't you mean politically heckled for the last 12yrs? Face it, a single almajiri vote is equal to a single Ph.d's vote. PDP has had 12yrs to prepare for this exam, why is the incumbent whitling away?

@recoome, how many votes can dis your 'Region' produce?

Will Dame Patience be making any live appearances?

$7k x 73 million voters = $511 trillion

Chai, dis delegates cost o no be small! Umblera go carry all so??

@ OP

Christ - 6 letters
Okotie - 6 letters
Ojukwu - 6 letters
Niboro - 6 letters
Monkey - 6 letters
Sanusi - 6 letters
Nkwobi - 6 letters
Paraga - 6 letters
So freaking wot??

Hmmmmmmmmm - Dat Ibo Gyal!!

Don't forget the upside-down umbrera above GEJ's head!

With pals like IBB, Anenih, Akala, Obj, et al there is serious reason to pray!!

Beaf:

At least she wasn't campaigning in Igbo or Ijaw like Buhari is campaigning in Hausa. Thats the difference.
As for gloating, Buhari will be there again in 2015 stretching out his everlasting failed runs to a record. lol

Is Um-bre-bra not Ijaw?